GIFT  OF 
SEELET  W.  MUDD 

and 

GEORGE  I.  COCHRAN     METER  ELSASSER 
DR.  JOHN  R.  HATNES    WILLIAM  L.  HONNOLD 
JAMES  R.  MARTIN         MRS.  JOSEPH  F.  SARTORI 

to  tin 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
SOUTHERN  BRANCH 


JOHN  FISKE 


This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 


life 


Form  L-9—  15m 


70 


_ 





Southern  Branch 
of  the 

University  of  California 


Los  Angeles 


Form  L  I 


THE  LIFE  AOT)  WORK 


OF 


FREDERIC    THOMAS    GREENHALGE. 


"  Thus  fell  Pyrrhus  from  his  Italian  and  Sicilian  hopes" 


THE 


LIFE  AND  WORK 


OP 


FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE 


(Kofornor  of  JHassarijusetts 


BY 


JAMES    ERNEST    NESMITH 


BOSTON 

ROBERTS    BROTHERS 
1897 


c\  „")  "-"*/> 

c?  y  D  ..)  0 


Copyright,  1897, 
BY  ROBERTS  BROTHERS. 


JOHN  WILSON  AMD  SON,  CAMBBIDOE,  U.S.A. 


F 

10 


TO 

Uepufilican  $artg  of  £Ka0sarfjttsett2, 

TO  WHOSE  GENEROUS  AND  ENTHUSIASTIC   SUPPORT   GOVERNOR  GREENUALGE 

OWED  THE  EXALTED  POSITION  HE  OCCUPIED  WHEN  HE    DIED,  AND 

ALL  THE  POLITICAL  HONORS  THAT  CAME  TO  HIM  IN  LIFE, 

THIS  BOOK  is  DEDICATED  BY  THE  AUTHOR, 

JAMES  ERNEST  NESMITH. 


PREFACE. 


THE  author  has  been  influenced  in  the  preparation  of  this 
book  by  a  belief  that  the  story  of  the  life  and  work  of  the 
late  Governor  Greenhalge  would  prove  valuable  and  interesting 
to  a  wide  circle  of  readers,  by  the  expressed  desire  for  such  a 
work  on  the  part  of  many  of  Governor  Greenhalge 's  political 
and  personal  friends  and  admirers,  and  by  the  not  unnatural 

•  wish  of  his  family  that  such  a  record  of  his  life  should  exist. 
flO 
^3       The  character  and  career  of  Governor  Greenhalge  are  indeed 

H  worthy  to  be  made  the  subject  of  a  biography.  They  were 
Q  equal  to  each  other,  and  deserved  the  admiration  and  interest 
•g  which  they  excited  during  his  life,  and  the  respect  which 
g|  followed  him  to  the  grave. 

There  seeming  to  be  no  other  person  prepared  to  undertake 
the  work,  the  author,  though  with  little  confidence  in  himself, 
felt  it  to  be  a  duty  incumbent  on  him  to  perform. 

The  demands  upon  the  author  in  its  preparation  have  not, 
however,  been  large ;  and  the  book  is  chiefly  the  work  of  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge  himself,  who  through  its  pages  speaks, 
though  dead,  to  the  people,  as  he  was  wont  to  address  them 
in  life. 

The  letters  written  by  Governor  Greenhalge  are  unfortu- 
nately few  in  number,  but  the  few  that  exist  are  noble  and 
characteristic  expressions  of  the  man;  those  of  the  number 
suitable  for  publication  are  contained  in  this  volume.  His 


viii  PREFACE. 

speeches  and  addresses,  on  the  contrary,  are  very  numerous; 
and,  on  account  of  their  general  excellence,  it  is  somewhat 
difficult  to  make  a  selection.  Those  included  in  the  book  are 
of  his  best,  however,  and  afford  a  good  idea  of  the  range  and 
power  of  his  oratory. 

The  life  of  Governor  Greenhalge  was  a  suggestive  life,  and 
therein  lies  its  peculiar  significance ;  it  could  not  be  written 
with  great  amplitude  of  personal  detail.  His  private  life  was 
the  ordinary  life  common  to  us  all,  and  presents  no  striking 
incidents  and  vicissitudes.  The  life  of  a  public  man  to-day 
is  also  commonly  devoid  of  exciting  contrasts,  and  is  in  a 
measure  one  of  routine. 

The  story  of  the  life  of  Governor  Greenhalge  is  necessarily 
for  the  most  part  political.  His  life,  however,  was  broader 
in  its  interests  than  is  common  with  politicians  and  states- 
men, and  touched  more  closely  the  sphere  of  literature  and 
culture,  which  gives  it  an  added  interest  and  variety. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  book  the  author  has  enjoyed  the 
co-operation  and  invaluable  assistance  of  Mrs.  Greenhalge. 
He  desires  as  well  to  extend  here  his  thanks  to  Rev.  Ithamar 
W.  Beard,  Rector  of  St  Thomas  Church,  Dover,  New  Hamp- 
shire, who  has  also  assisted  materially  in  its  composition ; 
and  to  those  other  friends  of  Governor  Greenhalge  who  have 
contributed  to  the  book  and  whose  names  appear  within  the 
volume. 

JAMES  E.  NESMITH. 

FEBRTTABY  8,  1897. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.     EARLY  LIFE  IN  ENGLAND    „ 3 

> 

II.     SCHOOLS  AND  COLLEGE  CAREER 13 

III.  EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL 37 

IV.  POET  AND  WRITER 65 

V.    LAWYER  AND  ORATOR 77 

VI.    MAYOR  OF  LOWELL 145 

VII.     CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER 179 

VIII.     GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 275 

IX.     SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE „ 325 

X.     LAST  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH 376 

POEMS .     .  391 

APPENDIX  :  A  CONFERENCE  OF  NEW  ENGLAND  GOVERNORS  .     .  427 

PRACTICAL  POLITICS 484 

INDEX  441 


PART   FIRST. 


THE  LIFE  AND  WOKE 

OF 

FKEDEEIC    THOMAS   GKEENHALGE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

EARLY  LIFE   IN  ENGLAND. 

THE  flight  of  time  in  this  age  seems  more  hurried  than  ever 
before.  Events  that  would  once  have  been  memorable  are 
quickly  forgotten.  Things  that  once  would  have  stood  long  in 
the  memories  of  men  like  an  "  altar  stone  or  ensigned  citadel " 
soon  pass  from  their  recollection.  The  eyes  of  all  are  turned 
toward  the  future  with  expectation,  and  their  thoughts  are 
engrossed  with  the  vast  activities  of  the  present. 

Life  has  become  like  a  battle-field  where  the  living  still  press 
on,  recalled  from  their  pity  of  the  fallen  by  the  stern  necessi- 
ties of  war.  There  is  a  greater  need  than  ever,  therefore,  that 
the  memories  of  vanished  greatness  should  be  kept  alive  among 
us  by  sculptured  bust  or  published  memoirs,  that  so  what  has 
perished  from  the  earth  may  still  be  honored  there  and  the 
good  that  men  do  live  after  them. 

Frederic  Thomas  Greenhalge,  the  subject  of  the  succeeding 
biographical  sketch,  is  not  numbered  with  those  who  have  died 
in  the  ripeness  of  their  age,  who  have  reached  the  full  height 
of  their  reputation  after  the  exhaustion  of  all  their  powers  and 
the  accomplishment  of  all  their  purposes ;  nor  is  he  included 
with  those  who,  though  cut  off  while  yet  young,  have  seemed 


4  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

to  leave  no  broken  promises  behind  them,  whose  lives  seem  yet 
complete  by  the  attainment  of  their  ambition  and  the  fulness 
of  their  works. 

The  life  of  Greenhalge  was  a  broken  life  in  so  far  as  the 
great  things  he  accomplished  were  full  of  promise  of  yet 
greater  things  that  he  might  have  done  in  the  future.  The 
reputation  so  honorably  won  in  the  last  years  of  his  life  would 
have  brought  him  a  larger  sphere  of  action,  and  in  the  nation's 
council  he  would  have  found  again  the  opportunity  of  distinc- 
tion and  raised  himself  still  higher  in  the  realm  of  national 
politics. 

But  his  life  was  complete  in  so  much  as  the  man  himself 
stood  at  the  height  of  his  power  and  genius ;  he  had  reached 
his  full  intellectual  stature  and  the  maturity  of  his  mind.  His 
equipment  would  never  have  been  better  for  action  in  the 
arena  of  public  life ;  his  mental  grasp  would  never  have  been 
firmer,  nor  his  taste  in  literature  more  sound.  But  the  silver 
cord  is  loosed,  and  the  golden  bowl  is  broken.  He  went  to  the 
grave  in  his  prime,  leaving  his  high  office  vacant,  lamented  by 
thousands  who  knew  him  only  in  the  full  vigor  of  his  man- 
hood. There  is  no  shadow  on  his  memory,  no  stain  on  his 
official  life,  no  hint  of  decay  in  the  vision  of  intellectual  force 
which  he  has  left  behind  him.  His  was  the  sun  of  Austerlitz 
even  in  its  setting,  and  he  fell  like  a  warrior  snatched  from  the 
car  of  victory. 

This  were  an  enviable  fate  could  we  but  still  our  deep  regret 
for  the  unaccomplished  good,  the  broken  promises,  the  high 
ambitions  unfulfilled,  and  the  sad  breaking  of  our  hopes  in- 
volved in  such  a  sudden  and  unlooked-for  death. 

It  does  not  matter  so  much  where  a  man  is  born  ;  it  is  of 
more  importance  where  he  is  trained  in  youth  and  grows  up  to 
manhood,  —  where  his  character  is  formed  and  the  national 
habits  fixed.  "  As  the  sapling  is  bent,  so  will  it  grow."  Our 
education  shapes  us,  and  the  associations  of  our  youth  are  of 
more  importance  than  our  hereditary  bias.  Greenhalge  grew 
up  a  true  American  ;  no  truer  ever  lived.  The  national  char- 
acter was  evident  in  all  he  ever  did  and  thought.  He  was  a 
perfect  embodiment  of  American  ideas,  of  American  vigor  and 
liberalism ;  a  thorough  democrat  by  instinct  and  education,  a 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  ENGLAND.  5 

natural  republican ;  a  leader  of  men  where  men  are  most  ad- 
vanced, most  enfranchised,  and  most  progressive. 

Greenhalge  was  born,  however,  in  Clitheroe,  Lancashire, 
England,  on  the  19th  of  July,  1843,  the  son  of  William 
Greenhalgh,  who  removed  with  his  family  to  America  when 
the  subject  of  this  memoir  was  twelve  years  of  age,  and  set- 
tled in  Lowell,  Massachusetts,  where  the  family  have  since 
lived.  We  call  him  fortunate  in  being  transplanted  to  these 
shores,  this  land  of  liberalism,  opportunity,  and  unlimited 
resource.  Fortunate,  too,  is  the  country  which  attracts  such 
emigrants,  whose  opportunities  are  so  great  that  intrepid 
spirits  everywhere  are  drawn  to  it  as  by  a  magnet,  and  become 
its  pioneers  and  workers;  where  liberty  is  so  bright  and 
shining  a  light  that  the  untrammeled  spirits  of  men  every- 
where hail  it  with  delight  and  seek  it  from  afar.  This  nation, 
which  is  the  bearer  of  good  tidings  to  the  powers  and  princi- 
palities of  the  earth,  reaps  a  precious  harvest  of  men  from  the 
old  world,  though  there  is  much  chaff  mixed  with  the  grain, — 
many  feeble  helpers  joined  with  the  active  workers. 

The  ocean  that  has  brought  us  some  drones  has  robbed  ^Europe 
of  many  glorious  spirits  since  Hampden  and  Cromwell  so 
nearly  turned  their  backs  on  England  and  their  faces  toward 
this  new  world.  England  has  been  ransacked  to  supply  the 
new  world  with  warriors  and  statesmen.  She  used  to  rifle  our 
ships  for  sailors,  but  the  golden  stream  of  emigration  has 
robbed  her  of  her  choicest  sons.  Our  tribute  has  been  heavy 
upon  her,  and  our  debt  to  her  untold.  Exiles  by  choice,  and 
not,  like  Themistocles,  driven  forth  by  edicts  and  laws,  the 
proud  spirits  of  England  flocked  to  these  shores,  inspired  by 
ambition  and  love  of  liberty,  neither  influenced  by  fear  nor 
compelled  by  want.  No  new  land  was  ever  settled  by  more 
haughty  emigrants  than  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  —  the  equals  in 
pride  in  a  good  sense  of  Cortez  and  Pizarro,  their  proud  Eng- 
lish spirit  intensified  by  religious  fervor  and  exclusiveness. 

England  still  contributes  some  of  the  best  of  our  citizens, 
and  to  this  class  belonged  the  Greenhalgh  family.  Clitheroe, 
their  old  home,  is  in  Lancashire,  which  has  become  the  great 
industrial  county  of  England,  and  has  suffered  more  than  any 
other  that  partial  eclipse  of  beauty  and  purity  which  has 


6  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

excited  the  eloquent  philippics  of  Euskin.  Yet  the  loveliness 
of  England,  even  of  Lancashire,  cannot  be  destroyed.  We  like 
to  link  the  hero  of  this  book,  even  in  infancy  and  remotely, 
with  these  old  forms  of  beauty,  with  rural  England.  There 
was  a  natural  delicacy  and  a  vein  of  poetic  feeling  in  his  char- 
acter that  would  seem  to  have  rightly  sprung  from  such  influ- 
ences ;  his  love  for  nature  was  always  strong  and  real,  a  grand 
basis  for  character,  and  the  ornament  of  the  most  distinguished 
minds,  —  especially  strong  and  true  in  the  case  of  men  who 
once  were  boys  in  the  country.  Many  of  the  world's  great 
men  have  sprung  from  the  farm.  This  was  not  a  fact  in  the 
life  of  Greenhalge ;  he  never  dwelt  upon  a  farm,  yet  his  asso- 
ciations with  nature  were  always  intimate,  and  his  home  was 
never  far  removed  from  her  confines. 

To  the  writer  of  these  lines  Greenhalge  always  seemed  a 
great  man,  perhaps  greater  than  he  was ;  fitted  by  nature  to  be 
a  leader  of  great  masses  of  men  along  the  paths  of  peace,  —  men 
civilized,  indeed,  the  men  of  New  England  and  the  citizens  of 
free  America.  I  shall  freely  point  out,  therefore,  what  to  me 
appeared  the  grand  character  of  his  heart  and  brain,  without 
the  fear  of  contradiction,  without  fear  that  my  language  should 
be  called  too  glowing,  or  the  praise  be  termed  too  high. 

The  sons  of  great  men  are  seldom  distinguished  themselves, 
but  the  characters  of  eminent  persons  are  almost  invariably 
traced  in  their  ancestors.  Great  men  are  found  usually  to 
have  had  good  mothers.  Greenhalge  was  fortunate  in  both 
his  parents.  The  name  is  that  of  an  old  Lancashire  family. 
The  ruins  of  Greenhalgh  Castle  still  stand  in  that  shire, 
raised  by  the  first  Earl  of  Derby,  and  destroyed  after  a  siege 
in  consequence  of  an  Act  of  Parliament  in  the  civil  wars 
in  1644.  The  name  is  peculiar  and  somewhat  difficult,  and 
the  last  letter  was  changed  from  h  to  e,  to  simplify  it,  by  Mr. 
Greenhalge.  It  is  not  a  common  name  in  America,  and  few 
apparently  who  have  borne  it  have  settled  here.  There  is  a 
family  who  bear  it  located  in  Maine.  A  certain  Captain 
Greenhalgh  is  mentioned  in  one  of  Parkman's  histories,  of 
which  personage  the  author  has  learned  nothing  more.  He 
seems,  however,  to  have  been  a  man  of  some  note  in  our  early 
colonial  times.  In  Lancashire  the  name  is  well  known. 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  ENGLAND.  1 

Perhaps  the  most  prominent  person  who  has  borne  it  was 
Captain  John  Greenhalgh,  son  and  heir  of  Thomas  Greenhalgh, 
Esq.,  of  Brandlesome  Hall.  This  worthy  was  Governor  of 
the  Isle  of  Man  from  1640  to  1651,  appointed  to  that  post 
by  the  great  Earl  of  Derby,  who  perished  on  the  scaffold 
at  Bolton,  in  1651.  Captain  Greenhalgh,  a  bold  and  daring 
soldier,  was  present  with  the  brave  Earl  at  the  battles  of 
Wigan  and  Worcester;  he  died  from  wounds  received  in 
an  encounter  when  Major  Edge  made  the  Earl  a  prisoner  in 
1651.  Governor  Greenhalgh  had  a  son  Thomas.  This  son 
was  qualified  to  be  a  knight  of  the  Eoyal  Oak,  and  served  as 
High  Sheriff  of  Lancashire.  The  tombs  of  this  family  are  in 
the  chancel  of  the  Parish  Church,  Bury,  or  were  in  1872, 
before  its  renovation. 

Governor  Greenhalgh  was  a  cavalier  and  royalist;  and 
among  the  reasons  given  for  the  choice  of  him  by  the  Earl  of 
Derby  was,  "  that  he  was  of  good  estate,  and  a  gentleman, 
well  born,  and  scorned  a  base  action.  Next  he  was  a  Deputy 
Lieutenant  and  Justice  of  the  Peace  for  his  own  county ;  he 
governed  his  own  affairs  well,  and  therefore  was  the  more 
likely  to  do  mine  so.  He  had  been  approved  prudent  and 
valiant,  and  as  such  fitted  to  be  trusted,  and  he  is  that;  I 
thank  God  for  him,  and  charge  you  to  love  him  as  a  friend. " 
These  words  spoken  of  one  Governor  Greenhalgh  might  have 
been  truly  said  of  that  other  Governor  Greenhalge  whom  we 
knew  as  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts;  separated  as  they 
were  by  two  centuries,  and  distinguished  in  different  lands 
and  under  such  changed  circumstances.  "  Prudent  and  valiant, 
and  fitted  to  be  trusted, "  —  as  such  Governor  Greenhalge  was 
known  to  all  Massachusetts,  and  as  such  he  too  will  be 
remembered. 

It  would  be  fitting  indeed  if  the  chain  of  descent  should  be 
found  to  join  these  two  Governors  together  by  consanguinity 
and  family  ties.  Such  has  always  been  the  tradition  in  the 
Greenhalgh  family.  It  may  be  true,  and  is  even  exceedingly 
probable,  though  the  links  have  not  all  been  traced  which 
would  confirm  it  completely.  Greenhalge  himself  took  small 
interest  in  questions  of  this  kind,  and  never  concerned  himself 
seriously  about  his  ancestry. 


8  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

In  America  we  like  our  public  men  to  spring  from  the  cabin 
and  the  farm ;  we  never  inquire  into  their  ancestry.  America 
is  not  by  any  means  a  "  penniless  lass, "  nor  has  she  a  "  long 
pedigree. "  Her  favorites  spring  from  the  people,  and  their 
escutcheons  are  the  axe  and  the  plough.  Greenhalge  raised 
himself  to  his  high  position,  his  station  of  trust  and  authority 
in  the  Commonwealth.  He  occupied  that  station  by  right  of 
his  talents,  and  his  place  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  —  be- 
cause he  was  one  of  themselves  in  the  common  circumstances 
of  life  and  in  his  instinctive  feelings.  He  was  singularly  free 
from  prejudice,  and  even  the  natural  pride  of  intellect  was  for- 
eign to  his  nature.  He  was  not  hale  fellow  well  met  with  all 
men ;  he  possessed  a  native  reserve  of  character,  on  the  con- 
trary, and  was  the  least  self-assertive  of  men.  Yet  he  was 
loved  by  the  common  people  always,  and  well  understood  by 
them.  All  could  approach  him  on  equal  terms  as  friends 
and  comrades.  He  was  one  of  the  most  sympathetic  of  men, 
and  could  share  in  the  griefs  and  joys  of  others  naturally  and 
without  pretence.  Pretension  of  all  kinds  was  absolutely 
unknown  to  him;  he  loved  honor  and  made  himself  worthy 
of  it  by  not  coveting  it  when  it  was  possessed  by  others,  and, 
as  it  were,  holding  himself  above  it  and  never  seeking  to  gain 
it  except  by  the  most  honorable  means.  Take  him  all  in  all, 
he  seemed  born  to  be  a  great  tribune  of  the  people.  His 
active  sympathies  were  all  with  them ;  and  to  such  a  man  to 
have  sprung  from  honest  though  humble  ancestors  would  have 
been  honor  enough. 

Yet  it  is  human  nature  to  take  an  interest  in  coincidence  of 
name,  even  if  it  were  nothing  more,  and  he  showed  that  com- 
mon interest  which  we  all  have  in  tracing  out  our  ancestral 
line. 

In  the  last  weeks  of  his  life  he  was  greatly  interested  in  a 
story  published  in  an  English  magazine,  and  introducing  as 
its  chief  characters  the  Greenhalghs  of  Brandlesome.  He 
claimed,  however,  that  beside  that  branch  of  Greenhalghs 
whose  members  were  cavaliers  and  royalists,  there  was  another 
branch,  the  members  of  which  were  Puritans  and  Roundheads ; 
this  idea  suited  his  own  preferences  and  habits  of  thought, 
which  were  far  from  being  with  the  cavaliers. 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  ENGLAND.  9 

Whatever  interest  or  lack  of  interest  Greenhalge  may  have 
felt  in  his  ancestry,  for  his  father  he  had  the  greatest  respect 
and  admiration.  Some  who  knew  both  have  said  that  in  in- 
tellectual qualities  the  father  was  hardly  surpassed  by  the  son. 
He  certainly  had  remarkable  characteristics.  Some  of  his  tal- 
ents his  son  shared  but  slightly.  Greenhalgh  senior  possessed, 
for  instance,  a  remarkable  aptitude  for  the  art  of  painting. 
His  water-colors,  though  by  an  amateur,  are  good  examples  of 
the  English  school.  The  author  possesses  a  note-book  in  which 
Greenhalgh  has  written  down  many  observations  regarding  the 
mixture  of  colors  for  landscape  painting,  which  show  how 
much  he  had  reflected  upon  this  subject,  and  how  close  had 
been  his  study  of  nature.  He  was  also  always  deeply  interested 
in  literature  and  books,  and  possessed  a  truly  cultivated  mind. 
His  taste  for  literature,  however,  and  his  talent  in  this  direc- 
tion descended  to  his  son  with  increased  knowledge  and  appre- 
ciation of  the  best  and  greatest  achievements  of  the  human 
mind  which  the  world  of  literature  affords.  This  ornament  to 
lis  father's  character  was  indeed  splendidly  worn  by  the  son 
with  increased  lustre. 

It  will  not  be  necessary  to  refer  to  all  the  ancestors  of 
Greenhalge  of  whom  anything  is  known.  The  family  can  be 
traced  for  six  or  seven  generations.  The  link  which  should 
unite  the  family  with  that  of  Brandlesome  seems  to  be  lost  in 
the  person  of  one  Richard  Assheton  Greenhalge,  who  disap- 
peared and  cannot  be  traced.  The  grandfather  of  Greenhalge 
was  Thomas  Greenhalgh,  who  was  born  in  Burnley,  Lancashire, 
and  was  married  there  to  Anne  Dodson,  of  Knaseboro,  York- 
shire, at  the  age  of  twenty-one.  Of  the  seventeen  children 
of  this  union  ten  lived  to  mature  age,  four  sons  and  six 
daughters;  only  two  of  the  sons  married.  William  Green- 
halgh, the  father  of  the  Governor,  was  born  at  Clitheroe  in 
1810,  and  there  married  a  Miss  Jane  Slater  in  1840.  They 
left  a  large  family,  of  which  Governor  Greenhalge  was  the 
only  son ;  and  he  came  to  be  the  sole  male  representative  of 
his  family,  his  uncle's  children  having  died  without  heirs. 

William  Greenhalgh,  while  at  Clitheroe,  had  charge  of  the 
Primrose  Print  Works.  Frederic  Thomas  Greenhalge  was 
born  at  Clitheroe,  July  19,  1842.  Two  years  after  the  birth 


10  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

of  his  son,  William  Greenhalgh  moved  to  Eshton,  where  he 
lived  until  the  future  Governor  of  Massachusetts  was  five  years 
of  age.  William  Greenhalgh  moved  again,  in  1847,  to 
Edenfield,  an  ideal  English  village,  the  memory  of  which 
always  lingered  in  the  mind  of  Greenhalge.  There  the  most 
of  his  English  life  was  passed,  there  his  school  days  began; 
and  loving  recollections  of  his  early  home  were  cherished 
by  him  all  his  life.  He  always  liked  to  refer  to  them ;  and 
the  simple,  old-fashioned  village  of  Edenfield  remained  with 
him  in  memory  as  a  charming  example  of  English  rural 
life  and  scenery. 

England  is  indeed  a  charming  home ;  nowhere  else  is 
country  life  invested  with  a  greater  charm.  The  race  of 
Englishmen  can  never  forget  the  beauties  of  their  old  home, 
whatever  land  they  colonize.  The  educated  American  still 
remembers  the  richly  cultivated  vales  and  ancient  hamlets  of 
England  as  the  ideal  of  rural  beauty. 

At  Edenfield  Greenhalgh  senior  and  his  brother  Thomas 
became  the  proprietors  of  an  engraving  establishment.  His 
literary  tastes  led  him  to  form  a  society  with  other  gentlemen 
of  kindred  minds  for  mutual  enjoyment  and  the  study  of 
literature.  It  contained  a  number  of  valued  friends.  The 
Eev.  Nathan  Nelson,  the  rector  of  the  parish,  was  one, — an 
intimate  and  always  constant  friend.  Mr.  John  Aiken,  a 
wealthy  manufacturer,  living  on  an  estate  called  Iswell  Vale, 
was  another;  also  Mr.  Hewitts,  of  Horncliff,  another  mill- 
owner  ;  and  a  Mr.  Austin.  These  gentlemen  were  accustomed 
to  meet  at  one  another's  firesides  for  mutual  intercourse. 

In  the  meantime  the  future  Governor  of  Massachusetts 
attended  a  private  school  located  there,  and  kept  by  a  gentle- 
man named  John  Ashworth.  It  was  a  large  day  and  boarding 
school,  and  even  at  that  early  age  the  young  scholar  always 
stood  at  the  head  of  his  class.  But  the  time  came  when  the 
family  were  to  move  from  their  pleasant  home  and  the  village, 
which  is  still  remembered  with  fondness.  This  time  Green- 
halgh senior  and  his  brother  removed  to  Manchester,  where  the 
business  prospects  seemed  better.  Yet  to  go  from  this  ideal 
congenial  life  at  Edenfield  to  the  city  life  of  Manchester  was 
very  distasteful  to  the  father,  and  caused  him  many  regrets. 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  ENGLAND.  11 

While  at  Manchester,  William  Greenhalgh  received  a  call 
from  America  to  take  charge  of  the  printing  department  of  the 
Merrimack  Manufacturing  Company  of  Lowell,  Mass.,  as  suc- 
cessor to  James  Prince,  who  had  died  in  England.  This 
call  he  accepted,  and  with  his  family  sailed  from  England, 
May  16,  1855. 

Here  ends  a  brief  record  of  Greenhalge's  English  ancestry 
and  of  his  early  life  in  that  country.  He  left  there  at  the 
age  of  twelve  years,  too  young  to  have  been  much  in- 
fluenced by  his  surroundings.  It  remained  for  America  to 
form  his  character,  to  mould  his  habits  of  thought,  and  to 
develop  the  powers  of  his  intellect,  affording  him  at  the  same 
time  a  magnificent  field  for  their  encouragement  and  display. 
He  became  a  true  American  in  thought  and  in  ambition.  The 
faint  recollections  of  his  childhood  were  of  no  effect  upon  his 
character.  Henceforth  he  became  an  American  among  Ameri- 
cans. He  knew  no  other  country  save  the  great  Eepublic. 
An  American  boy,  he  grew  up  in  her  public  schools,  and 
differed  in  no  way  from  any  other  American  boy.  He  was  as 
true  an  American  as  Napoleon  was  a  Frenchman,  who  stands 
in  history  almost  as  a  personification  of  France. 

It  is  interesting,  as  bringing  into  comparison  the  two  coun- 
tries, to  consider  the  varying  fortunes  that  might  have  been 
his  had  his  life  been  passed  in  England  rather  than  in  America. 
The  opportunities  that  England  offers  to  young  men  of  brilliant 
gifts  and  political  ambition,  yet  without  influence  and  the 
advantages  of  birth  and  wealth,  are  comparatively  small. 
The  education  that  America  freely  gives  is  not  so  certain  of 
attainment  there,  and  in  its  higher  branches  becomes  still  more 
difficult  to  acquire.  Such  a  career  as  Greenhalge's  would  seem 
almost  impossible  in  any  other  land  save  ours.  His  talents 
might  have  remained  undeveloped,  his  ambition  might  have 
been  quenched  or  never  aroused.  The  very  atmosphere  of 
England  is  less  stimulating  than  ours,  although  perhaps  afford- 
ing a  stronger  support  to  continued  effort  He  would  not  have 
been  surrounded  with  such  stirring  political  activities.  He 
would  have  been  deprived  of  the  continual  object-lessons 
which  here  are  before  the  eyes  of  ambition,  where  success  is 
always  in  evidence  and  seems  so  easy, — as  it  were,  spread  like 


12  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

a  lure  before  us  all,  like  a  golden  and  glittering  spoil.  Yet, 
supposing  Greenhalge  to  have  enjoyed  the  advantages  that 
would  have  enabled  him  to  enter  public  life  with  easy  access 
in  England,  he  possessed  the  talents  that  Englishmen  admire, 
that  take  the  foremost  place  in  Parliament  and  are  a  power  in 
the  land.  He  possessed  the  genius  of  a  great  debater,  and 
might  have  reached  a  high  position  in  England's  Parliament. 
It  seems  so  to  the  writer.  Yet  his  opportunities  were  higher. 
It  was  his  destiny  to  join  the  great  stream  of  emigration  that 
ceaselessly  sets  toward  the  giant  of  the  western  star ;  he  became 
one  of  a  conquering  race,  the  splendor  of  whose  power  is 
doomed  to  overshadow  that  of  England,  as  the  spirit  of  Antony 
was  shadowed  by  Caesar,  — 

"  Weave  o  'er  the  world  your  weft,  yea !  weave  yourselves, 
Imperial  races,  weave  the  warp  thereof. 
Swift  like  your  shuttles  speed  your  ships,  and  scoff 
At  wind  and  wave,  and,  as  a  miner  delves 
For  hidden  treasure  bedded  deep  in  stone, 
Go  seek  ye  and  find  the  treasure  patriotism 
In  land  remote  and  dipped  with  alien  chrism, 
And  make  those  new  lands  heart  dear  and  your  own." 


CHAPTEE  II 

SCHOOLS  AND  COLLEGE   CAREER. 

AFTER  a  voyage  of  five  weeks,  William  Greenhalgh  and  his 
family  landed  in  Boston,  June  22,  1855,  and  immediately  went 
to  Lowell,  his  future  home. 

He  settled  with  his  family  on  Button  Street,  in  a  house 
belonging  to  the  Merrimack  Manufacturing  Company,  and 
immediately  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  position  in  the 
engraving  department  of  that  corporation.  His  family  con- 
sisted of  his  wife,  his  son  Frederic,  and  six  daughters. 
Mrs.  Greenhalgh  was  a  woman  of  broad  mind  and  strong 
character,  and  possessed  many  remarkable  qualities  that 
fitted  her  to  be  the  mother  of  a  distinguished  man,  and  such 
as  are  most  commonly  found  in  mothers  whose  sons  have 
become  eminent. 

The  city  of  Lowell,  which  now  became  and  remained 
throughout  his  life  the  home  of  Greenhalge  and  his  father's 
family,  is  the  largest  manufacturing  city  in  America  devoted 
to  the  production  of  cotton  cloth.  The  mills  employ  thirty  or 
forty  thousand  operatives.  The  wisdom  of  its  founders  has 
been  justified  by  the  unexampled  prosperity  which  has  attended 
the  city  which  owes  its  birth  to  them.  The  character  of  its 
operatives  was  singularly  high  in  the  early  years  of  its  growth, 
and  aroused  the  admiration  of  Dickens,  and  other  strangers 
who  visited  it  in  the  past.  The  people  who  were  employed  in 
its  corporations  at  their  start  came  from  the  neighboring  vil- 
lages and  farms,  —  the  sons  and  daughters  of  New  England 
parents.  Many  of  them  possessed  literary  tastes.  Emigra- 
tion and  the  changes  of  times  have  altered  the  character  of  its 
inhabitants  and  operatives;  but  its  reputation  has  always 
continued  high  for  thrift  and  industry.  Strikes  have  been 


14  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

rare  in  Lowell ;  and  the  city  has  increased  in  size,  until  it  now 
numbers  eighty  or  ninety  thousand  inhabitants,  being  at  present 
the  fourth  city  in  the  Commonwealth.  Its  situation  is  most 
beautiful,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Merrimac  and  Concord 
rivers,  both  of  them  naturally  charming  streams,  and  still 
retaining  much  of  the  wildness  of  nature.  The  suburb  of  Bel- 
videre,  where  the  residence  of  Greenhalge  is  situated,  is  per- 
haps the  most  beautiful  portion  of  the  city,  —  placed  upon  the 
high  bluffs  along  the  Merrimac  Eiver,  which  it  overlooks,  and 
with  a  distant  view  to  the  west  of  the  New  Hampshire  up- 
lands, "  Monadnock,  and  the  Peterboro  hills. "  At  the  time 
when  Greenhalge  came  as  a  boy  to  the  city,  its  population 
numbered  about  forty  thousand. 

Soon  after  his  arrival,  young  Greenhalge  entered  as  a  pupil 
the  old  North  Grammar  School,  of  which  Mr.  Fiske  was  the 
principal.  He  remained  there  one  year,  and  then  entered 
the  High  School  with  the  highest  rank  attained  by  any  of  the 
pupils  entering  with  him.  He  remained  in  the  High  School 
three  years,  and  left  it  to  begin  his  college  course  at  Harvard 
University.  Like  most  men  of  brilliant  talents,  Greenhalge, 
as  a  youth,  was  precocious,  and  his  remarkable  characteristics 
soon  became  evident.  Mr.  Chase,  the  principal  of  the  High 
School  while  he  was  a  scholar  there,  has  declared  his  convic- 
tion that  he  was  the  most  brilliant  pupil  that  ever  came  under 
his  instruction.  Many  of  his  fellow  scholars  still  retain  the 
recollection  of  the  vivid  impression  which  he  made  upon  their 
minds,  and  have  told  of  the  pleasure  with  which  they  looked 
forward  to  hearing  his  youthful  eloquence  upon  declamation 
day.  He  belonged  to  the  order  of  men  of  which  Sir  William 
Jones  was  a  prominent  type,  of  whom  it  has  been  recorded  by 
one  who  knew  him,  himself  a  distinguished  man,  that  had  he 
been  left  naked  and  friendless  upon  a  desert  heath,  he  would 
have  still  found  means  to  advance  himself  to  a  high  position, — 
to  that  order  of  men  to  which  William  Pitt  belonged,  of  whom 
his  father,  Lord  Chatham,  declared  that  it  was  not  in  the 
control  of  fate  to  retard  the  political  advancement  of  that 
youth. 

He  belonged  to  that  class  of  men  because  his  talents  were  so 
striking,  so  ready,  so  much  in  evidence  all  the  time,  that  they 


SCHOOLS  AND  COLLEGE   CAREER.  15 

could  not  have  been  overlooked  or  neglected.  In  fact,  they 
were  fully  appreciated  by  those  who  knew  him  in  school  or 
college.  This  readiness  and  early  display  of  talent  may  not 
always  be  characteristic  of  the  most  profound  minds ;  but  it  is 
often  found  associated  with  the  genius  of  successful  men,  of  men 
of  action,  whose  fitting  sphere  is  the  world  of  politics  and  party. 
There  was  also  in  the  character  of  Greenhalge,  in  youth  as 
in  manhood,  a  vein  of  poetic  sensibility  and  a  slight  tinge  of 
melancholy.  We  can  trace  the  source  of  this  in  both  his 
parents.  His  mother  was  a  woman  of  strong  character,  courage, 
and  fortitude,  and  very  fond  of  poetry  and  music.  His  father 
was  an  artist  of  no  mean  talent  His  mother  was  cheerful ; 
but  his  father  was  not  devoid  of  a  strain  of  thoughtful  melan- 
choly, and  he  transmitted  something  of  it  to  his  son.  This 
is  often  true  of  those  who  possess  an  artistic  and  sensitive 
temperament.  In  fact,  the  future  Governor  was  always  an 
artist  at  the  base  of  his  character, — an  artist  in  disposition, 
in  thought  and  training;  using  not  the  art  of  painting,  nor 
often  that  of  verse,  but  the  art  of  speaking,  —  par  excellence, 
a  master  of  vivid,  forceful,  and  eloquent  speech. 

We  shall  find  this  talent  of  his  very  evident  as  we  follow 
his  school  career;  it  is  a  talent  he  shared  in  common  with 
many  American  youths,  though  few  in  after  life  have  developed 
it  as  he  did  until  he  became  an  accomplished  orator  at  the  bar, 
in  Congress,  and  on  the  platform. 

I  have  already  referred  to  the  intellectual  quality  of  his 
father's  mind ;  it  would  seem  that  he  inherited  from  him  in 
some  measure  even  his  oratorical  talent.  His  father  was  a  good 
speaker.  His  brother,  Joseph  Greenhalgh,  writing  of  his  talent 
in  this  direction,  says,  in  a  book  concerning  the  Greenhalgh 
family  published  by  him  in  England  for  private  circulation : 
"  He  was  a  good  spokesman,  and  at  most  of  the  election 
contests  at  Clitheroe,  from  1832  onward,  he  was  chairman, 
secretary,  or  otherwise,  where  both  writing,  auditing,  and 
speech -making  were  required.  I  remember,  in  1841,  when 
Cardwell  contested  the  borough  in  the  Tory  interest,  that  he 
addressed  the  electors  from  the  Swann  window  in  Whalley, 
and  William  spoke  to  them  in  opposition,  it  was  said  that  at 
that  period  the  latter  was  much  the  better  orator.  " 


16  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

The  following  letters  written  by  Greenhalge's  father  to  his 
friends  in  England  after  his  arrival  in  America  are  interesting, 
and  show  clearly  that  he  was  no  common  man.  That  he  was 
a  student  of  literature  and  possessed  a  cultivated  mind,  is 
evident  They  show  also  that  he  observed  closely,  and  his 
remarks  about  England  and  America  are  just  and  philosophical. 
He  was,  of  course,  an  Englishman,  and  looked  naturally  at 
things  from  that  standpoint. 

In  a  letter  of  Nov.  9,  1855,  written  to  James  Greenhalgh  he 
says :  — 

"  Look  at  the  bridge,  crossing  the  river.  The  river  is  the 
Merrimack,  and  the  bridge  is  called  Dracut  bridge.  Over  that 
bridge  I  have  passed  many  a  time  visiting  friends  who  live  on 
the  Dracut  side  of  the  river.  The  bridge  is  a  wooden  one, 
covered  in  to  keep  the  snow  off  it  during  the  winter  season ; 
there  are  openings  in  the  side,  the  size  of  windows,  but  no 
glass. 

"  The  view  from  one  of  these  openings  upon  a  moonlight  night 
is  beautiful ;  the  moonlight  reaches  brilliancy  far  exceeding 
ours,  though  ours  is  not  to  be  treated  slightingly;  this  extra 
brilliancy  arises  from  the  greater  clearness  of  the  atmosphere. 
Well,  upon  such  a  night  I  did  not  stand  '  within  the  Coliseum 
walls,  midst  the  chief  relics  of  Almighty  Rome, '  but  within 
Dracut  bridge,  Lowell,  Massachusetts,  America,  some  three 
thousand  miles  from  Fatherland. 

"  I  enjoyed  the  scene,  and  it  brought  to  my  mind  many 
similar  scenes,  now  gone  to  the  past,  as  well  as  some  of  our 
old  friends  who  then  lived  to  enjoy  those  scenes  with  us. 
Starkie  idolized  a  moonlight  night.  Poor  Starkie,  Porter,  and 
loving  '  Old  Jos' !  We  have  spent  with  these  and  others  many 
a  fine  moonlight  night  in  Clitheroe ;  another  I  think  we  shall 
never  spend  there.  '  So  mote  it  be ; '  we  cannot  help  it ;  but  I 
have  great  pleasure  in  recalling  scenes  like  these,  and  every 
moonlight  night  does  its  work  in  this  way.  We  had  some 
gorgeous  moonlights  on  the  broad  Atlantic,  being  made  sub- 
lime by  the  expanse  of  waters.  I  did  not  forget  the  Clitheroe 
moonlights  then,  nor  those  kind  friends  associated  with  them. 

"The  only  classicality  connected  with  river  moonlight 
scenes  or  forest  moonlight  here  is  that  North  American 


SCHOOLS  AND   COLLEGE  CAREER.  17 

Indians  have  paddled  one  in  their  canoes,  and  made  their  trail 
through  the  other.  The  Indians  are  also  added  to  the  past  so 
far  as  this  region  is  concerned.  The  only  thing  remaining  of 
them  is  the  name  of  the  river  Merrimack,  and  a  few  other 
Indian  names,  such  as  Pawtucket  Falls,  and  Pawtucket  town. " 

Another  time  he  writes :  — 

"  I  am  going  through  a  course  of  reading  which  I  call  classic 
English,  such  as  De  Quincey,  Sydney  Smith,  Macaulay, 
Jeffreys,  etc. ,  all  the  Edinburgh  and  Blackwood  Eeviewers  in 
the  '  olden  time, '  when  we  were  boys,  and  thought  everybody 
a  god  who  could  contribute  a  page  or  two  to  those  celebrated 
Reviews.  I  have  been  much  amused  by  the  memoirs  of  the 
Rev.  Sydney  Smith,  written  by  his  daughter,  the  wife  of  Sir 
Henry  Holland,  the  celebrated  physician. 

"  If  you  can  get  the  reading  of  it,  do  it  at  once ;  it  will  repay 
the  perusal.  The  Americans  have  produced  some  clever  authors, 
both  as  poets  and  philosophers;  but  still  they  are  mainly 
dependent  on  British  talent  for  their  literary  luxuries,  either 
ephemeral  or  immortal.  Deprive  them  of  Dickens,  Thack- 
eray, etc. ,  the  vacuum  would  be  insupportable ;  not  that  I  am 
a  great  admirer  of  these  evanescent  writers,  yet  they  are  pro- 
digiously admired  here. 

"  James,  I  have  a  great  favor  to  ask  here.  I  will  ask  it,  if 
I  am  denied,  and  that  is,  to  send  by  M.  B.  the  portrait  in  oil 
of  yourself ;  I  think  I  have  the  greatest  and  most  legitimate 
claim  to  it,  and  it  would  be  so  much  valued  by  us.  Fred  is 
the  only  one  likely  to  carry  the  name  down  to  posterity,  and  I 
think  he  ought  to  possess  the  likeness  of  the  head  of  the  family, 
lineally  considered,  of  our  particular  branch  of  the  genealogical 
tree.  If  the  removal  of  it  is  not  heartily  acquiesced  in,  let  it 
stop,  and  be  lost  in  the  mobs  of  other  names,  and  valued  only 
for  its  canvas  and  colors. 

"  I  like  old  Boston ;  it  is  such  a  comfortable  place,  so  Eng- 
lish-like; and  it  is  a  great  publishing-place.  There  is  the 
noble  (I  say  noble,  and  I  have  reasons  for  it)  Ticknor  & 
Fields,  princes  of  publishers ;  Phillips,  Samson  &  Co. ,  Gould, 
Lincoln  &  Co.,  Whittemore,  Niles  &  Hall,  and  a  host  of 
others,  all  honorable  men,  not  wishing  to  use  English  brain 

2 


18  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

without   paying  for  it.       We   should  have   an  international 
copyright  law  if  it  depended  on  the  Boston  publishers. 

"  Boston  is  the  Athens  of  the  United  States,  therefore  I  like 
Boston ;  and  when  I  go  there,  I  run  through  the  stores  of  these 
eminent  publishers  and  purchase  an  old  book  or  two,  by  way 
of  encouraging  them;  in  fact,  I  patronize  them.  Last  time 
but  one  I  called  at  Ticknor  &  Fields',  and  bought '  Shirley, '  a 
novel  by  Miss  Bronte',  and  the  '  Tenant  of  Wildfell  Hall, '  by 
her  sister  Anne.  '  Jane  Eyre'  I  had  read  previously.  The 
last  time  I  was  in  Boston  I  called  to  patronize  Little,  Brown 
&  Co.,  and  bought  Bulwer's  dramas,  containing  '  Eichelieu, ' 
'Lady  of  Lyons,'  and  other  poems.  I  gave  fifty-six  cents  for 
it,  a  beautiful  pocket  edition  in  blue  and  gold,  the  popular 
and  fashionable  style  of  external  adornment  at  present  in  the 
States. " 

In  a  letter  of  July  19,  1858,  he  says :  — 

"  Fred  is  a  young  man,  very  tall  and  healthy.  He  never 
gives  over  eating ;  as  soon  as  he  comes  into  the  house  he  walks 
straight  to  the  cupboard,  seeking  what  he  may  devour.  He  is 
very  studious  and  steady.  To-day  he  is  sixteen  years  of  age, 
and  is  now  preparing  for  the  High  School  examination.  He 
has  already  distinguished  himself,  and  is  considered,  not  by 
me,  a  boy  of  mark.  If  nothing  blasts  my  prospects,  I  intend, 
when  he  has  finished  at  the  High  School,  to  send  him  to 
college,  and  afterwards  make  a  lawyer  of  him ;  he  must  make 
a  barrister  of  himself.  " 

Oct.  22,  1859,  he  writes:  — 

"  Fred  finished  his  studies  at  the  High  School  with  all 
honors,  gaining  a  diploma  and  a  silver  medal ;  he  is  said  to 
be  the  best  scholar  sent  out  by  the  school.  He  passed  his 
college  examination,  and  was  admitted  Sept.  1,  1859.  It  is 
Harvard  College,  the  Oxford  and  Cambridge  of  the  United 
States.  It  will  cost  me  about  one  hundred  pounds  per  annum 
during  his  stay  there.  I  shall  keep  him  there  as  long  as  I  can 
afford,  four  years  college  education,  and  two  years  at  the  law 
school. 

"  Our  chief   interest  is  to  hear  what  is  taking  place   in 


SCHOOLS  AND  COLLEGE   CAREER.  19 

Europe,  and  in  Europe  what  is  taking  place  in  England,  the 
centre  of  Europe,  the  eye  of  the  world,  the  civilizer  of  the 
world,  the  hope  of  all  men,  the  little  spot  of  earth  that  dares 
all  the  world,  because  she  is  mighty  in  the  justice  of  her 
efforts  as  well  as  in  the  wisdom  that  directs  those  efforts. 
America  is  the  great  echo  of  those  efforts,  or,  in  practical  words, 
she  carries  out  the  principles  that  are  created  there ;  to  wit, 
the  principles  upon  which  her  present  liberties  are  founded 
came  from  England,  the  means  for  sustaining  those  principles 
came  from  England  up  to  the  present  time,  and  she  looks  to 
England  for  sustenance  as  the  infant  looks  to  its  mother  for  its 
milk.  If  England  were  by  some  natural  convulsion  swept  from 
the  face  of  the  earth,  no  country  would  suffer  more  from  such 
a  calamity  than  the  great  United  States  of  North  America. " 

Another  time  he  writes  as  follows,  referring  to  a  Masonic 
meeting  which  he  had  attended :  — 

"  I  made  my  first  speech  a  fortnight  ago,  and  spoke  of  the 
true  brotherly  feeling  entertained  in  England,  having  in  my 
eye,  as  I  spoke,  the  thorough-going  Masons  I  met  in  Boston  a 
few  years  ago. 

"  Tell  them  there  is  encouragement  enough  on  this  side  of 
the  Atlantic  to  support  them  in  their  good  and  glorious  work  of 
benevolence  and  social  reformation. " 

The  last  letter  I  shall  quote  was  written  during  the  Rebel- 
lion. He  says:  — 

"  This  country  for  my  prosperous  interest  is  done ;  everything 
is  high,  and,  from  the  taxes  for  the  war  in  operation,  will  be 
still  higher ;  therefore  England,  with  my  large  family,  will  be 
much  better  for  me,  and  as  soon  as  I  am  in  a  condition  to 
bring  me  and  mine  to  Fatherland,  I  shall  do  so.  For  months 
we  saw  nothing  in  this  city  but  the  training  of  troops  for  the 
war,  the  drums  beating,  but  the  looms  silent  To  reduce  the 
subject  of  the  war  into  a  small  compass,  it  is  this,  —  a  war 
of  free  men  against  a  slave  oligarchy." 

While  at  the  old  North  Grammar  School,  Greenhalge  joined  a 
small  debating-society,  consisting  of  three  members, —  small 


20  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

indeed, — and  called  the  Kansas  Aid  Debating  Club,  the  object 
of  which  was  to  discuss  the  Kansas  question,  at  that  time 
agitating  the  country. 

In  his  diary,  written  during  the  winter  and  summer  after 
his  arrival  in  this  country,  he  writes  of  his  boyish  experiences. 
His  diary  is  interesting  and  characteristic,  and  I  have  made 
the  following  extracts  from  it  Written  by  a  youth  of  thir- 
teen, they  show  a  good  deal  of  spirit  in  their  execution,  and 
contain  some  vigorous  youthful  heroics,  —  snow-fights,  boyish 
encounters  on  the  river  with  the  Mickies,  and  frequent  mention 
of  being  locked  out  of  school. 

DIARY. 

Wednesday,  Dec.  25.  —  Christmas  Day !  But  not  the  good 
old  English  Christmas.  The  Americans  (at  least  most  of 
them)  keep  it  very  poorly  indeed.  It  snows  very  hard,  — 
more  like  hail  than  snow. 

Monday,  Dec.  31.  — The  last  day  of  the  year.  Got  locked 
out  morning  and  afternoon. 

Tuesday,  Dec.  32.  — I  mean  the  1st  of  January,  1856;  but 
it  was  a  natural  mistake,  and  I  will  not  erase  it.  Got  locked 
out  in  the  morning,  but  went  in  the  afternoon. 

Thursday,  Jan.  10,  1856.  — Went  to  school  all  day.  We 
have  some  fine  practical  problems  in  applications  of  Square 
Eoot. 

Wednesday,  Jan.  16.  — Got  locked  out  again.  I  don't 
know  what  Mr.  Fiske  will  say  about  my  getting  locked  out 
I  am  in  a  bad  fix  about  it  In  the  afternoon  I  learned  that 
Mr.  Fiske  had  threatened  to  write  to  my  father,  which  sadly 
frightened  me.  In  the  afternoon  we  had  a  snow  fort  and  had 
some  fun. 

Thursday,  Jan.  17.  — Went  to  school  with  my  excuse, 
and  made  an  excuse  for  my  absence ;  but  I  knew  it  was  not 
the  true  one ;  however,  it  did  pretty  well,  only  I  feel  sorry  for 
having  to  tell  an  indirect  falsehood.  We  set  about  building 
a  regular  castle  of  good  forts.  We  expect  to  finish  them  by 
Saturday. 

Friday,   Jan.  18.  —  Went  to  school   all   day.     At  night 


SCHOOLS  AND  COLLEGE  CAREER.  21 

Wallace  Hinckley,  having  vexed  A.  B.  and  me,  we  went  at 
night  and  knocked  both  forts  down,  —  a  very  mean  act. 

Monday,  Jan.  21.  —  To-day  is  a  memorable  day  in  my  life, 
as  I  got  one  of  the  soundest  floggings  I  ever  had  in  my  life,  from 
my  mother.  I  got  locked  out.  In  the  afternoon  I  did  not  go, 
and  Mr.  Fiske  was  told  by  Wallace  Hinckley  (I  instructed  him) 
that  I  was  sick.  This  day  is  well  worthy  of  being  called  the 
"  Day  of  Misfortunes. " 

Monday,  Jan.  28. —  Went  to  school  in  the  morning,  but  got 
locked  out  (oh,  dear ! )  in  the  afternoon.  It  was  a  very  snowy 
day,  and  a  great  many  were  absent.  Wallace  Hinckley  was  to 
tea  at  our  house. 

Tuesday,  Jan.  29.  — At  night  got  some  books  to  print  names 
in  for  the  scholars,  and  also  I  was  asked  to  do  some  letters  on 
some  pictures  by  a  drawing-school  mistress,  and  I  am  going  to 
do  them  when  they  are  ready.  Went  over  to  W.  H.  's,  but  soon 
came  back.  I  am  now  writing  my  journal  for  the  last  week  in 
my  bedroom,  all  being  in  bed  but  me ;  so  good-night 

Wednesday,  Jan.  30.  — Went  to  school  in  the  morning. 
In  the  afternoon  went  over  to  Hinckley 's,  and  we  passed  the 
afternoon  pleasantly,  as  usual,  snow-balling.  Wallace  Hinck- 
ley and  I  were  on  one  side,  and  F.  Wilson  and  Henry  on  the 
other.  We  had  to  storm  their  fort,  which  was  rather  a  diffi- 
cult thing,  considering  what  a  stout  fellow  Wilson  was,  and 
what  an  inefficient  Wallace  was  compared  with  him.  I  don't 
say  anything  about  myself,  only  this :  that  if  it  had  not  been 
for  me,  Wilson  would  have  made  short  work  of  Wallace 
snow-balling. 

Monday,  March  3.  —  Went  to  school  all  day.  At  night  I 
went  to  a  promenade  concert  held  at  Huntington  Hall  for  the 
benefit  of  the  poor.  It  was  very  crowded,  and  I  did  not  go 
home  till  eleven  o'clock.  During  the  eve  Miss  Adelaide 
Phillips,  a  songstress  of  some  renown,  sang,  and  we  were 
entertained  by  the  Mendelssohn  Quintette  Club  with  some 
middling  poor  music. 

Friday,  March  7. — Went  to  school  all  day.  At  night  I  went 
over  to  Hinckley 's ;  but  I  had  n't  been  there  above  two  or  three 
minutes  when  Herbert  came  in  and  told  me  A.  B.  wanted  to  see 
me.  I  must  say  I  felt  very  angry  at  his  coming  to  another 


22  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

person's  house  for  me;  however,  I  went  to  the  door  and  found 
that  he  wanted  me  to  go  with  him  to  the  Hospital  to  take 
some  crutches  to  their  servant.  I  scarcely  knew  what  to  do, 
and  I  was  so  mortified  at  A.  for  coming  for  me,  that  I  almost 
would  have  refused  on  that  account;  but  Hinckley,  making 
some  remarks  that  did  n't  please  me  exactly,  such  as  "  You  may 
go  whether  you  please  or  not,  I  shall  never  invite  you  to  our 
house  again, "  decided  me,  and,  almost  bursting  with  anger  as 
I  was,  I  concluded  to  go  with  A.  I  believe  our  friendship 
—  Wallace's  and  mine  —  is  over;  for  my  part,  I  don't  think  it 
would  exactly  correspond  with  my  dignity  to  go  to  their  house 
after  what  has  taken  place,  without  some  explanation. 

The  friendship  evidently  was  not  "  over, "  as  he  feared,  for 
we  find  recorded  :  — 

Monday,  March  21.  — Went  over  to  Hinckley 's  at  night  and 
had  some  good  play,  though  there  was  a  bit  of  a  storm. 

Saturday,  June  16.  — Went  to  school  in  the  morning.  In 
the  afternoon,  went  over  to  Hinckley 's,  and  then  W.  F.  W.,  W. 
H.  W. ,  and  I  took  a  boat  and  went  up  the  river  to  Long  Island 
to  bathe.  When  about  opposite  the  island,  we  were  met  by  a 
boat  coming  down  full  of  "  Mickies.  "  They  began  asking  us 
questions,  such  as  "  Where  did  ye  hook  that  boat  ? "  that 
meant,  "  Where  did  you  steal  that  boat  ?  "  We  made  no  reply. 
Then  one  of  them  said  to  the  rest,  "  Let 's  chase  'em  and  take 
their  boat  off  'em. "  So  they  turned  round  and  began  to  row 
like  fury.  I  was  rowing  at  the  time ;  and,  our  boat  having 
only  one  pair  of  oars  and  those  extremely  heavy,  I  knew  we 
could  not  escape  even  if  we  tried.  Ours  was  a  very  large  boat, 
indeed  large  enough  for  a  sail-boat,  while  theirs  was  pulled  by 
four  or  five  oars,  and  was  a  very  light,  flat-bottomed  one,  ours 
being  one  of  the  few  keel -bottomed  ones  on  the  river.  We  no 
sooner  saw  them  coming  after  us  than  Wallace  exclaimed, 
"  Put  her  up  faster !  "  I  paid  no  attention  to  him,  and  think- 
ing if  we  could  gain  the  shore  we  could  lick  the  whole  of 
them,  for  Frank  and  W.  H.  W.  are  two  stout  fellows ;  but  they 
gained  on  us  so  rapidly  that  we  could  not,  without  rowing 
faster,  which  I  did  not  want  to  do,  as  it  would  seem  to  imply 
fear  of  them.  Well,  they  caught  up  with  us,  and  splashed  us 
with  water  and  the  like ;  but,  owing  to  the  fear  of  some  of  the 


23 

younger  fry  in  the  "boat,  they  did  not  proceed  to  extremities. 
We  spoke  scarcely  a  word,  and  at  length  one  of  them,  happen- 
ing to  know  Wallace,  told  the  others  to  let  us  go;  some  of 
them,  however,  still  held  on,  and  I,  having  got  my  oar  under 
their  boat,  could  not  row,  but  I  kept  pushing  theirs  farther 
off.  He  rowed  off  after  I  got  my  oar  loose,  which  I  did  pretty 
quickly,  and  in  bringing  it  over  their  boat  to  get  it  into  the 
water  again,  I  hit  one  of  the  gang  a  knock  on  the  head ;  he  let 
this  pass  as  an  accident.  We  had  our  bath  and  tried  to  swim 
a  little,  but  could  n't  manage  it  yet.  I  mean  Wallace  and 
I,  as  the  two  Wilsons  can  swim  now. 

Thursday,  June  21.  —  Nearly  well.  Got  up  just  after 
school-time.  Wrote  up  my  journal.  I  will  write  down  a 
verse  I  made  when  I  was  sick  in  bed. 

THE  PATRIOT. 

The  patriot's  sands  are  well-nigh  run, 
And  the  blood  from  the  deep  wound  gushes ; 

For  his  country's  good  his  deeds  were  done, 
And  e'en  in  death  his  pale  cheek  flushes. 

Beside  him  stands  his  faithful  steed, 
With  downcast  head  and  drooping  eyes. 

Nevermore  thy  faithful  help  he  '11  need, 
Never  from  that  low  bed  again  arise. 

We  bought  a  lot  of  fireworks. 

Monday,  June  23.  —  Went  to  school  all  day.  Went  over  to 
H.  's  in  evening,  and  he  and  I  went  to  a  political  meeting  on 
the  Philadelphia  nomination  which  voted  John  C.  Fremont 
for  President.  Mr.  Homer  Bartlett,  an  old  man,  and  one  of 
the  delegates,  spoke,  and  very  well  too.  The  Lowell  Brass 
Band  was  in  attendance. 

Tuesday,  June  24.  —  I  went  to  the  Library  at  night.  I  was 
rather  long  in  looking  over  the  catalogue,  as  I  usually  am,  and 
the  librarian  asked  me  if  there  was  any  particular  book  I 
wanted.  I  said,  "  No, "  and  in  a  short  time  he  said,  "  Why 
don't  you  begin  at  the  beginning  of  the  book  and  go  through  ?  " 
I  was  vexed,  and  said  I  had  done.  "  Well,  then, "  said  he, 
"  you  'd  better  send  word  next  time  you  come,  and  we  '11  have 


24  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

the  books  ready  for  you. "  I  felt  my  cheeks  burn  at  this,  and 
also  a  strong  disposition  to  throw  the  book  at  the  old  fool's 
head,  but  I  did  n't  want  to  be  impudent  and  kept  quiet.  I 
asked  for  five  or  six  books,  and  he  said  they  were  out ;  at  last  I 
asked  for  one  called  "  Kansas  and  Nebraska. "  Yes,  that  was 
in.  I  said  very  quietly,  "  It 's  a  wonder. "  When  I  went 
downstairs,  I  muttered,  though  very  audibly  on  purpose,  "  Old 
saphead !  "  I  think  he  heard  me,  or  I  hope  so.  I  'm  deter- 
mined to  pay  the  testy  old  snob  off  yet. 

Thursday,  June  26.  — Went  to  school  all  day.  Wallace  and 
I  are  going  to  get  up  a  debating-club. 

Friday,  June  27.  — W.  H.  and  I  got  a  box  to  make  a  plat- 
form for  the  speakers  in  our  Debating  Club.  Went  to  school 
all  day.  The  soldiers  are  going  to  have  a  grand  review  or 
parade  to-day.  A  great  many  persons  were  summoned  to  Con- 
cord to  give  information  of  all  rum-sellers,  etc.  ;  they  got  paid 
a  dollar  and  a  half  a  day ;  they  came  back  in  carriages,  and 
went  through  the  city  with  a  band,  brandishing  bottles,  etc. 

Saturday,  June  28.  — Went  to  school  in  the  morning.  In 
the  afternoon  we  went  into  Wallace's  room  and  held  our  meet- 
ing. We  have  only  three  members,  including  ourselves  and 
J.  C.  W.  We  made  a  few  short  speeches  on  the  State  of 
Kansas  (which  is  the  object  of  our  Club,  and  from  which  it 
is  named  Kansas  Aid  Debating  Club),  and  elected  a  President 
for  next  meeting.  We  expected  another  boy,  but  he  did  not 
come. 

Sunday,  June  29.  —  Got  out  of  Sunday-school  library  a  book 
called  the  "  Mission, "  by  Captain  Marryat,  a  very  amusing 
and  instructive  book. 

Wednesday,  July  1.  — The  boys  are  making  great  prepara- 
tions for  4th  of  July. 

Thursday,  July  3rd.  — Went  to  school  all  day.  Marshall, 
who  was  absent,  brought  me  half  a  pound  of  powder  which 
I  had  ordered. 

The  record  of  4th  of  July  is  missing. 

Saturday,  5th.  — Did  not  get  up  till  eleven  o'clock.  Went 
over  to  Hinckley's,  and  we  went  to  the  Doctor's  and  he  had 
the  powder  in  his  face  picked  out 


SCHOOLS  AND  COLLEGE  CAREER.  25 

We  may  infer  that  he  and  his  friends  celebrated  his  first  Fourth 
of  July  in  America  in  an  enthusiastic  and  patriotic  manner. 

When  a  child  in  England,  young  Greenhalge  was  examined 
by  a  phrenologist.  It  may  be  a  matter  of  interest  to  some  to 
read  the  report  which  was  prepared  on  that  occasion.  The 
subsequent  career  of  the  subject  of  it  gives  it  the  appearance  of 
prophecy  in  some  particulars  at  least 

Frederic  Thomas  Greenhalge,  examined  when  fourteen  months 
old,  Sept.  23,  1843. 

The  head  of  this  young  gentleman  is  at  his  age  large,  and 
the  major  part  of  the  cerebral  organs  are,  all  things  considered, 
well  marked.  The  temperament  being  almost  purely  that  of 
the  sanguineous,  it  follows,  as  a  necessary  consequence,  that  the 
various  mental  powers  will  be  very  active  and  vivacious,  and 
easily  excited  by  external  stimuli ;  so  that  it  may  be  asserted 
that  he  will  evince  great  energy  of  mind,  as  well  as  consider- 
able force  of  character.  He  will  not  be  easily  overcome,  even 
although  he  might  be  environed  on  either  side  by  opposing  or 
retarding  circumstances ;  for,  having  fully  developed  the  organs 
of  Firmness,  Combativeness,  and  Destructiveness,  he  will  be 
able  to  contend  against  difficulties,  and  will  possess  both  the 
inclination  and  the  power  to  strive  with  and  also  to  overcome 
them.  In  consequence  of  the  volume  of  the  brain  being  large, 
and  the  temperament  lively,  he  will  have  a  tendency  to  be 
occasionally  rather  irascible,  and  not  infrequently  rather  pre- 
cipitous ;  but  as  the  mind  becomes  matured  from  age,  and  is 
cultivated  by  study  and  reflection,  in  the  same  ratio  will  that 
tendency  be  modified.  The  functions  of  those  organs  ought  not 
to  be  obtunded,  because  they  greatly  contribute,  when  properly 
directed,  to  the  prosperity  of  their  possessor;  that  being  the 
case,  great  care  ought  to  be  taken  by  his  guardians  in  endeav* 
oring  to  bring  those  under  the  guidance  and  control  of  the 
superior  sentiments  and  intellect.  For  the  realizing  of  which 
desideratum,  benign  treatment  and  moral  suasion  will  be  found 
eminently  useful ;  as  will  also  the  directing  of  the  observing 
and  reflective  faculties.  The  organ  of  Concentrativeness  being 
comparatively  small,  he  may,  at  his  initiation  in  learning, 


26  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENE ALGE. 

experience  some  difficulty  in  the  employing  of  his  several 
mental  powers ;  but  so  soon  as  he  perceives  the  utility  of  educa- 
tion, this  slight  defect  will  be  obviated,  for  his  Firmness  is 
great 

He  has  a  talent  for  philology,  for  designing,  for  history 
generally,  and  for  geometry.  In  the  study  of  the  latter  he  will 
not  arrive  at  any  degree  of  proficiency  until  the  several  mental 
powers  shall  have  been  energized  by  education.  His  reasoning 
powers  being  considerable,  he  will  excel  in  the  abstract 
sciences. 

A.   D.  SCOTT. 

At  the  High  School  Greenhalge  was  always  one  of  the 
leaders.  He  was  one  of  the  editors  of  the  weekly  "  Voice, " 
published  every  Saturday  for  the  scholars  of  the  school.  In 
one  of  the  numbers  still  in  existence,  there  is  a  poem  of  his 
called  "  Huntington  Hall. "  In  this  number  of  the  paper  the 
subject  of  debate  for  the  next  meeting  of  the  debating-society 
to  which  he  belonged  was  announced  as  "  Eesolved :  That  secret 
organizations  are  dangerous  to  American  institutions. " 

While  in  the  High  School,  he  wrote  short  stories  for  the 
"  Vox  Populi, "  a  Lowell  paper.  Two  of  these  stories  were 
called  "  A  Skeleton's  Soliloquy "  and  "  The  Dependant's 
Story. " 

His  father  objected  to  these  literary  exercises  as  taking  too 
much  of  his  time  from  his  studies ;  but  he  persevered. 

All  this  is  very  suggestive.  How  similar  the  record  is  to 
that  of  many  other  bright  boys  who  were  afterwards  heard  of 
in  the  world  as  brilliant  men !  These  literary  ambitions  spring 
up  the  first  of  all,  and  are  most  often  doomed  to  perish  with 
the  youth  that  inspired  them.  It  shows  the  generous  nature 
of  youth  before  it  has  hardened  with  age,  that  it  should  be 
tempted  by  literature  in  the  first  flights  of  its  ambition. 
"  Youth, "  said  Napoleon  on  the  "  Bellerophon, "  pointing  to  the 
young  English  naval  officers  who  still  seemed  to  reverence  his 
fallen  greatness  and  stood  with  doffed  hats,  —  "  youth  is  always 
enthusiastic. "  It  is  so,  and  is  generous  enough  to  shame  the 
worldliness  by  which  it  is  too  often  succeeded. 

These  youthful  debating-clubs  also,  —  what  a  nursery  they 


27 

have  been  for  future  orators  and  statesmen  I  Bead  the  records 
of  any  of  their  lives,  and  you  will  find  the  debating-club  at 
the  root  of  their  ambition ;  it  contains  the  germ  of  senates  and 
legislatures.  If  Waterloo  was  won  upon  the  foot-ball  fields  of 
Kugby  and  Eton,  the  great  conflicts  of  Parliament  and  Congress 
have  their  genesis  in  these  debating-societies.  They  are  the 
source  from  which  the  mighty  stream  of  oratory  flows. 

Greenhalge  entered  Harvard  College  in  1859,  after  com- 
pleting his  course  at  the  High  School  in  three  years,  taking 
the  studies  that  usually  occupy  four  years.  He  received  the 
first  Carney  Medal  given  at  his  graduation,  and  at  the  pub- 
lic exercises  declaimed  Curran's  "  Universal  Emancipation. " 
While  in  the  High  School,  he  was  a  member  of  the  cricket 
club. 

As  a  boy,  he  was  not  especially  devoted  to  athletic  sports ; 
but  he  was  always  fond  of  boating  and  walking.  In  after 
years  he  was  seldom  known  to  ride;  he  always  preferred  to 
walk,  which  suited  his  energetic  character. 

At  Harvard,  during  his  sophomore  year,  he  rose  to  distinc- 
tion in  the  Institute  of  1770.  He  was  one  of  the  principal 
participants  in  a  memorable  debate  on  Warren  Hastings; 
Gorham  Philip  Stevens,  who  died  afterward  of  wounds  received 
at  Williamsburg,  being  his  opponent. 

He  was  appointed  orator,  and  Stevens  the  poet,  of  the  Insti- 
tute at  the  close  of  the  sophomore  year ;  and  he  also  became 
editor  of  the  "  Old  Harvard  Magazine. "  Among  his  class- 
mates were  Prof.  John  Fiske,  ex-Secretary  Fairchild,  and  Frank 
Higginson  the  banker,  Mr.  John  Brown  the  publisher,  Jere- 
miah Curtin,  Judge  Sheldon,  and  Captain  Nathan  Appleton. 
Perhaps  the  most  intimate  friend  he  had  during  this  period  of 
his  life,  and  after  he  left  college,  as  a  young  man  in  Lowell, 
was  the  Rev.  I.  W.  Beard,  now  of  Dover,  New  Hampshire, 
Eector  of  St.  Thomas  Church.  Mr.  Beard  remained  indeed 
an  intimate  friend  throughout  his  life. 

Greenhalge 's  brilliant  career  at  college  was  cut  short,  and 
at  the  expiration  of  his  third  year  he  was  obliged  to  leave 
Harvard  and  return  to  Lowell.  His  College,  however,  showed 
afterwards  its  appreciation  of  his  merits,  and  in  1870  he  re- 
ceived his  degree. 


28  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

The  following  is  an  account  taken  from  other  sources  of 
the  famous  barn  oration  which  he  delivered  in  his  sophomore 
year,  and  ruined  thereby  his  chance  of  gaining  a  scholarship. 
Greenhalge  afterward  naturally  characterized  this  school-boy 
rebellion  as  a  foolish  attempt  to  brave  the  Faculty. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  first  term  there  was  a  hazing  war 
between  sophomores  and  freshmen,  which  the  Faculty  got  wind 
of.  Eight  sophomores  were  expelled.  The  class  considered 
this  an  outrage,  and  all  loyal  '63  men  were  ablaze  with  indig- 
nation. A  class  meeting  was  called  in  a  barn  on  the  "  Appian 
Way, "  and  many  studious  men  of  the  class,  who,  like  Green- 
halge, had  nothing  to  do  with  the  hazing,  left  their  books  to 
attend.  Greenhalge,  together  with  J.  Collins  Warren,  after- 
wards Dr.  Warren  of  Boston,  and  J.  F.  Van  Bokkelin  of 
North  Carolina,  were  appointed  a  committee  to  draft  resolu- 
tions upon  the  outrage  of  the  tyrannical  Faculty.  The  com- 
mittee also  prepared  a  petition  to  the  Faculty  demanding  that 
the  eight  expelled  men  should  be  restored  to  the  College.  The 
three  committeemen  drew  lots  to  see  whose  name  should  head 
the  list,  and  the  choice  fell  upon  Greenhalge.  Nearly  all  the 
class  signed  the  petition.  In  presenting  the  resolutions  and 
petition  to  the  assembled  class  in  the  barn,  the  studious  Green- 
halge, jealous  for  the  honor  of  the  class,  stood  forth  in  the  role 
of  a  bold  conspirator,  and  ended  a  fiery  speech  with  the  soul- 
stirring  counsel :  "  Eesistance  to  tyrants  is  obedience  to  God. " 
Greenhalge 's  barn  oration  is  still  remembered  by  many  Har- 
vard, '63,  men.  The  next  morning  the  whole  white  front  of 
University  Hall  displayed  the  legend  in  two-foot  black  letters : 
"  Eesistance  to  tyrants  is  obedience  to  God. "  The  fiery  young 
orator  was  appalled.  The  Faculty  regarded  him  as  ringleader 
in  the  whole  affair,  and  he  thought  that  his  fate  was  sealed. 
He  went  home  to  Lowell,  and  in  a  few  days  came  a  letter  from 
President  Felton  to  his  father,  stating  that  the  Faculty  had 
always  taken  an  interest  in  his  son,  but  that  now  his  connec- 
tion with  the  College  had  better  be  severed.  But  the  matter 
was  finally  settled,  and  Greenhalge  went  back  to  college. 

Another  interesting  episode  of  his  college  career  was  the 
burial  of  the  foot-ball.  The  following  is  the  account  of  the 
funeral  in  the  papers  of  the  day :  — 


SCHOOLS  AND  COLLEGE   CAREER.  29 

BURIAL  OF  THE  FOOT-BALL.    MELANCHOLY  PROCEEDINGS 
AT  CAMBRIDGE. 

Yesterday,  just  at  dusk,  the  Sophomore  Class  of  1863  as- 
sembled with  proper  decorum  to  perform  the  funeral  obsequies 
of  the  foot-ball 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Faculty,  by  a  vote  of  July  2, 
1860,  prohibited  the  usual  foot-ball  match  between  the  newly 
made  Sophomores  and  Freshmen. 

This  time-honored  institution  has  heretofore  been  celebrated 
on  the  first  Monday  in  September,  and  has  been  witnessed  by 
hundreds  of  spectators,  ladies  and  gentlemen  assembled  from 
Boston  and  vicinity,  comprising  all  the  friends  of  the  collegians. 

The  procession  consisted  of  a  grand  marshal  with  huge 
bearskin  cap  and  baton,  assistants  with  craped  staves  and 
torches ;  a  coffin  six  feet  long,  inscribed  "  Foot-ball,  1860," 
borne  by  four  pall-bearers;  the  Chaplain,  with  a  very  large 
craped  hat  and  huge  eyeglasses ;  the  class  invalid  bearers, 
inscribed  '63,  and  having  crape  tied  on  the  right  leg.  Behind 
the  coffin  were  the  gravestones,  made  of  wood  painted  black, 
with  the  following  inscription  in  white  letters :  — 

(HEAD-STONE.)  (FOOT-STONE.) 

Hicjacet  Foot-Ball,  1860. 

Foot-Ball  In  Memoriam. 

Fightum.  (Over  a  Winged  Skull.) 

Aet.  LX.  Yrs. 
Obiit  July  2,  '60. 
Resurgat. 

The  procession  marched  to  the  music  of  two  muffled  bass- 
drums  to  the  Delta,  where  the  foot-ball  game  is  usually  played, 
and  formed  a  circle  surrounded  by  a  large  crowd  of  students 
and  others.  The  sextons  dug  the  grave  while  the  chaplain 
delivered  the  funeral  oration,  of  which  we  are  able  to  give  a 
verbatim  report :  — 

FUNERAL  ORATION.    ALBERT  KINTZING  POST. 

DEARLY  BELOVED,  —  We  have  met  together  on  this  mourn- 
ful occasion  to  perform  the  sad  offices  over  one  whose  long  and 
honored  life  was  put  an  end  to  in  a  sudden  and  violent  manner. 


30  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Last  year,  at  this  very  time,  in  this  very  place,  our  poor 
friend's  round  jovial  appearance  (slightly  swollen,  perhaps), 
and  the  elasticity  of  his  movements  gave  promise  of  many 
years  more  to  be  added  to  a  long  life,  which  even  then  eclipsed 
the  oldest  graduate's,  when  he  arose  exultant  in  the  air,  pro- 
pelled by  the  toe  of  the  valiant  Eopes,  looking  like  the  war- 
angel  sounding  the  onset  and  hovering  over  the  mingling  fray,  we 
little  thought  then  that  to-day  he  would  lie  so  low,  surrounded 
by  weeping  "Sophs."  Exult,  ye  Freshmen,  and  clap  your 
hands !  The  wise  men  who  make  big  laws  around  a  little  table 
have  stretched  out  their  arms  to  encircle  you,  and,  for  this  year 
at  least,  your  eyes  and  noses  are  protected.  You  are  shielded 
behind  by  the  aegis  of  Minerva.  But  for  us  there  is  naught 
but  sorrow,  the  sweet  associations  and  tender  memories  of  eyes 
bunged  up,  of  noses  wonderfully  distended,  of  battered  shins, 
the  many  chance  blows,  anteriorly  and  posteriorly  received  and 
deli vered,  the  rush,  the  struggle,  the  victory !  They  call  forth 
our  deep  regret  and  unaffected  tears.  The  enthusiastic  cheers, 
the  singing  of  "Auld  Lang  Syne,"  each  student  grasping  a 
brother's  hand,  all,  all  have  passed  away,  and  soon  will  be 
buried  with  the  foot-ball  beneath  the  sod,  to  live  hereafter  only 
as  a  dream  in  our  memories  and  in  the  college  annals. 

Brothers,  pardon  my  emotion ;  and  if  I  have  kept  you  too 
long,  pardon  me  this  also.  On  such  an  occasion  as  this  but 
few  words  can  be  spoken,  for  they  are  the  outbursts  of  grieved 
spirits  and  sad  hearts.  What  remains  for  me  to  say  is  short, 
and  in  the  words  of  a  well-known  poem:  — 

But  one  drum  we  had  with  its  funeral  note, 

As  the  coffin  we  hitherward  hurried ; 
And  in  crape  we  are  decked,  for  proudly  we  dote 

On  the  foot-ball  that  is  soon  to  be  buried. 

We  '11  bury  him  sadly  at  dim  twilight, 

As  the  day  into  night  is  just  turning; 
With  a  solemn  dirge  by  the  dismal  light 

Of  the  torches  dimly  burning. 

With  pall  and  bier  that  'a  borne  by  the  crew, 

And  the  headstone  carried  behind  them  ; 
His  corpse  shall  ride  with  becoming  pride, 
•  With  martial  music  before  him. 


SCHOOLS  AND   COLLEGE  CAREER.  31 

'Gainst  the  Faculty  let  not  a  word  be  said, 
Though  we  cannot  but  speak  our  sorrow ; 

We  '11  steadfastly  gaze  on  the  face  of  the  dead 
And  bitterly  think  of  the  morrow. 

We  think,  as  we  hollow  the  narrow  bed, 

And  fasten  the  humble  footboard, 
That  to-morrow  at  chapel  we  '11  see  no  black  eyes, 

Or  noses  that  show  they  've  been  hit  hard. 

The  Faculty  talk  of  the  spirit  that 's  gone, 

And  o'er  his  cold  ashes  upbraid  him  ; 
But  little  we  '11  care,  if  they  let  him  sleep  on 

In  the  grave  where  a  Sophomore  laid  him. 

'T  is  time  that  our  heavy  task  was  done, 

And  I  would  advise  our  retiring, 
Or  we  '11  hear  the  voice  of  some  savage  one 

For  the  ringleader  gruffly  inquiring. 

The  coffin  was  then  lowered  into  the  grave,  and  while  the 
sextons  filled  it  up,  the  class  united  in  singing  the  following 
dirge  to  the  tune  of  "  Auld  Lang  Syne " :  — 

THE   DIRGE. 

Ah !  woe  betide  the  luckless  time 

When  manly  sports  decay, 
And  foot-ball,  stigmatized  as  wine, 

Must  sadly  pass  away ! 

(Chorus)    Shall  Sixty-Three  submit  to  see 

Such  cruel  murder  done, 
And  not  proclaim  the  deed  of  shame  ? 
No,  let 's  unite  as  one. 

O  hapless  ball,  you  little  knew 

When  last  upon  the  air 
You  lightly  o  'er  the  Delta  flew, 

Your  grave  was  measured  there. 

(Chorus)    But  Sixty-Three  will  never  see 

Your  noble  spirit  fly, 
And  not  unite  in  funeral  rite 
And  swell  your  dirge's  cry. 


32  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Beneath  this  sod  we  lay  you  down, 

This  scene  of  glorious  fights, 
With  dismal  groans  and  yells  we  '11  drown 

Your  mournful  burial  rites. 

(Chorus)    For  Sixty-Three  will  never  see 

Such  cruel  murder  done, 
And  not  proclaim  the  deed  of  shame  : 
No,  let  '&  unite  as  one. 

Cheers  were  then  given  for  the  senior  and  junior  classes, 
and  groans  for  the  Faculty,  after  which  the  procession  marched 
home  singing  their  old  college  songs,  and  the  crowd,  which  had 
gathered,  dispersed.  (Greenhalge  was  in  this  procession,  and  I 
am  not  sure  he  did  not  write  the  dirge.) 

Then  foot-ball  fights  were  literally  fights.  It  was  not  the 
modern  game  of  foot-ball.  No  skill  was  required  or  displayed. 
It  was  a  general  scrimmage  between  freshmen  and  sophomores. 
Hard  blows  were  struck,  shirts  were  torn  from  men's  backs,  eyes 
were  closed,  noses  broken,  and  blood  flowed  freely  ;  it  took  a  lot 
of  pluck  to  go  into  them.  (Greenhalge  was  in  the  fight  against 
the  sophomores  when  he  was  a  freshman.) 

In  writing  of  Greenhalge's  college  life,  I  am  fortunate  in 
obtaining  the  assistance  of  some  who  were  with  him  in  Har- 
vard. Judge  Sheldon,  a  friend  and  classmate,  writes  as 
follows :  — 

"Governor  Greenhalge,  in  his  college  life,  was  one  of  the 
marked  men  of  his  time.  Then,  as  in  his  future  career,  his 
nature  was  upright  and  downright,  frank  and  outspoken, 
richly  endowed  with  ready  wit  and  keen  sarcasm,  quick  and 
honest,  without  any  parade  or  pretence,  but  genial  and  full  of 
good  companionship.  He  was  a  close  student ;  but  he  already 
knew  how  to  give  his  closest  attention  to  those  special  objects 
of  study  which  he  most  affected,  and  in  which  he  regarded 
success  as  most  valuable.  Perhaps  his  main  distinction  was 
as  a  writer  and  debater.  He  was  a  powerful  speaker,  strong 
and  earnest  then  as  he  afterwards  was  in  public  life,  with  a 
vigorous  energy  which  seemed  to  beat  down  all  opposition,  a 
force  of  sarcasm  which  would  have  scorched  and  withered  but 
for  the  kindness  of  heart  which  seemed  to  underlie  his  most 


SCHOOLS  AND  COLLEGE  CAREER.  33 

trenchant  invectives.  But,  after  all,  the  most  noticeable  trait 
of  his  character  in  college  was  his  frank  and  unassuming 
geniality.  Simple  and  unaffected,  readily  approachable  and 
kindly-natured,  his  lovable  qualities  were  the  more  attractive 
because  he  was  wont  to  cover  them,  or  perhaps  to  hold  them 
in  half-concealed  ambush  behind  a  shelter  of  sarcasm,  because 
he  was  inclined  to  express  a  tender  sentiment  in  biting  words, 
and  because  he  never  cared  to  guard  against  any  misjudgment 
of  his  own  motives  or  any  misinterpretation  of  his  real  mean- 
ing. Absolutely  independent  alike  in  what  he  did,  what  he 
said,  and  what  he  thought,  his  integrity  and  self-reliance 
made  it  impossible  for  him  to  cater  to  the  good  opinions  of 
others.  And  yet  he  was  then,  as  he  always  remained,  devoted 
to  his  friends.  But  because  he  loved  them  he  trusted  them 
utterly,  and  never  could  have  believed  it  to  be  necessary  to 
put  on  any  disguise  or  any  shadow  of  pretence  to  gain  or  to 
hold  their  affection ;  they  would  not  have  become  his  friends  if 
he  could  have  conceived  that  their  affection  was  thus  to  be 
gained  or  to  be  held.  And  it  is  perhaps  because  he  joined 
this  sturdy  independence,  which  scorned  to  abase  itself  for  the 
merely  apparent  honor  of  others,  to  a  complete  and  self- 
neglecting  persistence  of  affection  which  was  ready  to  give 
all  without  any  doubt  or  sense  of  hesitancy  for  the  real  advan- 
tage of  his  friends,  that  many  of  his  classmates  have  felt  his 
loss  as  a  personal  affliction,  as  a  bereavement  which  comes 
close  to  their  hearts,  and  makes  them  slow  to  speak  their  grief, 
because  it  seems  too  sacred  to  be  put  into  words." 

The  dark  days  of  1861  brought  trouble  into  the  homes  of 
rich  and  poor.  Business  was  interrupted  at  the  Merrimack 
Mills.  January,  1862,  the  corporation  suspended  operations. 
Business  remained  at  a  standstill  for  several  months.  William 
Greenhalgh's  loss  of  work  was  followed  by  a  long  illness,  which 
resulted  fatally  in  October,  1862.  Frederic  Greenhalge  had 
already  been  at  home  for  several  months  caring  for  his  father 
and  tutoring  a  young  man  for  Harvard,  continuing  his  studies 
as  chance  afforded ;  but  he  now  bravely  bade  good-bye  to  college 
hopes  and  associations,  and  turned  resolutely  to  the  care  of  his 
mother  and  sisters.  He  obtained  the  appointment  as  school- 


34  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

teacher  in  District  No.  2  of  Chelmsford,  in  the  winter  of  1862 
and  1863.  The  old  No.  2  District  had  the  regular  school  equip- 
ment of  those  days,  —  a  little  red  schoolhouse,  with  green-wood 
fires  and  lots  of  tough  boys.  But  he  soon  proved  himself  a 
competent  master.  The  first  boy  he  flogged  was  the  son  of  a 
committeernan,  who,  instead  of  taking  offence,  as  the  young 
teacher  somewhat  expected,  treated  the  affair  with  great 
approbation.  At  this  period  he  was  somewhat  sensitive  to 
criticism  and  comment,  and  was  thrown  into  great  dismay  one 
afternoon  by  the  hurried  arrival  of  a  friend  who  announced  that 
two  young  ladies  of  their  acquaintance  had  set  forth  to  visit  his 
school,  and  were  anticipating  much  fun  from  his  embarrass- 
ment. He  instantly  dismissed  the  scholars,  locked  the  door, 
and  fled.  In  after  life  he  used  to  refer  with  much  amusement 
to  the  haughty  manner  in  which  he  was  treated  by  these  young 
ladies  on  the  occasion  of  their  next  meeting. 

The  year  1863  was  the  darkest  period  of  the  war  between 
the  States,  and  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  that,  like  thousands 
of  other  young  men,  Greenhalge  was  drawn  into  the  great 
conflict,  and  to  some  extent  shared  in  its  vicissitudes.  With- 
out military  ambition,  and  inspired  alone  by  the  sense  of  duty 
and  patriotism,  the  youth  of  the  nation  flocked  to  her  standards 
through  all  the  bloody  years  of  the  war,  and  suffered  unim- 
aginable hardships  and  wounds  and  death  itself  in  the  cause 
they  held  sacred.  It  might  have  been  said,  in  the  language  of 
Pericles  after  a  similar  patriotic  struggle  in  ancient  Greece,  — 
that  the  nation  had  seen  its  youth  perish  as  the  spring  fades 
from  the  year.  Greenhalge  never  shared  in  the  actual  fighting, 
nor  was  he  long  absent  from  home  and  at  the  seat  of  war.  As 
will  be  seen,  he  failed  to  obtain  the  commission  that  he  hoped 
for  and  expected,  and  the  dreadful  scourge  of  malaria  soon 
rendered  him  unfit  for  service.  Yet  he  is  to  be  numbered 
with  that  host  of  distinguished  and  patriotic  young  men  whom 
the  nation  remembers  with  undying  gratitude  for  the  services 
they  rendered,  or  fearlessly  tried  to  render,  even  if  they  failed, 
in  her  hour  of  trial  and  her  fiery  ordeal.  In  October,  1863,  he 
tried  to  enlist  in  the  army,  but  he  was  refused  by  the  examin- 
ing surgeon,  on  the  ground  of  ill  health.  He,  however,  went 
to  New  Berne,  N.  C.,  then  garrisoned  by  Illinois  troops,  and  was 


SCHOOLS  AND  COLLEGE  CAREER.  35 

assigned  to  the  commissary  department.  During  the  attack  on 
the  city  in  February,  1864,  he  offered  his  services  in  defence  of 
the  city,  and  was  put  in  charge  of  the  stores  and  detailed  men 
of  the  Twenty-third  Massachusetts  Kegiment,  having  command 
of  a  force  of  colored  men. 

Failing  to  obtain  a  commission,  and  being  seized  by  malaria, 
he  was  obliged  to  leave  the  South,  and  returned  home  in  April, 
1864. 

The  following  extracts  from  his  letters  from  the  South  give 
a  vivid  picture  of  his  journey  to  New  Berne,  and  show  well  the 
power  of  friendship  he  possessed,  the  faculty  of  making  friends 
with  all  kinds  of  men.  The  letters  were  written  to  his  friend, 
Ithamar  W.  Beard.  The  first  is  dated  Nov.  21, 1863 :  — 

"Do  you  want  to  learn  patience,  do  you  desire  to  learn 
what  an  unprofitable  sign  of  nothing  you  really  are,  would 
you  know  the  mysterious  and  intricate  convolutions  of  red  tape, 
get  an  appointment  in  the  Commissary  Department  and  apply 
for  transportation  from  New  York  to  New  Berne.  I  love  New 
York  now,  —  but  why  ?  Because  it 's  the  first  point  I  steer 
to  when  I  take  my  homeward  route,  —  when  I  set  out  for 
home  (if  ever  I  do  set  out)  for  dear  old  Lowell.  The  fact  is,  I 
had  endless  trouble  in  getting  transportation  from  New  York. 

When  I  finally  got  passage  on  board  the  I  had  a  most 

miserable  experience  at  first,  —  unknown,  seasick,  sullen, 
homesick.  .  .  .  The  accommodations  of  the  soldiers  on  these 
transports  are  shameful.  Mine  were  very  good,  inasmuch  as  I 
was  a  first-cabin  passenger  along  with  a  young  lieutenant  in 
the  First  N.  C.  Heavy  Artillery.  I  had,  during  the  latter  part 
of  the  passage,  a  very  pleasant  voyage.  Moonlight  on  Pamlico 
Sound  is  what  you  want  to  see,  my  child.  I  became  acquainted 
with  two  or  three  good,  stout  Massachusetts  men ;  and  as  all 
the  poor  devils  on  board  were  out  of  rations,  I  won  their  good- 
will by  furnishing  them  food  as  long  as  my  money  lasted,  — 
that  was  not  much,  to  be  sure,  but  they  were  pleased  to  think 
a  great  deal  of  it." 

Another  letter  is  dated  Jan.  18,  1864 :  — 

"  Since  I  last  wrote,  I  have  had  several  days  of  sickness,  and 
feared  much  I  was  about  to  have  an  attack  of  fever.  My  mind 


36  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

was  filled  with  the  gloomiest  apprehensions,  and  the  thought 
of  my  mother's  and  sisters'  grief,  should  the  worst  happen,  was 
agony  itself.  As  I  lay  half  dozing  on  the  bed,  I  had  visions  of 
home  in  which  I  heard  my  mother's  dear  familiar  voice  asking 
me,  as  of  old,  "  How  do  you  feel  now,  Fred  ? "  and  could  almost 
feel  her  hand  on  my  forehead.  Had  I  not  improved  consider- 
ably yesterday,  the  next  steamer  for  the  dear  old  North  (you 
don't  know  how  one  gets  to  love  the  sterile  old  region)  would 
have  borne  my  body,  alive  or  dead,  back  to  my  home  and  my 
friends." 


CHAPTER  III. 

EAELY  LIFE    IN    LOWELL. 

AFTER  his  return  from  New  Berne,  Greenhalge  resumed  his  study 
of  law  in  the  office  of  Brown  &  Alger.  His  life  in  Lowell  was 
uninterrupted  from  this  time  until  he  was  elected  to  Congress 
and  went  to  Washington  to  fill  his  term.  Steadily  through 
all  these  years  he  raised  himself  in  reputation  as  a  man  of  un- 
stained integrity  and  brilliant  talent,  first  among  his  friends 
and  fellow-townsmen,  then  in  the  wider  circles  of  State  and. 
national  politics.  It  is  especially  interesting  to  trace  the  be- 
ginnings of  such  a  career,  and  to  follow  its  development  through 
the  years. 

We  do  not  give  credit  enough  to  young  men.  We  forget 
Chatham's  lament  that  he  was  charged  with  the  unpardonable 
crime  of  being  a  young  man.  In  times  of  public  disturbance 
and  war,  youth  comes  to  the  front ;  its  energy  is  resistless.  The 
Eepublican  armies  of  France  were  led  by  young  men.  In  quiet 
times  of  peace,  however,  the  progress  of  youthful  talent  is  slow,, 
like  promotion  in  the  army.  This  gives  rise  to  a  storm  and 
stress  period  in  the  minds  of  young  and  brilliant  men ;  they 
feel  that  they  are  greater  than  they  know,  that  others  do  not 
give  them  credit  enough ;  their  field  of  action  is  confined,  and 
their  talents  do  not  have  room  for  display.  This  leads  to  a 
passing  mood  of  cynicism ;  and  one  of  his  early  friends  has  told 
me  that  Greenhalge  was  not  without  a  trace  of  this  cynicism 
in  his  youth.  Real  cynicism  was  foreign  to  his  nature ;  not  an 
atom  of  it  existed  in  his  character.  He  was  never,  however, 
without  a  light  spirit  of  mocking  banter  in  private  and  social 
intercourse.  This  sometimes  was  misunderstood,  and  appeared 
to  wound  when  nothing  of  the  sort  was  intended.  He  had  the 
reputation,  with  some  people,  of  possessing  a  sharp  tongue ; 

89550 


38  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

yet  his  speech  was  ever  kindly  in  its  purport,  and  known  to  be 
such  by  his  friends.  He  had  the  kindest  heart  imaginable ;  a 
spirit  almost  feminine  in  its  delicacy.  He  was,  it  is  true,  a 
master  of  sarcasm  ;  and  sarcasm  in  public  debate  is  a  perfectly 
legitimate  weapon,  employed  by  the  great  masters  of  eloquence, 
and  by  none  with  more  force  and  polish  than  by  the  subject 
of  this  memoir.  The  keen  wit  of  Greenhalge  was  bright 
and  sparkling,  and  seemed  sometimes  to  be  in  a  state  of 
perpetual  effervescence;  yet,  though  Greenhalge  possessed 
high  natural  spirits,  the  deep  undercurrent  of  his  mind  was 
always  serious,  and  he  could  instantly  be  recalled  to  serious 
thoughts  by  any  pitiful  tale  or  matter  of  grave  import;  in- 
deed, his  sparkling  wit  seemed  only  like  the  light  and  bril- 
liant waves  that  play  over  the  profound  depths  of  ocean.  It 
could  be  instantly  stilled,  and  he  was  never  carried  away 
by  it. 

As  a  social  companion  he  was  delightful,  and  his  company 
was  much  sought.  Since  his  death  much  has  been  said  about 
his  being  a  remarkable  example  of  the  results  of  our  high- 
school  and  college  education.  Truth  to  say,  nature  gave  him 
great  talents ;  he  acquired  knowledge  with  ease  and  rapidity ; 
•he  needed  less  teaching  than  most  boys.  Schools  and  colleges 
cannot  of  themselves  produce  such  men. 

Greenhalge  took  the  leadership  of  men  because  he  was  gifted 
with  great  powers.  Genius  is  born,  not  made.  It  shows  itself 
early,  and  reveals  itself  without  effort ;  its  movements  are  as 
natural  almost  as  those  of  the  arm  or  hand.  It  borrows  from 
every  quarter,  and  repays  the  debt  abundantly  as  the  moon 
gathers  light. 

The  personal  character  of  Greenhalge  was  such  as  to  en- 
dear him  to  all  who  knew  him,  such  as  to  win  the  respect 
and  confidence  of  all  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  His 
comrades  were  bound  to  him  by  hooks  of  steel.  "  Many  are 
the  friends  of  the  silver  tongue,"  and  the  eloquence  and  ability 
of  Greenhalge  gained  him  a  host  of  friends;  but  by  those 
who  knew  him  well  he  was  beloved  more  for  himself  than  for 
his  gifts  and  talents.  He  was  the  soul  of  generosity  and  honor. 
He  was  absolutely  unprejudiced,  and  judged  men  solely  by  what 
they  were,  without  regard  for  the  accidents  of  fortune.  He 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  39 

loved  honor,  and  was  truly  with  "divine  ambition  puffed." 
He  lived  upon  a  high  level  of  thought  and  action  habit- 
ually ;  he  loved  the  common  elements  of  human  nature,  and 
knew  the  virtues  of  the  people ;  he  loved  humor,  and  looked 
kindly  upon  the  amusing  foibles  of  men ;  he  liked  those  per- 
sons best  who  appreciated  humor,  and  felt  more  at  home  with 
them. 

The  conversation  of  Greenhalge  was  remarkably  fluent  and 
interesting.  In  whatever  company  he  found  himself  he  easily 
took  the  lead.  Ordinarily  his  talk  was  light  and  brilliant. 
In  his  conversation  he  seemed  to  be  seeking  relaxation  and  to 
entertain  the  mind,  and  he  never  wearied  his  hearers ;  he  was 
always  a  very  busy  man,  and  he  seemed  glad  to  throw  off  the 
fetters  of  business  and  politics,  and  in  his  social  intercourse 
he  rarely  talked  of  either  subject  unless  it  was  introduced  by 
others.  He  was  not  fond  of  large  social  gatherings,  and  did 
not  enter  much  into  general  society. 

A  brother  humorist  of  kindred  spirit  has  written  as  follows 
of  his  flashing  wit  and  brilliant  repartee,  his  love  for  fun,  and 
the  entertainment  he  got  out  of  the  little  weaknesses  of  his 
friends :  — 

"Greenhalge  was  a  man  of  infinite  wit  and  humor.  He 
possessed  the  power  of  entertaining  a  room-full  of  people.  He 
had  the  tact  to  seize  upon  the  weak  points  in  a  man's  character, 
—  his  little  vanities,  his  personal  peculiarities  of  gesture,  dress, 
or  speech.  His  wit  was  audacious  and  atrocious,  although 
always  kindly.  His  best  friends  were  his  most  frequent  vic- 
tims. He  was  not  a  story-teller ;  I  cannot  remember  one  story 
that  he  ever  told.  He  was  not  a  punster ;  I  don't  think  he 
cared  for  punning,  esteeming  it  rather  a  low  order  of  wit.  But 
for  banter,  quiet  sarcasm,  brilliant  raillery,  ready  repartee,  I 
never  met  his  equal.  He  was  always  graceful  in  his  move- 
ments and  gestures.  His  face  was  one  of  rapidly  varying 
expression ;  his  voice  exactly  fitted  the  thought  he  wished 
to  express.  All  these  instrumentalities  were  brought  into  play 
as  he  set  before  you  any  humorous  thought.  Tell  him  some 
slight  circumstance  in  your  own  experience  of  a  humorous 
nature,  give  him  but  the  slightest  hint,  he  would  seize  upon  it, 
magnify  it,  turn  it  over,  inside  and  outside,  until  it  became 


40  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

replete  with  fun.  I  recall  one  such  experience  of  my  own. 
It  was  at  the  time  when  I  was  President  of  the  Lowell 
Y.  M.  C.  A.  There  was  in  Lowell  at  that  time  a  self-constituted 
missionary,  more  than  a  fanatic  in  his  zeal.  At  the  same 
time  there  was  a  woman  evangelist  holding  services  in  one  of 
the  churches.  The  missionary,  whom  we  will  call  Jones,  asked 
me  to  go  and  hear  this  evangelist.  I  went,  stayed  a  short 
time,  and  came  away  disgusted.  Jones  met  me  a  few  days 
after,  and  asked  how  I  liked  the  preaching.  I  stammered 
out  something  in  the  way  of  apology,  not  wishing  to  offend. 
Jones  became  very  angry,  and  said,  'You  are  no  Christian, 
you  have  never  been  converted,  you  stand  in  the  way  of  the 
cause ;  I  shall  pray  the  Lord  to  take  you  out  of  the  world.' 
The  whole  experience  amused  me,  and  in  an  evil  moment  I 
told  Greenhalge  about  it.  In  his  hands  it  grew  and  grew ;  to 
each  new  audience  he  gave  it  with  an  added  item.  He  told 
how  Jones  met  me,  how  at  his  threat  my  cheek  blanched  and 
my  knees  began  to  fail  me,  how  at  last  I  broke  away,  made 
such  haste  as  I  could  to  the  rooms  of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  got  a 
special  praying-band  together,  and  that,  as  Jones  was  praying 
for  my  removal,  the  band  prayed  that  I  might  be  spared,  until 
at  last  they  conquered.  It  does  not  sound  much  of  a  story  to 
tell,  but,  as  I  have  said,  to  hear  him  run  on,  it  was  delicious. 
At  another  time  he  gave  me  a  narrative  of  how  he  and  a  dele- 
gation of  Freemasons  attended  the  funeral  of  a  brother  Mason 
in  a  neighboring  town,  and,  being  dissatisfied  with  the  ministra- 
tions of  the  officiating  minister,  took  possession  of  the  church 
and  the  proceedings,  and,  calling  on  their  own  chaplain,  held 
supplemental  services.  I  never  quite  knew  how  much  of  truth 
and  how  much  of  romance  there  was  in  this  story;  I  do 
remember  all  the  graphic  detail  and  delicate  touches  and  keen 
appreciation  of  the  situation  that  he  put  into  his  narrative. 
His  wit  and  humor  were  the  keenest  and  most  delightful  when 
he  had  a  listening  audience  and  plenty  of  time  to  work  up  his 
matter.  Sometimes,  when  in  the  midst  of  an  elaborate  narra- 
tive, he  would  notice  that  his  audience  were  not  attending  or 
talking  among  themselves,  in  an  irresistibly  funny  way  he 
would  shrug  his  shoulders,  throw  up  his  hands,  and  say,  'There, 
I  see  I  have  lost  my  audience.'  Besides  these  long  narrations, 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  41 

now  and  again  there  would  flash  from  him  in  his  talk  a  witty 
remark.  I  remember  once  a  man  saying  to  him, '  Fred,  how 
bald  your  head  is ! '  '  Yes,'  he  replied ;  '  I  was  born  so.'  Once 
again,  in  speaking  of  a  man  who  was  an  indifferent  lawyer  but 

a  very  fine  singer,  he  said,  ' is  one  of  the  best  read  and 

most  successful  lawyers  at  the  bar,  but  he  cannot  sing  at  all.' 
The  expression  came  from  him  in  such  a  serious  and  judicial 
way  that  I  was  taken  by  surprise,  and  was  obliged  to  think  a 
moment  before  I  detected  the  fallacy." 

Greenhalge  had  all  the  elements  of  a  successful  actor  in 
him ;  these  humorous  sallies  were  of  the  nature  of  a  dramatic 
exhibition. 

The  countenance  of  Greenhalge  was  striking,  and  full  of  in- 
tellectual power ;  its  features  revealed  the  vigor  of  his  charac- 
ter. It  was  moulded  upon  antique  lines,  and  showed  strength 
of  will  and  brain  power ;  these  revealed  themselves  more 
plainly  as  he  grew  older;  as  in  the  case  of  other  leaders  of 
men,  the  habits  of  control  and  the  increased  experience  and 
force  which  he  had  gathered  during  a  lifetime  of  effort  appeared 
clearly  in  his  face.  His  figure  was  erect  and  energetic,  and  he 
walked  with  an  elastic  and  rapid  step.  Until  the  last  year 
of  his  life  he  was  strong  and  active,  and  enjoyed  the  most 
excellent  health. 

A  common  love  of  nature  and  delight  in  walking  led  him 
and  a  few  other  friends  to  join  together  in  a  sort  of  informal 
club,  and  they  were  accustomed  for  many  years  to  make  ex- 
cursions into  the  surrounding  country.  Their  usual  place  of 
rendezvous  was  at  Willow  Dale,  by  a  lovely  little  lake  in 
Tyngsborough,  about  five  miles  from  Lowell,  and  kept  as  a 
place  of  entertainment  by  Jonathan  Bowers.  His  life-long 
friends,  Dr.  Nickerson,  Frederick  Buttrick,  and  Judge  Lawton, 
with  others,  were  his  usual  companions  on  these  trips.  The 
storms  of  winter  could  not  daunt  them,  nor  the  sun  of 
July.  In  some  of  the  heaviest  snow-storms  they  have  been 
known  to  make  the  journey  on  foot,  tramping  over  the  fields 
and  through  the  woods.  The  following  song,  written  by 
Greenhalge,  commemorates  in  a  joyous  strain  one  of  these 
excursions :  — 


42  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

WILLOW   DALE— A  SONG. 

AIR  :  Cockles  and  Mussels. 

i. 
Oh,  good  Johnnie  Bowers,  how  jocund  the  hours 

That  rang  their  sweet  chime  o'er  thy  glimmering  lake ; 
In  June  or  December  't  is  sweet  to  remember 

Thy  crispy  potatoes  and  juicy  beefsteak. 

(Chorus)     Oh,  John  of  the  Dale  !  Oh,  John  of  the  Dale, 

We  '11  praise  thy  good  suppers,  oh,  John  of  the  Dale. 

II. 
Thy  face  apostolic  (yet  just  a  bit  frolic) 

Has  brightened  our  banquets  for  many  a  year ; 
And  now  thy  deep  laughter  would  ring  to  the  rafter, 

And  wake  all  the  echoes  on  mountain  and  mere. 

Chorus)    Oh,  John  of  the  Dale,  etc. 

in. 

As  Life  becomes  drearer,  our  song  shall  rise  clearer 
Among  the  still  woodlands  of  sweet  Willow  Dale  : 

We'll  banish  all  sorrow  from  morrow  to  morrow, 
And  pray  that  Mascuppick's  bright  founts  never  fail ! 

(Chorus)    Oh,  John  of  the  Dale,  etc. 

IV. 

Then  soft  be  thy  pillow  beneath  the  green  willow, 

And  never  may  sorrow  thy  rosy  cheek  pale  ; 
And  we  will  remember,  in  June  or  December, 

To  praise  thy  good  suppers,  oh,  John  of  the  Dale  I 

(Chorus)    Oh,  John  of  the  Dale,  etc. 

In  a  more  serious  mood  he  records  in  his  diary  the  memory 
of  another  journey  on  foot  to  the  same  place  :  — 

"  Saturday,  Jan.  2,  1886.  —  Yesterday  Dr.  Nickerson  and  I 
walked  to  Tyng's  Pond,  starting  at  one  o'clock  P.  M.  '  What  is 
rarer  than  a  day  in  June '  ?  Why,  such  a  day  as  this  second 
of  January  was.  The  deep,  clear  blue  of  the  sky,  the  gleam- 
ing trunks  of  every  tree,  the  distinct  outline  of  mountain  in 
the  northwest,  Monadnock  rising  '  in  silent  majesty '  —  this  is 
the  Doctor's  phrase  —  over  all,  like  a  noble  nature  above  the 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  43 

crowd  without  any  proclamations  of  superiority,  except  its 
own  grand  lines,  conscious  of  truth,  justice,  and  eternity ;  the 
stillness  which  suggested  Saturday  afternoon,  or  was  suggested 
by  it,  the  blue  ice  of  the  pond,  the  deep  green  of  the  pines, 
the  ineffable  glories  of  the  sunset,  flooding  lake,  hill,  woods, 
and  sky  with  wonderful  lights  and  wonderful  influences,  mak- 
ing us  anxious  to  grasp  the  fleeting  beauty  of  the  day  and 
keep  it  with  us  forever.  And  to  come  to  more  concrete  things, 
the  fresh,  splendid  pickerel,  the  wood-fire,  and  Johnnie's  good 
humor  made  a  day  that  ought  never  to  have  become  '  the  prey 
of  setting  sun,'  and  it  never  will." 

The  following  imaginary  conversation,  also  taken  from  his 
diary,  and  written  in  a  half-playful,  half-serious  style,  refers 
also  to  the  same  friends  and  scenes:  — 

B.  I  am  tired  and  worn.  I  have  been  holding  a  long  and 
troublesome  conference  with  disagreeable  people. 

G.  Leave  your  office  and  come  into  the  country  with  me ; 
you  shall  hold  a  conference  with  Nature. 

B.  It  would  cost  too  much.  Nature's  fees  are  higher  than 
a  lawyer's. 

G.  "  A  thousand  pound,  Hal,  a  million :  thy  love  is  worth 
a  million."  Give  Nature  your  love,  and  you  more  than  pay  her 
bill. 

B.  Do  you  want  me  to  pack  my  valise  and  start  for  the 
White  Mountains  ? 

G.  (by  an  impatient  gesture  waiving  the  White  Moun- 
tains out  of  the  question).  No ;  neither  valise  nor  White 
Mountains  meet  the  case  to-day.  Yes ;  the  recreation  I  offer 
to  you  —  and  observe  that  I  dwell  upon  the  first  syllable  with 
a  Pogram-like  accent,  to  show  that  I  mean  not  sport  or  pleasure 
merely,  but  new  life  and  strength  —  is  at  your  door,  or,  as  the 
real-estate  brokers  say,  within  easy  reach  of  the  post-office. 
Listen.  About  six  miles  from  here  is  a  pond,  —  not  a  lake  or  a 
lakelet,  mind,  —  two  miles  long  and  three  quarters  of  a  mile 
wide  ;  its  waters  are  remarkably  deep  and  clear ;  it  is  encircled 
by  hills  thickly  wooded ;  its  shores  are  rocky  and  wild,  and  the 
country  about  it  is  picturesque  and  lonely.  The  nearest  rail- 
road is  at  least  five  miles  away.  In  the  summer  this  retired 


44  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

spot  is  the  favorite  resort  of  the  sleek,  well-fed  citizen  and 
his  invariably  amiable  and  accomplished  wife  and  daughters. 
Sunday-school  picnics  and  innumerable  Orders  of  good  this  and 
that  invade  the  crystal  solitude  of  the  mere,  and  the  tall  pines 
hold  their  heads  higher  than  ever  to  avoid  seeing  the  fragments 
of  crockery  and  eggshells  and  the  scraps  of  newspapers  which 
strew  the  ground.  Swings  and  flying-horses  add  their  delights 
and  peculiar  effect  to  the  abomination  of  desolation  which 
summer  brings  to  this  lovely  bit  of  wilderness.  But  — 

B.    I  thank  you  for  that  "  but." 

G.  But  when  October  comes,  she  drives  these  money- 
changers out  of  this  temple  of  Nature.  The  hateful  smell  of 
crowds  is  dispersed  by  a  scornful  puff  or  two,  and  Nature  has 
her  own  again.  Then  we  call  the  pond  by  its  sweet  Indian 
name,  Mascuppick,  a  name  never  breathed  while  the  summer 
vandals  are  prowling  about.  In  the  journey  I  propose  we 
have  no  chance  of  meeting  those  myths  we  read  about  in  the 
newspapers,  —  the  courteous  baggage-master,  the  gentlemanly 
conductor,  the  obliging  landlord,  the  efficient  and  popular 
steamboat  clerk,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  gang.  Instead  of  these, 
we  shall  have  as  compagnons  du  voyage  the  northwest  wind, 
the  countless  sweet  odors  of  "  fresh  woods  and  pastures  new," 
bevies  of  fleecy  clouds  frolicking  over  our  heads,  and  the  music 
of  birds  and  trees  and  streams.  We  shall  walk. 

B.  Walk !  —  and  how  about  dinner  ?  I  can  give  up  the 
conductor,  the  baggage-master,  and  so  forth ;  but  I  make  a 
stand  for  the  obliging  landlord. 

Gr.  You  shall  have  the  finest  host  in  Christendom,  —  a 
Boniface  fit  for  the  place  I  have  described :  florid  as  October, 
jocund  as  the  day,  with  a  wit  as  clear  as  the  waters  of  Mascup- 
pick, and  a  disposition  as  genial  as  the  sky  is  to-day. 

B.    Is  he  the  summer  landlord  too  ? 

G.  Yes ;  but  under  compulsion.  His  poverty  and  not  his 
will  consents  to  furnish  entertainment  for  man  and  beast,  — 
with  a  decided  preference  for  the  beast  over  the  man  of  sum- 
mer. In  the  season  he  is  a  drudge  working  for  his  daily  bread ; 
and,  unlike  most  of  his  brethren,  he  thanks  Heaven  that  the 
season  is  short ;  and  from  September  to  May  he  is  a  man  of 
humor,  of  taste,  of  thought.  When  he  posts  up  his  notice 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  45 

"Closed  for  the  season,"  his  soul  walks  abroad  in  its  own 
majesty,  and  he  stands  redeemed,  regenerated,  and  disen- 
thralled. Such  work  as  conies  to  him  in  the  autumn  and  win- 
ter he  does  con  amore,  for  only  choice  spirits  ever  brave  chilly 
winds  and  deep  snow-drifts. 

B.  Pardon  me  if  I  still  harp  upon  the  dinner,  —  a  walk  of 
six  miles  makes  it  a  matter  "  hung  round  with  honors  and  im- 
portance." What  can  your  Sir  Launcelot  of  the  lake  or  pond 
give  us? 

€r.  John  of  the  Dale  we  call  him.  What  can  he  give  us 
for  dinner  ?  Chickens  whose  necks  are  wrung  in  your  sight. 
You  don't  want  to  see  the  process  ?  Well,  you  will  profit  by 
it.  Hornpouts  that,  after  baking,  give  occasion  for  discussions 
of  the  humanity  of  vivisection  ;  a  wood-duck,  in  the  line  of  pos- 
sibilities ;  and  of  a  surety  a  juicy  beefsteak  smothered  in  onions. 

B.    "  The  sober  certainty  of  waking  bliss." 

G.  With  sincere  mince-pie,  and  the  choicest  vintage  of  the 
apple  and  the  grape.  Cigars  of  one  brand  only,  but  delicate, 
rich,  and  true. 

B.  Your  description  would  create  an  appetite  under  the 
ribs  of  death.  I  am  hungry  now.  Must  we  walk  ?  When  do 
we  start  ? 

G.  Ah,  ah  !  "  Now  you  are  flames,  I  '11  teach  you  how  to 
burn."  We  will  march  in  ten  minutes.  Are  you  equal  to 
twelve  miles  over  hill  and  dale? 

B.  I  have  marched  twenty  miles  a  day  for  a  week  with 
knapsack  and  gun  in  Tennessee.  I  fancy  I  can  travel  to  this 
Mascuppick. 

G.  Very  well ;  won't  Dr.  Nixon  go  ?  He  knows  the  place, 
and  his  profession  lately  has  required  long  vigils  of  him. 

B.  The  more  the  merrier.  Perhaps  Buxton,  the  banker, 
would  join  us,  and  we  should  have  a  perfect  hollow  square  or 
quadrangle. 

G.  Telephone  both  of  them,  and  ask  them  to  report  here 
instanter.  They  will  be  taken  by  surprise,  and  before  they 
can  calculate  what  their  respective  families  and  the  great  pub- 
lic will  think  about  their  escapade,  we  will  have  them  out  on 
the  Mammoth  Eoad  by  Ledge  Hill  chasing  the  flying  leaves 
like  two  swains  of  Arcady. 


46  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

Greenhalge  was  much  interested  at  an  early  period  of  his  life 
in  private  theatricals,  and  assumed  various  parts.  He  was  by 
nature  a  good  mimic,  and  had  some  of  the  talents  of  an  actor. 
The  parts  he  assumed  were  well  executed.  Nov.  21,  1867,  at 
the  residence  of  General  Butler  he  took  the  part  of  Colonel 
Ferrier  in  "  The  Barrack  Boom,"  and  Aminadab  Sleek  in  "  The 
Serious  Family."  April  22,  1869,  in  Lowell  Music  Hall,  at  the 
entertainment  of  the  Lowell  Boat  Club's  theatricals,  he  was 
cast  for  the  character  of  Sidney  Maynard  in  "  The  House- 
breaker." At  the  meeting  to  form  the  Channing  Fraternity 
Dramatic  Club,  held  April  27,  1873,  he  was  one  of  the  most 
active  organizers,  and,  Feb.  21,  1877,  volunteered  for  the  enter- 
tainment given  in  aid  of  the  relief  fund  of  Post  42,  G.  A.  E.,  and 
played  a  part  in  "  The  Komance  of  a  Poor  Young  Man." 

Greenhalge  had  few  business  affiliations ;  he  was,  however, 
for  many  years  president  of  the  City  Institution  for  Savings. 
He  was  a  member  of  several  social  organizations.  He  belonged 
to  the  Central  Club,  and  afterwards  to  the  Highland  and  Yorick 
Clubs.  He  was  one  of  the  originators  and  the  first  president 
of  the  Martin  Luthers,  which  was  an  association  formed  to 
promote  out-of-door  sports  among  its  members.  Its  outings 
were  held  for  many  years  at  Tyng's  Island,  in  the  Merrimac 
River,  where  base-ball  was  played  in  a  muffin  sort  of  way,  as  he 
described  it,  and  other  exercises  were  enjoyed.  He  was  also 
until  his  death  president  of  the  People's  Club,  which  was 
founded  for  the  amusement  and  instruction  of  the  working  men 
and  women  of  Lowell.  He  was  president  of  the  Humane 
Society  for  three  years,  and  of  the  Unitarian  Club.  He  was  a 
trustee  of  Rogers  Hall  School  for  Girls,  the  Westf ord  Academy, 
and  the  Lowell  General  Hospital. 

His  home  is  surrounded  by  grounds  in  which  are  many  fine 
old  trees  that  he  admired,  and  he  took  an  interest  in  studying 
the  various  kinds.  In  summer  he  enjoyed  working  at  times  in 
the  garden,  and  has  sometimes  planted  and  raised  a  crop  of 
vegetables  in  a  small  plot  of  his  own.  He  said  one  could  derive 
benefit  from  digging  in  the  fresh  earth  when  depressed  or  out 
of  health. 

In  summer  Greenhalge  removed  with  his  family  to  his  cot- 
tage at  Kennebunkport.  When  first  married,  he  spent  his 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  47 

summers  at  Scarborough,  Maine.  Greenhalge  enjoyed  Scar- 
borough. Its  magnificent  beach  was  to  him  a  delight.  In 
sunshine  and  in  storm  he  walked  there  and  enjoyed  the  wild 
prospect,  the  grand  waves,  or  the  blue  expanse  of  peaceful 
waters.  Among  the  guests  of  the  hotel  he  had  many  warm 
friends.  At  Kennebunkport  his  cottage  stands  upon  a  hill 
overlooking  the  river  and  across  it  to  the  beach,  and  over  the 
ocean  to  York  and  Mount  Agamenticus.  His  piazza  commands 
a  magnificent  view,  which  he  never  wearied  of  watching.  He 
enjoyed  bathing  and  boating  on  the  river,  and,  most  of  all, 
sailing  or  fishing  in  the  bay. 

Greenhalge  was  a  man  of  simple  tastes,  and  the  social  side  of 
the  life  at  summer  seaside  resorts  did  not  appeal  to  him.  With 
the  native  population  and  villagers  he  was  on  good  terms,  and 
spoke  in  the  town  on  several  public  occasions.  He  was  liked 
by  them,  as  he  was  by  the  people  everywhere.  He  always  re- 
turned from  the  summer  holidays  with  his  face  bronzed  and 
burned  by  the  sun  and  with  increased  vigor.  In  the  last 
summer  of  his  life  he  enlarged  his  house  at  Kennebunkport, 
which,  alas !  he  was  never  destined  to  occupy  again.  All  his 
life  he  was  fond  of  the  ocean,  and  preferred  to  pass  his 
summers  beside  it. 

He  loved  too  the  mountains ;  and  the  memory  of  a  walk 
which  the  writer  enjoyed  in  his  company  over  the  rugged 
crest  of  Monadnock  is  very  vivid.  His  delight  in  the  grand 
rocks  of  that  stern  peak  was  intense,  and  he  quoted  this  verse 
of  Tennyson  more  than  once,  — 

"  From  scarped  cliff  and  quarried  stone 

She  cries,  '  A  thousand  types  are  gone  : 
I  care  for  nothing,  all  shall  go.'  " 

In  1872  Greenhalge  was  married  to  Isabel  Nesmith,  daughter 
of  John  and  Harriet  Eebecca  Nesmith.  The  father  of  Mrs. 
Greenhalge  was  a  prosperous  business  man,  and  distinguished 
by  many  high  intellectual  qualities.  He  enjoyed  the  friendship 
of  many  eminent  men,  among  them  Charles  Sumner  and  Wen- 
dell Phillips.  He  was  elected  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts in  the  same  year  when  Governor  Andrew  was  elected. 
Mrs.  Nesmith,  the  mother  of  Mrs.  Greenhalge,  was  a  very  re- 


48  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

markable  woman ;  and  her  daughter,  Mrs.  Greenhalge,  inher- 
ited many  of  her  characteristics.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Greenhalge  had 
four  children,  three  sons  and  one  daughter.  The  eldest,  Nesinith 
Greenhalge,  died  in  infancy;  the  next  was  Frederic  Brandle- 
some ;  the  third  child  was  a  daughter,  Harriet.  Eichard  Green- 
halge, their  youngest  son,  most  resembles  his  father,  and  was 
his  adored  and  petted  child.  He  is  well  known  as  "  Dick  "  to 
a  very  wide  circle  of  friends  of  all  ages. 

The  home  of  Greenhalge  is  at  the  corner  of  Wyman  Street 
and  Nesmith  Street.  It  was  built  by  him  in  1878 ;  the  land 
on  which  it  stands  was  formerly  a  part  of  the  estate  of  Mrs. 
Greenhalge's  father,  and  the  house  is  near  the  homestead  where 
she  was  born.  It  has  always  been  the  centre  of  a  home  life 
remarkable  for  the  strong  ties  of  affection  and  the  community 
of  spirit  that  bound  all  the  members  of  the  family  together. 
Greenhalge  was  a  most  indulgent  father,  and  was  almost 
worshipped  by  his  children.  He  was  never  known  to  speak  a 
harsh  word  ;  he  loved  his  home,  and  was  always  best  contented 
among  his  books  and  while  sharing  in  the  mutual  enjoyment  of 
home  life.  He  was  so  busy  a  man,  however,  that  much  of  his 
time  was  necessarily  passed  away  from  it,  especially  in  later 
life.  The  petty  vexations  of  life  never  seemed  to  disturb  him. 
From  its  littleness  he  was  singularly  free.  He  possessed  a 
mind  above  small  things,  and  they  never  either  depressed  or 
elated  him. 

Mrs.  Greenhalge,  his  beloved  wife,  he  reverenced  as  a  perfect 
woman,  and  the  felicity  of  their  married  life  was  without  a 
passing  cloud.  She  devoted  herself  to  him,  and,  without  ambi- 
tion herself,  watched  his  public  career  with  admiration  and 
loyalty  to  all  his  best  interests.  To  her  counsels  he  listened, 
and  he  depended  much  upon  her  sterling  common- sense  and 
high  ideals.  She  was  a  devoted  wife,  and,  like  the  wife  of  Dis- 
raeli, was  a  constant  support  to  her  distinguished  husband. 
Her  chief  interest  centred  in  the  home  circle ;  but  where  her 
husband's  interests  were  concerned  she  was  always  willing  to 
sacrifice  her  own  preferences,  and,  while  never  going  much 
abroad,  always  gave  to  public  questions  that  concerned  him  her 
undivided  interest  and  attention. 

Greenhalge,  though  ordinarily  the  most  gentle  of  men  in  his 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  49 

disposition,  was  not  incapable  of  that  "  noble  rage  "  of  which  the 
poet  speaks.  He  was  a  good  hater.  He  hated  meanness  and 
littleness,  falseness  and  arrogance.  Occasions  that  rightly  called 
for  such  display  could  always  raise  the  fire  of  indignation  in  his 
eyes  and  voice.  His  tongue  was  a  sharp  sword,  and  did  not 
spare  an  unworthy  victim. 

Yet,  after  all,  the  best  thing  that  can  be  said  of  him  was  said 
also  of  Lord  Macaulay  by  Sydney  Smith :  "  I  believe  him  to  be 
incorruptible ;  stars,  garters,  ribbons,  titles,  and  wealth  might 
be  laid  at  his  feet  and  he  would  not  be  tempted  ;  he  sincerely 
loved  his  country,  and  could  not  be  bribed  to  forsake  her  true 
interests." 

That  verse  of  "  In  Memoriam  "  which  he  liked  to  quote  seems 
very  applicable  to  him  now,  cut  off  in  his  prime  as  he  was, 
when  we  reflect  upon  all  that  he  might  have  accomplished,  all 
that  he  was,  and  would  have  continued  to  be  had  he  lived,  — 

A  life  in  civic  action  warm  ; 

A  soul  on  highest  mission  sent, 

A  potent  voice  of  Parliament, 
A  pillar  steadfast  in  the  storm. 

It  is  wellnigh  impossible  to  give  an  idea  of  the  animated 
conversation  of  Greenhalge ;  of  his  wit  and  humor,  light  and 
sparkling  as  champagne,  and  as  impossible  to  recall  as  to  give  a 
form  and  being  to  the  "  foam  of  fairylands  forlorn."  His  wit 
is  hard  to  remember  because  it  was  so  airy,  so  light,  so  efferves- 
cent, so  nimble.  His  audience  was  kept  perpetually  smiling ; 
in  the  social  hour  he  was  inimitable,  full  of  high  spirits  and 
good  fellowship.  Alas,  how  difficult  it  is  to  give  an  idea  of  his 
unique  personality,  that  gave  a  zest  to  all  he  said ! 

To  one  who  did  not  know  him  in  his  youth,  his  prime  of 
gayety  and  high  spirits,  for  "the  days  of  our  youth  are  the 
days  of  our  glory,"  it  is  fortunate  that  he  can  avail  himself 
of  the  experience  of  one  who  did  know  him  then,  who  was  his 
friend  and  comrade,  the  Eev.  I.  W.  Beard,  of  Dover,  who  has 
contributed  to  these  pages  the  following  reminiscences:  — 

"  As  nearly  as  I  can  remember,  my  acquaintance  with  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge  began  in  1859,  the  year  he  entered  college. 
I  was  a  member  of  the  class  of  1862,  he  of  the  class  of  1863. 

4 


50  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

He  was  two  years  younger  than  myself.  In  those  days  the 
classes  were  comparatively  small,  a  class  of  one  hundred  mem- 
bers being  a  large  class ;  consequently  we  became  acquainted 
not  only  with  our  own  class,  but  with  most  of  the  members 
of  the  other  classes.  Greenhalge  and  myself  soon  formed 
that  intimate  friendship  which  endured,  without  a  break  or  one 
single  breath  to  mar  it,  till  the  end  of  his  life.  Being  both 
Lowell  boys,  we  were  mutually  drawn  together ;  our  tastes 
were  congenial ;  but  although  I  was  his  senior  in  years,  it  was 
I  who  sat  at  his  feet  and  not  he  at  mine.  Some  things  stand 
out  in  my  mind  as  the  characteristics  of  the  youth  Greenhalge ; 
one  thing  particularly,  —  he  was  a  man  of  a  manifest  destiny. 
Kobert  Browning  in  his  last  poem,  written  in  his  last  illness, 
said  of  himself,  — 

'  One  who  never  turned  his  back  but 

Marched  breast  forward. 
Never  doubted  clouds  would  break, 
Never  dreamed,  though  right  were 
Worsted,  wrong  would  triumph, 
Held  we  fall  to  rise,  are  baffled  to  fight  better, 
Sleep  to  wake.' 

Of  this  verse  Browning  said  to  his  daughter-in-law  and  sister, 
'  It  almost  looks  like  bragging  to  say  this,  and  as  if  I  ought 
to  cancel  it ;  but  it  is  the  simple  truth,  and  as  it 's  true  it  shall 
stand.' 

"  It  comes  to  some  men  —  and  they  are  generally  great  men 
—  to  see  themselves  clearly.  Lord  Beaconsfield,  when  a  youth, 
told  Lord  Melbourne  that  some  day  he  intended  to  be  Prime 
Minister  of  England.  Abraham  Lincoln  in  the  days  of  his 
squalid  poverty  affirmed  that  he  meant  to  be  the  President  of 
the  United  States.  Such  a  prevision  of  a  great  destiny  young 
Greenhalge  always  had.  I  can  remember  well  how  in  those 
early  days  he  confidently  asserted  it ;  to  some  such  assurance 
might  have  seemed  like  self-conceit,  and  in  many  it  would 
have  been  so.  In  Greenhalge  it  was  only  a  just  estimate  of 
himself,  and  the  end  has  justified  that  estimate.  There  was 
much  of  impatience  with  his  surroundings  which  hampered 
and  hindered  him  in  his  early  youth.  There  was  a  touch  of 
cynicism  in  his  early  view  of  things  which  entirely  passed 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  51 

away  in  manhood.  It  was  the  mere  chaffing  on  the  bit  of 
the  race-horse  that  is  over-eager  to  take  his  place.  I  think 
his  college  days  were  far  from  being  his  happiest.  He  was 
not  the  man  to  have  borne  patiently  the  thwarting  of  his 
just  and  lawful  ambitions.  He  grew,  throve,  and  mellowed 
in  the  attainment  of  his  desires.  I  cannot  think,  I  have  often 
trembled  as  I  tried  to  think,  what  would  have  resulted  had  he 
not  attained  them.  Eeal  worth  and  unusual  ability  do  not  find 
so  quick  a  recognition  when  clad  in  the  habiliments  of  poverty 
and  obscurity.  Young  Greenhalge  did  not  succeed  in  taking 
the  place  in  college  as  a  leader  in  his  class  that  legitimately 
belonged  to  him.  He  was  facile  princeps  among  them  all ; 
but  in  that  microcosm,  a  college  class,  family  position  and 
wealth  have  the  same  undue  weight  that  they  have  in  the 
larger  world.  Such  men  as  Greenhalge  must  wait  to  be 
crowned ;  but  the  crown,  when  it  is  won,  is  all  the  more  glori- 
ous. Yet  there  were  happy  days  and  hours  for  him  in  college. 
There  were  rare  symposia  in  '  the  resorts '  we  most  frequented 
when  such  men  as  Greenhalge,  John  Fiske,  Oliver  Wendell 
Holmes,  Jr.,  Jack  Dennett,  Edward  Dorr  McCarthy,  and  many 
other  brilliant  men  got  together,  as  they  frequently  did,  and 
exchanged  their  views  on  literature  and  poetry.  At  one  time 
he  had  an  opportunity  of  showing  out  the  independence  of 
character  and  the  fire  of  eloquence  that  was  in  him  when  his 
class  reached  a  crisis  which  almost  amounted  to  a  rebellion 
against  the  college  authorities. 

"  My  intimacy  and  friendship  with  Greenhalge  began  after 
we  had  both  left  college  and  settled  down  to  the  study  of  the 
law,  —  he  in  the  office  of  A.  R.  Brown  &  E.  A.  Alger,  I  in 
the  office  of  D.  S.  &  G.  F.  Richardson.  We  were  in  th& 
same  building,  only  separated  by  the  width  of  a  hallway.  It 
was  our  duty  to  come  down  to  our  offices  early  to  sweep  the 
floors  and  put  things  in  readiness  for  the  business  of  the  day. 
It  was  here,  broom  and  dust-pan  in  hand,  that  we  used  to 
exchange  our  common  confidences,  tell  our  stories,  and  make 
our  jokes.  How  vividly  can  I  reproduce  in  my  mind  those 
days !  What  long  talks  we  used  to  have !  How  easily  we  laid 
aside  our  Blackstones  or  our  Chittys  to  pass  over  to  each 
other  and  while  away  the  time  that  we  ought  each  to  have 


52  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

been  spending  upon  our  books  1  I  do  not  think  that  either  of 
us  in  those  days  cared  over-much  for  mere  drudgery.  It  was 
the  last  social  event  we  had  participated  in;  it  was  some  bit 
of  college  news ;  it  was  some  funny  thing  that  somebody  had 
said,  or  a  bit  of  quiet  humor  over  the  eccentricity  or  ignorance 
of  some  client  or  acquaintance.  Greenhalge  was  rare  good 
company;  nobody  could  be  dull  with  him.  If  you  had  one 
spark  of  intellect  or  wit  or  humor  in  you,  a  half-hour's  conver- 
sation with  Greenhalge  would  bring  it  out.  He  was  the  very 
best  of  talkers,  because  he  would  let  you  have  your  say ;  he 
was  as  interested  in  your  story  as  in  his  own.  About  this  time 
we  both  felt  the  imperative  need  of  earning  money ;  so  we  each 
took  a  country  school,  —  I  at  Middlesex,  he  at  Chelmsf  ord,  about 
two  miles  farther  on.  We  walked  every  day  to  and  from  our 
schools  over  Westford  Street  in  the  bitter  storms  and  the 
biting  cold  of  a  severe  winter.  It  did  not  seem  much  to  do 
then.  I  can  well  remember  visits  I  made  to  his  school,  the 
conscientious  work  he  put  into  his  teaching,  the  originality 
of  his  methods.  I  remember  particularly  that  he  invented  a 
'  system  of  mnemonics '  by  means  of  which  he  very  materially 
facilitated  the  task  of  learning.  I  do  not  remember  what  that 
system  was.  I  can  only  recall  it  as  an  original  and  useful 
scheme.  Later  on  he  engaged  himself  to  work  in  a  boltrshop. 
It  was  an  irksome  and  utterly  uncongenial  employment. 
His  duties  were  those  of  a  common  laborer.  This  fact  shows 
his  willingness  to  lend  a  helping  hand  in  the  great  family 
exigency  of  the  hour.  It  could  not  be  expected  that  he  should 
long  continue  in  such  employment.  It  was  in  these  walks  to 
and  from  school  that  we  formed  the  determination  of  starting 
a  literary  society.  When  our  school-teaching  days  were  over, 
'  The  Club'  — it  never  had  any  other  title  —  was  fairly  launched 
on  its  long  and  prosperous  voyage  of  usefulness  and  discovery. 
Its  original  members  as  I  recall  them  were  F.  T.  Greenhalge, 
Joseph  H.  McDaniels,  James  O.  Scripture,  who  died  young, 
John  Davis,  Albert  Moore,  Solon  W.  Stevens,  and  myself. 
The  first  three  in  this  list  were  as  brilliant,  bright,  witty,  and 
well-furnished  men  as  ever  were  the  members  of  such  a  club. 
As  time  passed  on,  some  dropped  out  and  others  took  their 
places.  Among  the  new  members  were  C.  E.  Grinnell,  then 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  53 

the  Unitarian  Minister  in  Lowell,  Dr.  Nickerson,  and  Alfred 
Lamson.  Our  work  was  real  work;  our  fun  was  of  the 
purest  and  rarest.  Our  range  of  reading  was  wide ;  we  began 
with  the  dramatists  before  Shakespeare,  Ben  Jonson,  Chap- 
man, Massinger,  Beaumont  and  Fletcher,  and  the  rest.  Our 
method  was  for  each  member  to  take  one  play,  read  it  through 
by  himself,  and  come  into  the  Club  and  give  a  synopsis  of 
his  play  and  read  extended  passages;  and  so  with  all  the 
books  we  took  up.  We  read,  besides  this,  Spenser's  Faerie 
Queene  and  other  poems,  Buckle's  History  of  Civilization, 
Dante,  Tennyson,  and  I  know  not  what  else,  for  the  Club 
was  long-lived  and  did  conscientious  work.  It  is  hardly  neces- 
sary to  say  that  Greenhalge  was  the  very  life  of  the  Club. 
It  was  the  privilege  of  a  lifetime  to  listen  to  his  reading ;  he 
was  a  born  elocutionist.  Of  all  professional  readers,  I  never 
heard  any  who  could  read  as  well  as  he. 

"  He  was  unspoiled  by  any  '  lessons  in  elocution.'  He  had 
a  naturally  musical  voice,  easily  modulated  to  the  expression 
he  wished  to  convey ;  his  ready  literary  tact  enabled  him  to 
seize  upon  any  striking  and  dramatic  incident;  his  intimate 
sympathy  with  his  author  enabled  him  at  once  to  render  the 
passage  correctly  and  make  it  stand  out  a  living  thing  in  the 
presence  of  his  audience.  His  reading  was  utterly  free  from 
the  tricks  of  the  professional ;  the  effect  was  produced  by  his 
own  intimate  sympathy  with  the  thought.  To  listen  to  him  as 
he  read  was  like  listening  to  a  prima  donna  singing.  What  a 
discipline  and  education  the  Club  was  to  us,  the  lesser  wits  ! 
The  criticism  was  always  friendly ;  we  were  all  of  us  on  the 
most  brotherly  terms  of  intimacy,  but  woe  be  to  the  luckless 
wight  of  us  who  was  guilty  of  a  false  quantity  or  a  false 
literary  allusion.  It  was  never  forgotten ;  it  stuck  to  the  man 
like  a  burr.  I  remember  one  such  when  we  were  on  the  sub- 
ject of  '  Ben  Jonson.'  One  unfortunate  member  in  good  faith 
said  he  thought  Jonson  was  happier  in  his  dramas  than  he 
had  been  in  his  dictionary.  This  was  never  forgotten ;  it  grew 
into  colossal  proportions  under  Greenhalge's  masterly  manipu- 
lation. I  am  sure  that  member  learned  a  lesson  at  that  time 
that  has  been  of  use  to  him  his  life  long.  The  Club  met 
one  evening  in  every  two  weeks ;  there  was  good,  honest  work, 


54  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

but  it  was  not  all  work.  There  was  no  end  of  fun,  and  such 
fun !  There  never  was  anything  like  it.  It  was  akin  to  the 
'  Noctes  Ambrosianse '  of  Kit  North.  First,  those  suppers  1 
We  always  had  a  supper,  and  such  suppers !  I  had  at  that 
time  a  good  mother,  the  Lord  rest  her !  who  took  the  liveliest 
interest  in  the  Club ;  she  might  have  been  its  matron ;  it 
was  her  delight  to  exhaust  her  rare  skill  in  catering  for  our 
hungry  stomachs.  While  others  vied  with  her,  she  easily  led 
them  all  in  the  culinary  art.  Her  pressed  veal  and  grouse 
and  cream-pies  became  the  peculiar  property  of  the  Club. 
As  Greenhalge  easily  led  us  in  other  things,  he  was  not 
behind  as  a  knight  of  our  round  supper-table.  There  was 
nothing  of  the  gourmand  about  him,  but  the  same  refinement 
that  marked  him  in  everything  was  his  characteristic  at  the 
table.  He  had  inherited  the  taste  for  good  living  which  is 
peculiarly  English ;  and  that  which  we  all  keenly  enjoyed  he 
enjoyed  with  the  keenest,  but  in  his  own  way,  and  that  the 
best  way. 

"  This  allusion  is  not  out  of  keeping  with  my  subject,  since  the 
suppers  were  so  distinctive  a  feature  of  our  Club  and  so  much 
a  part  of  our  fun,  and  he  himself  enjoyed  them  so  thoroughly 
that  the  picture  would  be  incomplete  without  it.  What  capped 
the  climax  of  our  hilarity  was  our  annual  picnics.  One  day 
was  set  apart  in  the  summer  to  be  spent  out  of  doors,  —  some- 
times at  Willow  Dale,  sometimes  at  Tyng's  Island,  sometimes 
on  the  banks  of  the  Merrimac  Eiver,  below  Belvidere.  On 
these  occasions  there  was  no  innocent  wild  hilarity  we  did  n't 
indulge  in ;  there  was  nothing  that  any  gentleman  might  do 
that  any  one  of  us  would  not  do  to  add  to  the  wild  jollity  of 
the  occasion.  I  remember  once,  for  the  delectation  of  the 
Club,  one  of  our  tallest  members  bestrode  a  wandering  cow 
that  then  frequented  Tyng's  Island,  and  rode  about,  a  veritable 
Don  Quixote  on  an  original  Rosinante.  We  had  a  Club  song 
which  was  composed  by  Greenhalge.  It  originated  in  this 
way:  When  a  boy  in  England,  Greenhalge's  mother  used  to 
sing  to  him  an  old  English  ballad,  the  first  two  lines  of 
winch  only  I  remember.  It  went  thus :  — 

'  Queen  Dido  Bat  at  her  garden  gate 
A-darning  of  her  stocking,  Oh ! ' 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  55 

"  Then  a  rollicking  chorus  came  in  as  follows :  — 

'  Ri  fa  la  la  la,  ri  fa  la  la  la, 
Ri  fa  la  la,  la  la  ly, Oh!' 

"  Greenhalge  retained  the  tune  in  his  memory,  and  wrote  our 
Club  song  to  fit  our  own  circumstances.  A  copy  of  this  song,  in 
his  own  handwriting,  is  now  before  me.  I  give  it  as  follows : 

SONG  OF  THE  LITERARY  QUINTETTE. 

Sweet  Attic  nights, 

Your  pure  delights, 
When  fled,  will  haunt  us  ever,  Oh  ! 

By  joy  and  wit 

Young  souls  are  lit ; 
Care  dims  the  bright  hours  never,  Oh ! 
Ri  fa  la  la  la,  etc. 

Here  sit  unseen 

Great  shades  serene, 
From  Tartarus,  land  of  fable,  Oht 

Free  for  a  time, 

These  guests  sublime 

Shout  gayly  at  our  table,  Oh  ! 

Ri  fa  la  la  la,  etc. 

If  from  our  lips 

A  wise  word  slips, 
T  is  Plato  or  Bacon  that 's  croaking,  Oh ! 

When  the  laugh  rings  free, 

Don't  frown  on  me  ; 

It 's  that  wicked  Dean  Jonathan  joking,  Oh  ! 
Ri  fa  la  la  la,  etc. 

Then  glasses  clink, 
And  merrily  drink, 
Good  luck  to  the  dead  and  living,  Oh  ! 
Still  may  we  find 
Dame  Fortune  kind, 
More  nights  of  jollity  giving,  Oh  ! 
Ri  fa  la  la  la,  ri  fa  la  la  la, 
Ri  fa  la  la,  la  la  ly,  Oh  ! 

"  Our  hilarity  was  not  dependent  upon  our  stimulating  drinks, 
but  upon  our  effervescing  youth ;  our  Club  drinks  never  exceed- 
ing coffee,  pop  beer,  or  possibly  cider  or  claret. 


56  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  As  I  have  said,  where  Greenhalge  was  fun  must  come  out  of 
a  man  if  there  was  any  fun  in  him.  I  have  wished  to  make  it 
understood  that  Greenhalge  was  not  only  the  originator  of 
the  Club,  but  that  all  through  its  history  he  was  the  very 
inspiration  and  life  of  it. 

"  The  events  that  I  have  recorded  cover  the  time  between  1859 
and  1873.  Changes  had  been  gradually  coming  to  us  both.  In 
1869  I  was  married ;  in  1872  he  was  married.  We  were  pass- 
ing from  the  light-hearted  freedom  of  boys  and  youth  to  the 
responsibilities  of  manhood  and  family  life.  Up  to  the  time  of 
my  changing  my  profession  in  1873,  we  had  been  in  almost 
daily  personal  communion ;  now  all  this  was  to  be  changed. 
Our  communication  was  to  be  limited  to  very  occasional  letters 
and  still  less  frequent  visits.  We  both  found  the  responsibili- 
ties and  cares  of  life  thickening  upon  us ;  though  separated  in 
body,  in  heart  and  spirit  we  were  as  much  one  as  ever.  It 
was  never  necessary  to  appeal  to  him  for  sympathy  in  time  of 
need  or  affliction ;  before  the  appeal  could  be  made,  his  own 
word  of  courage,  aid,  or  sympathy  had  come  to  hand.  His 
heart  was  always  a  fountain  of  love  and  brotherhood,  which 
never  failed.  The  events  that  I  remember  most  vividly  in  all 
these  years  of  separation  were  his  occasional  visits  to  my  home. 
Alas  that  they  were  so  '  short  and  far  between ' ! 

"  Just  here  let  me  interpolate  an  illustration  of  Greenhalge's 
literary  acumen  and  acquirements.  Many  years  ago  he  called 
my  attention  to  the  use  of  this  expression  'short  and  far 
between,'  telling  me  that  it  was  borrowed  by  Campbell  in 
his  'Pleasures  of  Hope'  from  a  much  older  poem,  'The 
Grave,'  by  Robert  Blair,  and  that  in  borrowing  it  Campbell 
had  misquoted  and  spoiled  it ;  that  Campbell  quoted  it,  '  few 
and  far  between,'  which  was  tautological ;  that  in  Blair  it  reads, 
'  short  and  far  between,'  which  was  right.  Then  he  went  on  to 
say  that  Blair's  poem  was  very  fine  and  very  little  known  or 
read ;  that  he  had  known  it  since  he  was  a  boy ;  that  it  had 
been  a  great  favorite  with  his  father,  and  that  he  had  often 
heard  his  father  read  it.  To  return  to  my  subject.  Green- 
halge's visits  to  me  were  'short  and  far  between;'  but  if  they 
were  short,  they  were  sweet.  Those  at  Dover  I  remember  the 
best.  Twice  he  came  to  read  and  lecture  to  a  little  audience 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  57 

of  my  parishioners  and  friends;  on  one  of  these  occasions  he 
delivered  a  subtly  satirical  paper  on  Tennyson's  Locksley  Hall. 
I  recall  it  clearly.  It  was  a  delicious  bit  of  satire,  so  delicate 
and  subtle  that  most  of  his  audience  took  it  in  good  faith.  It 
was  very  original  in  its  conception,  as  everything  was  that 
came  from  him.  He  took  the  side  of  Amy ;  he  represented 
the  hero  of  the  poem  as  a  cynical  misanthrope,  utterly  im- 
practicable ;  he  set  forth  Amy's  husband  and  Amy's  home  life 
in  the  glowing  colors  of  domestic  blessedness.  I  remember 
well  his  reading  of  the  poem,  and  his  own  enjoyment  of  the  be- 
wilderment of  his  audience.  I  remember  afterwards  one  of  our 
Dover  young  men,  who  was  a  reader  of  poetry,  saying  to  me, 
'  That  was  a  fine  paper  of  Greenhalge's,  but  I  don't  agree  with 
him  in  his  view  of  the  poem.'  But  the  best  visits  we  had 
together  were  those  when  he  got  away  from  the  town  and  the 
people,  and  went  for  a  drive  or  a  walk  into  the  country.  Two 
of  them  I  shall  never  forget.  The  first  was  August  24, 
1888 ;  it  was  a  trip  to  Mount  Agamenticus.  The  mountain 
was  a  prominent  feature  in  the  landscape  from  his  summer 
home  in  Kennebunkport.  He  had  said  that  he  wished  to  visit 
it,  and  he  came  on  the  day  appointed.  Our  way  lay  through 
South  Berwick,  one  of  the  pleasantest  of  our  New  England 
villages.  Nothing  in  the  landscape  missed  his  eye  or  his 
appreciative  admiration  as  we  drove  along.  At  the  foot  of 
the  mountain,  two  miles  in  from  the  main  road,  lived  a 
veritable  specimen  of  the  .old-time  Yankee  farmer  (John 
Norman),  with  his  wife  and  his  son  (Silas).  No  man  had  a 
keener  or  more  kindly  appreciation  of  such  folk  as  this  than 
had  Greenhalge.  His  intercourse  with  these  hardy  sons  of  toil 
was  no  small  part  of  his  enjoyment  of  the  day.  It  was  an  easy 
matter  to  reach  the  summit  of  this  little  mountain.  The  view 
is  one  that  is  unparalleled,  in  New  England  at  least.  The  whole 
vast  reach  of  seacoast,  from  Cape  Ann  to  Cape  Elizabeth,  is 
spread  out  before  the  vision  of  the  beholder.  We  easily  identi- 
fied Kennebunkport.  We  had  sufficient  time  fully  to  grasp  the 
scene.  When  we  came  away,  the  full  extent  of  the  pleasure 
he  had  enjoyed  and  which  had  not  found  expression  in  gush- 
ing words,  he  packed  into  one  touching  and  characteristic  act, 
of  which  nobody  but  a  poet,  and  nobody  but  Greenhalge,  would 


58  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

have  thought.  Standing  erect  and  viewing  it,  he  silently  and 
most  gracefully  threw  a  kiss  as  a  lover  might  kiss  his  hand  to 
his  sweetheart.  This  may  seem  very  sentimental  to  some 
minds.  To  me  it  was  most  beautifully,  most  gracefully  and 
appropriately  done.  Those  who  really  knew  Greenhalge  will 
understand  and  appreciate  the  act.  It  was  the  silent  and 
expressive  act  of  his  poet's  soul.  Two  years  after  this  trip  he 
alluded  to  it,  saying :  '  It  was  on  August  24th,  two  years  ago, 
that  we  ascended  Agamenticus ;  that  was  a  day  always  to  be 
remembered.'  One  more  experience  of  this  kind  I  must  tell. 
November  22,  1890,  he  visited  me  in  the  same  way  for  the 
same  purpose ;  this  time  we  planned  a  walk  of  four  miles  into 
the  country.  In  our  way  we  passed  through  our  richest 
farming  region  on  Dover  Neck,  thence  up  Huckleberry  Hill, 
whence  we  got  a  view  of  a  very  broad  sweep  of  water,  a  wide 
river  on  either  side  of  us  and  Great  Bay  stretching  out  far  to 
the  southwest.  In  walking  we  met,  here  and  there,  the 
farmers  in  their  fields  doing  up  the  last  of  their  fall  work. 
Our  tramp  terminated  at  one  of  these  farmer's  houses,  '  Uncle 
John's.'  We  met  and  accosted 'Farmer  Austin' and 'Farmer 
Tuttle,'  a  sterling  man  of  the  Quaker  persuasion.  It  was  a 
cloudy,  lowery  day,  threatening  rain.  Such  days  had  a  special 
charm  for  Greenhalge  which  I  could  never  understand.  Every- 
thing in  this  tramp  was  viewed  by  him  from  the  poet's  point 
of  view.  There  was  not  one  feature  of  it  that  he  did  not 
idealize.  '  Farmer  Austin's '  prediction  of  a  shower  which  did 
not  come  was  replete  with  amusement  for  him.  '  Farmer 
Tuttle' s '  honest,  hearty  greeting  touched  his  heart.  '  Uncle 
John '  reminded  him  of  Bismarck.  I  chuckled  in  my  sleeve 
as  we  went  along  at  this  beautiful  web  of  ideality  that  he  wove 
and  threw  over  everything  and  every  man  that  he  saw.  It  was 
not  for  me  to  brush  it  away  ruthlessly  (even  if  years  of  intimacy 
had  reduced  the  men  and  the  scene  to  the  commonplace  in  my 
own  eyes).  Greenhalge's  'Dover  days,'  as  he  always  called  them, 
were  bright  spots  in  his  weary  life  of  care  and  responsibility. 

"  My  reminiscences  are  assuming  inordinate  proportions.  I 
will  make  some  extracts  from  letters  illustrative  of  the  thoughts 
I  have  suggested,  and  conclude. 

"The  following  is  from  a  letter  dated  'July  18th,  1874,'  and 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  59 

gives  a  brief  description  of  one  of  the  Club  picnics  which  I 
was  not  able  to  attend.  He  begins,  'My  dear  old  Parson;' 
then,  after  some  grateful  allusions  to  some  birthday  gifts  he 
had  received,  he  goes  on  to  say :  — 

"  After  we  had  given  up  the  idea  of  a  Club  picnic  for  Friday, 
comes  a  telegram  from  Grinnell  saying  he  would  be  up  in  the 
9  A.  M.  train  ready  for  the  fray.  I  got  it  about  9.30  P.  M.  the 
day  before ;  the  next  day  I  went  round  to  get  the  Club  together. 
Joe  was  away,  Albert  not  approachable ;  but  Davis  and  Nicker- 
son  I  gobbled,  met  the  lengthy  man  of  God,  procured  a  carryall 
with  two  flaring  horses,  also  four  bottles  of  California  claret, 
six  cigars,  and  bowled  away  to  Tyng's  Pond.  The  river  was 
flooded,  the  current  awful;  we  had  made  no  preparation  for 
food,  and  so  we  did  n't  go  to  the  Island.  At  the  pond  we  had 
to  wait  long  for  dinner,  but,  with  that  drawback,  had  a  splendid 
day.  We  bathed,  talked  philosophy  and  poetry,  ate  and  drank 
and  smoked ;  then  drove  up  over  the  new  bridge  at  Tyngsboro', 
and  went  back  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  through  North 
Chelmsford,  stopping  at  the  tavern  at  the  invitation  of  C.  D. 
Palmer  of  '68,  who  runs  a  mill  up  there,  and  talked  Harvard, 
drank  cider,  and  smoked ;  then  we  came  home,  Grinnell  stopping 
with  me.  .  .  .  We  shall  repeat  this  jollity  before  the  summer 
is  over.  We  missed  you  greatly.  Accept  my  thanks  for  your 
kind  [birthday]  wishes.  Don't  talk  about  giving  me  anything. 
I  am  thoroughly  ashamed  of  myself  for  my  forgetfulness  of 
duties  towards  you,  —  actual  duties,  you  know, — and  if  it 
were  not  for  my  sublime  confidence  in  what  will  be  brought 
out  by  '  one  of  these  days,'  I  should  hide  my  head  in  shame. 

"  Yours  ever,  F.  T.  GREENHALGE. 

"  Here  follows  a  letter  which  illustrates  his  poet's  habit  of 
idealizing  things  and  persons  that  he  loved,  and  gives  us  a 
glimpse  of  a  strong  undercurrrent  of  pathetic  longing  for  rest 
and  peace  from  the  world's  rush  and  turmoil :  — 

"My  DEAR  ITHAMAR,  —  Yours  received.  It  came  like  a  breath 
of  pure  fresh  air  on  my  heated,  troublous  life.  I  sometimes 
envy  the  good  Rector  of  Groveland  down  in  his  quiet  little  vil- 
lage '  walking  worthy  of  the  vocation  wherewith  he  is  called,' 


60         FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

performing  the  labor  he  loves,  and  doing  good  to  himself  and 
all  around  him.  I  should  like  much  to  be  with  you  now  in 
these  golden  October  days,  —  were  there  ever  such  before  since 
the  world  began  ?  Koaming  about  the  yellowing  woods  and 
"  leaping  the  rainbows  of  the  brooks,"  taking  the  winds  into  our 
pulses,  and  enjoying  life  as  it  should  be  enjoyed.  But  I  have 
a  wife,  —  a  most  excellent  one,  —  whom  I  cannot  leave  now, 

and  we  cannot  come  together.  .  .  .     has  been  nominated ; 

the  sordid  base  elements  as  usual  were  in  the  majority,  but  I 
most  devoutly  trust  an  honest  Democrat  will  save  us  from  the 
disgrace  of  this  base  man's  election.  .  .  . 
"  Love  to  all. 

"  Yours  ever,  F.  T.  GREENHALGE. 

"  Again  he  writes  :  — 

"  MY  DEAR  ITHAMAR,  —  I  cannot  tell  you  how  surprised  and 
pleased  I  was  in  reading  your  sermon  on  'Total  Abstinence,' 
etc.  [Here  follows  a  review  of  the  sermon  in  nattering  phrase. 
Then  he  goes  on  to  say :]  This  is  really  a  candid  opinion,  and 
in  giving  it  I  prove  myself,  as  Punch  says,  a  fool.  But  you 
won't  get  'cocky'  about  it,  I  know,  and  begin  to  dress  like 
Phillips  Brooks  and  Dean  Stanley,  —  both  stout  men,  I  believe, 
or  they  ought  to  be  for  the  sake  of  the  joke. 

"  I  intrusted  certain  moneys  as  to  Christmas  presents  to  a 
woman,  which  is  tantamount  to  saying  they  were  not  executed. 
Tell  your  mother  so,  and  at  the  same  time  thank  her  for  her 
splendid  remembrance  (there  is  a  phrase  for  you !)  of  me.  I  was 
fortunate  in  my  gifts,  very.  Grote,  Aristotle,  The  Science  of 
Law,  Mass.  Keports  (5  vols.),  Macaulay's  Lays,  Khedive's 
Egypt,  Evelina  —  ye  gods!  could  bounty  go  farther?  li  it 
did  it  would  fare  worse.  My  love  to  you  and  yours,  all 
of  'em. 

"Ever  yours,  F.  T.  GREENHALGE." 

Mr.  Beard  here  concludes  his  interesting  reminiscences. 

Greenhalge  was  a  man  of  deep  religious  feelings  and  convic- 
tions. His  father's  family  were  brought  up  in  the  Church  of 
England,  and  on  their  arrival  in  America  joined  the  Episcopal 
Church ;  afterwards  Greenhalge  united  with  the  Unitarians, 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  61 

and  until  his  death  he  was  a  frequent  attendant  at  the  Uni- 
tarian Church  in  Lowell.  That  belief  was  suited  to  his  broad 
views  and  the  nature  of  his  mind.  He  was  not  accustomed  to 
talk  much  on  religious  subjects,  but  it  is  evident  that  he  was 
supported  by  a  strong  faith.  Some  of  his  letters  and  diaries 
reveal  the  serious  nature  of  his  thoughts.  He  believed  in  the 
goodness  of  God,  and  loved  righteousness.  To  do  good  was  his 
desire,  and  "to  be  known  to  desire  to  do  good."  He  was 
unselfish,  self-sacrificing  on  the  thousand  small  occasions  that 
occur  in  all  men's  lives  when  they  can  sacrifice  their  own 
feeling  for  others,  and  most  often  fail  to  do  so. 

He  was  ambitious,  but  in  a  wholly  laudable  way.  He  was 
much  mistaken  and  misrepresented.  This  is  the  lot  of  most 
active  workers  and  leaders.  The  world  does  not  give  credit  for 
greatness  and  goodness  until  they  are  proved  and  tried.  It 
takes  time  to  overcome  men's  prejudices  and  preconceptions. 
The  strong  man  will  overcome  them  if  the  opportunity  and 
time  are  given  him.  Greenhalge  won  at  last  the  confidence  of 
all  who  knew  him,  and  their  respect  for  his  integrity  and 
worthiness. 

The  following  letters  and  notes  show  the  real  worth  of  the 
man:  — 

LOWELL,  Sept.  27,  1886. 

The  day  is  warm  and  sunny ;  an  ideal  day  for  the  moun- 
tains, whither  my  heart  follows  you.  This  has  been  so  far  a 
busy  day  with  me,  and  on  such  a  day  there  should  be  no  busi- 
ness but  with  the  woods,  the  mountains,  the  ocean,  and  the 
sky.  But  I  know  that  among  the  mountains  and  close  to 
the  sky  I  shall  have  a  faithful  agent  for  the  transaction  of 
the  high  business  to  be  done  there,  and  that  the  richest  profits 
will  come  down  to  us  from  the  airy  heights  where  you  are 
now. 

I  may  go  to  Boston  to-morrow  on  business ;  small  politics, 
relating  to  county  offices,  are  buzzing  round  my  head,  and  I 
detest  any  attempt  to  get  me  into  them. 

This  next  letter  was  written  to  Mr.  Beard  at  a  time  when  he 
was  undergoing  the  fire  of  a  sharp  criticism  for  a  course  of  inde- 
pendent action  in  opposition  to  the  prevailing  public  opinion. 


62  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

MY  DEAK  ITHAMAR, —  "Be  strong,"  and  let  the  clamor  of 
fools  go  unregarded;  the  crowd  have  no  right  to  interfere 
with  thoughts  and  purposes  they  cannot  comprehend.  I  have 
had  many  a  heartache  because  I  could  not "  suffer  fools  gladly," 
and  I  am  not  quite  ready  to  do  so  yet ;  but  I  cannot  be  bullied, 
nor  can  you,  as  those  ignorant  people  up  there  with  you  will 
learn. 

I  shall  try  to  run  up  soon  and  get  a  quiet  Dover  day  like 
that  peaceful  and  cheering  7th  of  December  last  year. 

I  was  elected  by  a  large  majority.     We  are  all  comfortable. 

Love  to  all  with  you. 

Yours,  F.  T.  GREENHALGE. 

The  following  letter  addressed  to  the  same  friend  gives  us  a 
glimpse  of  his  tender  sympathy  and  religious  principles :  — 

MY  DEAR  ITHAMAR,  —  I  write  just  a  line  to  express  my 
deep  sympathy  with  you  in  your  present  family  trouble  and 
danger.  Since  your  mother's  letter  was  read  I  have  counted 
the  hours,  and  cannot  help  feeling  a  sense  of  relief  as  they  go 
by  and  bring  no  message  of  sharper  grief.  I  know  something 
of  that  affliction  which  seems  to  cloud  the  face  of  a  good  God, 
—  to  rob  Him  of  Omnipotence,  —  and  to  fill  the  soul  and  the 
mind  with  black  darkness ;  but  I  hope  the  Deliverer  may  come 
in  all  his  strength  and  drive  this  affliction  from  you.  Though 
I  may  doubt,  I  will  pray.  Hope  on  and  fight  on. 
I  am  yours  in  hope  and  trust, 

F.  T.  GREENHALGE. 

These  notes  and  aphorisms  are  selected  from  his  diary.  At 
odd  times  he  jotted  down  his  thoughts  in  it,  but  it  was  not 
kept  consecutively.  More  often  the  items  were  written  when 
he  was  feeling  blue  and  depressed. 

Wednesday,  Nov.  14,  1877.  —  Saw  old  Mr. .    He  is  a 

fanatic,  and  I  think  an  opium-eater.  He  wanted  me  and  all 
my  friends  to  sign  the  pledge  and  profess  religion !  "We  had 
a  sharp  discussion,  —  rather  amusing  when  it  is  considered 
that  my  mission  was  peace  and  charity  and  for  his  benefit. 
Yet  he  assailed  me  impertinently  and  discourteously,  in  a  mild 


EARLY  LIFE  IN  LOWELL.  63 

Christian  way,  of  course,  but  rudely  just  the  same.  He  chewed 
tobacco  fiercely  all  the  while.  I  told  him  I  did  n't  "  profess  " 
religion,  I  tried  to  live  it;  that  I  did  not  believe  in  having 
more  religion  on  hand  than  I  could  use  in  my  daily  life ;  and 
that  the  hypocrites  and  humbugs  who  paraded  their  virtues  at 
Sabbath-school  but  nowhere  else  and  then  went  off  and  robbed 
their  masters  on  week  days,  I  detested  and  despised.  He  seemed 
dazed,  and  made  no  reply  ;  but  began  to  talk  on  the  business  in 
hand.  He  took  milder  ground  on  that  matter  too. 

March  11, 1883.  —  There  are  times  when  one's  body  in  perfect 
rest  seems  to  be  a  positive  pleasure  to  oneself.  Health  makes 
itself  felt,  and  is  a  joy  of  itself,  independent  of  action  or 
thought. 

We  speak  of  the  human  mind  as  finite.  This  is  an  assump- 
tion. The  mind  is,  in  its  powers,  its  resources,  its  capacities, 
its  possibilities,  infinite  as  the  spaces  of  the  sky.  As  in  those 
spaces  we  are  ever  discovering  some  new  star,  some  new 
solar  system ;  so  ever  and  again  we  see  some  new  thought, 
some  new  power,  shine  out  star-like  in  the  infinite  spaces  of 
the  mind. 

Alluding  to  some  one  unknown,  he  writes :  "  He  has  a 
value  which  impractical  men  are  apt  to  overlook  ;  he  is  an  in- 
terpreter between  the  highest  order  of  minds  and  the  lowest. 

You  cannot  play  with  your  opportunity  ;  you  must  take  it 
"  for  better  for  worse,"  cleaving  only  to  it. 

When  two  persons  meet  as  friends,  as  enemies,  or  what  not, 
there  is  only  one  question  of  importance  to  settle,  —  which 
shall  profit,  get  the  most  out  of  the  other  ?  In  whose  favor  shall 
the  balance  be  struck  ?  You  open  an  account  as  it  were  with 
your  new  acquaintance. 

Men  fail  nowadays  from  a  want  of  courage.  They  mean  to 
do  right,  but  consequences  loom  up  before  their  terrified  vision 
in  a  magnified  form  like  the  spectres  on  the  Hartz  mountains. 
This  or  that  interest  may  be  injured,  this  or  that  friend 
offended,  this  or  that  prospect  endangered;  but  if  the  right 
course  has  been  found  and  decided  on,  if  the  forces  of  truth  and 
justice  are  marshalled,  the  true  man  cannot  be  stopped  by  a 


64  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

flag  of  truce  from  the  stronghold  of  iniquity,  he  will  not  stop  to 
parley. 

Saturday,  Nov.  17,  1883.  —  For  myself,  I  have  been  much 
dispirited  of  late.  I  see  no  future  before  me ;  an  aimless  life  is 
death.  If  ambition  is  strong,  but  endurance  and  courage  small, 
ambition  is  a  curse.  Mine  is  not  a  very  selfish  ambition,  though. 
To  do  good  and  to  be  known  as  doing  and  wishing  good,  are 
what  I  seek ;  and  the  latter  half  is  the  damned  nonsense  that 
breaks  up  the  whole  scheme.  I  don't  know  which  is  worse,  —  to 
do  evil  and  be  thought  to  do  good,  or  to  do  good  and  be  thought 
to  do  evil.  The  moral  babbler  will  say  the  former  is  by  far  the 
worse.  I  have  tried  both;  the  suffering  is  about  the  same.  I 
feel  that  the  world  ought  to  know  good  when  it  sees  it,  even  if 
the  world  does  n't  know  evil  always.  Evil  seeks  disguise,  good 
does  not ;  yet  the  stupid  world  makes  mistakes  as  often  one 
way  as  the  other,  and  this  fact  crucifies  the  good  man. 

A  glorious  November  afternoon  !  Such  rich,  soft,  refined  (there 
is  no  other  word  for  it)  light  suffusing  everything !  The  beauti- 
ful naked  trees,  symmetrical  and  grand,  with  their  columns, 
trunks,  and  their  tapering  airy  pencil-drawn  lines  of  sprays 
with  this  soft  radiance  over  and  in  them  as  it  were  —  are  more 
beautiful  to  me  than  when  robed  in  their  June  leafage. 

"  Induitur,  formosissima  est ; 
Exuitur,  ipsa  forma  est." 

The  half-brown,  half-green  grass,  too,  catches  wondrous  tints 
from  the  afternoon  sky;  our  soft,  mellow  winter  afternoons 
have  never  been  recognized  by  a  blind  people.  Oh  for  a  Raskin 
to  preach  the  gospel  of  this  phase  of  our  winter  loveliness  I 


CHAPTEE  IV. 

POET    AND    WHITES. 

GREENHALGE  possessed  a  versatile  mind ;  he  had  much  of  the 
dramatic  element  in  his  character.  He  was  a  born  orator,  and 
had  cultivated  his  talent  to  a  high  degree  of  finished  excellence 
and  polish.  It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  we  should  find 
that  he  was  always  a  close  student  of  the  best  in  literature,  — 
for  literary  study  is  the  basis  of  all  oratory  of  the  highest  class. 
If  action  and  thrice  action  is  the  secret  of  oratory,  it  is  the 
study  of  literature  that  gives  it  ornament  and  style,  and  the 
imagination  that  exalts  it  is  full  of  the  inspiration  of  poetry. 

There  is  an  oratory  that  speaks  from  the  heart  in  simple  and 
homely  words, — like  Lincoln's  Gettysburg  address, — and 
transcends  in  power  the  greatest  efforts  of  genius.  But  the 
occasions  and  feelings  that  give  rise  to  it  are  rare.  The  orator 
must  depend  upon  his  art  without  the  aid  of  such  sublime 
circumstances.  The  secret  of  that  art  resides  in  the  classics  of 
the  English  language. 

The  love  of  literature  is,  indeed,  native  to  the  most  exalted 
minds ;  it  reveals  itself  in  the  most  unexpected  places,  wher- 
ever real  intellectual  ability  exists.  It  animated  the  lofty 
mind  of  Csesar;  it  accompanied  Frederick  the  Great  to  the 
camp,  and  graced  the  character  of  Pitt  and  Fox. 

Among  the  public  men  of  America,  however,  it  is  not  so 
commonly  found  as  to  make  it  pass  without  remark.  Ameri- 
cans lack  the  leisure  to  cultivate  a  love  of  letters;  we  are 
engrossed  in  business,  and  our  statesmen  are  practical  men,  — 
this  is  our  excuse,  but  a  poor  one.  If  literature  were  one  of 
the  ideals  of  American  life,  we  should  find  it  instilled  in  the 
young,  and  putting  forth  shoots.  It  is  not  inconsistent  with 
a  busy  life,  and  is  the  road  to  excellence  in  public  speaking, 

5 


66  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

—  which  is  one  of  our  principal  means  of  government,  and  the 
main  path  of  ambition. 

New  England  has  sometimes  been  called  the  brain  of  our 
country ;  and  its  authors  have  produced  the  best  of  our  litera- 
ture. Their  names  are  emblazoned  on  the  walls  of  our  legis- 
lative hall,  and  held  in  honor  by  America.  England  has 
enrolled  them  in  the  catalogue  of  her  authors,  and  it  is  fitting 
that  a  Chief  Magistrate  of  Massachusetts  should  have  been 
inspired  by  their  works,  and  a  lover  of  letters  for  their  own 
sake. 

Napoleon,  when  it  was  remarked  that  he  took  pleasure  in 
wearing  the  uniform  of  the  French  Academy,  replied  that 
every  drummer  boy  in  his  armies  would  think  better  of  him  for 
being  something  more  than  a  mere  soldier.  We  think  the 
more  of  our  statesmen  if  they  are  cultivated  men  as  well  as 
firm  and  just  magistrates. 

Greenhalge  by  nature  was  inclined  to  literary  studies.  He 
knew  the  imperial  step  in  literature,  which  I  have  heard  him 
say  was  not  understood  in  these  days  of  the  commonplace. 
His  taste  was  severe  and  chaste,  and  formed  upon  the  grand 
models  of  our  classic  English.  He  loved  his  Shakespeare,  and 
its  volumes  formed  the  most  cherished  part  of  his  library. 
Their  pithy  sentences  and  marvellous  bursts  of  poetry  are 
everywhere  underscored  by  his  hand,  with  perfect  precision 
pointing  out  the  supreme  passages  of  beauty  and  wisdom. 
These  marked  volumes  of  Shakespeare  reveal  his  mind  in  a 
literary  sense,  a  mind  capable  of  appreciating  the  best  Shake- 
speare indeed  is  well  fitted  to  be  the  statesman's  book  and 
amulet.  There,  if  anywhere,  shall  he  find  the  nature  of  man 
revealed ;  and  if  he  aspire  to  lead  mankind,  let  him  learn  their 
virtues  and  their  foibles  in  the  great  book.  Knowledge  of 
men  is  his  necessity.  Greenhalge,  when  a  young  man,  be- 
longed to  a  literary  club,  and  there  he  laid  the  foundation  of 
his  knowledge  of  that  supreme  writer. 

Among  modern  poets,  he  held  Tennyson  to  be  the  greatest ; 
and  the  wonderful  art  of  that  writer  aroused  his  admiration. 
He  liked  to  read  his  poems  aloud.  He  was  especially  fond  of 
reciting  "  (Enone, "  and  delivered  several  times  a  lecture  which 
he  had  somewhat  humorously  prepared  upon  "  Locksley  Hall.  * 


POET  AND   WRITER.  67 

"  In  Memoriam"  he  often  quoted.  He  also  read  aloud  fre- 
quently Swinburne's  "Queen  Mary,"  with  great  skill  and 
appreciation.  "  Atalanta  in  Calydon  "  he  was  among  the  first 
to  welcome.  For  Lowell  he  always  claimed  the  chief  place 
among  American  poets,  and  he  was  intimately  acquainted  with 
his  poems.  "  Columbus "  he  read  much  aloud,  and  ranked 
it  with  Tennyson's  "  Ulysses.  "  One  of  the  new  poets  of  the 
day  he  held  in  high  esteem,  —  William  Watson,  —  and  was 
especially  pleased  with  that  poem  of  his  entitled  "  The  things 
that  are  more  excellent. " 

Among  prose  writers  he  valued  much  the  quaint  works  of  Sir 
Thomas  Browne,  full  of  wisdom  and  truth.  He  was  not 
unfamiliar  with  the  grand  characters  of  Plutarch ;  and  he 
might  have  been  fitly  called  "  one  of  Plutarch's  men,"  in  the 
simplicity  and  truth  of  his  nature. 

He  was  naturally  interested  in  political  history  and  biog- 
raphy, and  possessed  many  works  of  that  class. 

Greenhalge  was  not  a  student;  but  his  scholarship,  as  far 
as  it  went,  was  exact.  He  was  aided  in  this  by  his  strong 
memory;  and  he  did  not  forget  his  Latin,  as  many  college 
graduates  do.  His  classical  quotations  were  always  accurate. 

He  liked  novels,  and  read  them  frequently.  He  had  in  his 
library,  and  enjoyed  reading,  Balzac's  works.  His  English 
favorites  were  Walter  Scott  and  Thackeray. 

History,  particularly  American  history,  he  had  always 
studied,  and  was  a  well-read  man  in  every  sense  of  the  term. 
Parkman  was,  I  think,  in  his  opinion,  the  best  American  his- 
torian, as  he  is  in  fact  the  most  imaginative  and  interesting. 

Greenhalge  loved  his  library,  but  he  did  not  haunt  the  book- 
stalls. He  seldom,  in  later  life,  purchased  books  himself; 
yet  he  sometimes  returned  home  bearing  a  prize  in  triumph. 
The  shelves  of  his  library  contain  about  a  thousand  well- 
selected  volumes. 

He  was  more  than  a  lover  of  literature ;  he  was  a  poet  him- 
self. We  have  seen  that  the  earliest  stirrings  of  his  ambition 
were  in  the  direction  of  letters.  As  a  man  of  letters,  he  might 
have  achieved  distinction.  He  possessed  many  of  the  neces- 
sary qualifications:  he  had  the  fine  taste,  and  much  of  the 
imagination  of  a  poet.  In  the  variety  of  his  intellectual 


68  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

powers  he  possessed  the  arsenal  of  a  man  of  letters.  His 
ambition,  perhaps,  would  have  been  satisfied  in  the  republic 
of  letters ;  he  liked  seclusion  and  retirement,  in  spite  of  his 
active  life.  Yet  he  chose  the  proper  sphere  for  his  activities ; 
he  was  a  natural  orator,  and  his  eloquence  was  a  power  in  the 
world. 

Authors  and  orators  have  often  many  characteristic  qualities 
in  common;  they  enjoy  a  common  reward  in  the  love  and 
admiration  of  men.  Cicero,  a  supreme  type,  from  certain 
weaknesses  in  his  character,  cuts  a  somewhat  sorry  figure 
among  the  grand  forms  of  Pompey  and  Caesar,  Antony  and 
Octavius ;  yet  he  in  a  larger  degree  possesses  our  love.  His 
weakness,  after  all,  was  rather  that  of  his  situation.  The 
sword  cut  the  Gordian  knot  that  his  rhetoric  could  not  solve. 
Yet  the  greatest  figure  in  history  to  many  of  us  is  the  inspiring 
author  or  orator  devoting  his  talent  to  the  enlightenment  of 
the  human  mind  and  the  advancement  of  the  race. 

Greenhalge  was  not  a  literary  craftsman,  he  did  not  give 
up  his  mind  to  poetry  as  a  fine  art ;  yet  it  is  wonderful  how 
beautiful  some  of  his  poems  are.  Their  publication  needs  no 
apology,  and  is  certain  to  give  pleasure  to  all  who  were  inter- 
ested in  him,  and  to  lovers  of  poetry  for  its  own  sake,  —  a 
fact  rare  in  political  biography. 

The  sonnets  which  he  wrote  are  remarkable.  A  sonnet 
offers  great  difficulties  in  its  composition.  The  poetic  feel- 
ing is  apt  to  disappear,  the  original  motive  to  be  obscured, 
overcome  by  the  intricacies  of  its  construction;  the  result 
seems  labored  even  if  it  is  a  work  of  art  and  beauty.  Green- 
halge's  sonnets,  on  the  contrary,  are  simple  and  natural,  feel- 
ing and  full  of  tenderness.  The  emotion  is  easily  expressed, 
and  the  art  is  never  too  obvious. 

The  poems  are  not  the  work  of  a  literary  artist,  pure  and 
simple ;  they  are  free,  and  not  labored ;  they  read  easily,  like 
the  verses  of  a  writer  unwilling  to  be  trammelled,  and  well 
express  a  spirit  too  earnest  to  spend  its  energy  in  elaborating 
decorated  diction  and  an  ornate  style.  They  are  not  to  be 
judged  by  the  standard  of  a  purely  literary  art  Written  by 
so  busy  a  man,  they  are  surprising  enough.  The  language  is 
without  a  flaw;  true  and  simple,  without  the  least  striving 


POET  AND   WRITER.  69 

for  effect.  There  is  nothing  but  what  is  excellent,  and  in 
point  of  style  natural  and  true.  The  poem  that  follows  —  one 
of  the  best  he  ever  wrote  —  is  like  a  flowing  rivulet  of  har- 
mony, gentle  and  melodious,  a  sweet  inundation  of  sound  ex- 
pressing in  the  sad  metre  of  "  Evangeline  "  its  burden  of  sorrow 
and  melancholy  regret.  It  seems  not  to  be  a  work  of  art, 
except  it  be  that  art  which  nature  makes.  Like  a  soft  and 
complaining  stream  in  the  green  meadows,  it  gives  its  song 
spontaneously  to  the  listening  ear.  It  commemorates  the 
death  of  Harriet  Nesmith  Coburn,  untimely  like  his  own, 
in  the  bloom  of  womanhood. 

This  poem  speaks  for  itself ;  the  voice  of  criticism  is  stilled 
in  reading  its  verses.  It  is  a  beautiful  performance,  and  is 
worthy  of  the  name  of  the  most  distinguished  author.  He 
gave  it  no  title,  and  it  needs  none. 

Still  for  a  moment,  0  River,  the  song  of  thy  murmuring  wavelets, 
Glad  as  thou  art  with  the  fulness  the  Spring  pours  into  thy  bosom ; 
Here  do  we  anxiously  wait  for  the  first  low  cry  of  an  infant, 
Eager  to  see  and  to  share  in  the  joy  of  the  beautiful  mother. 

Stillness  and  gloom  on  the  hill,  —  deep  stillness  and  gloom  in  the  valley  ! 
Heart-chilling  silence  when  joy  should  have  chanted  a  jubilant  paean,  — 
Darkness  and  death  where  life  should  have  flashed  with  a  multiplied  splendor! 
This  is  the  end  of  our  plans,  —  of  the  hopes  and  the  fears  we  had  harbored  ; 
Here  is  the  castle  we  built  laid  low  with  a  terrible  ruin, 
Whelming  in  one  great  doom  the  beloved  it  should  have  protected ! 
Innocent  joys  we  had  pictured  are  blighted  and  withered  to  ashes  ; 
All  our  fond  preparations,  —  the  toys  and  the  love-woven  raiment ; 
Lay  them  aside,  all  wet  with  our  tears,  —  sweet  emblems  of  sorrow,  — 
Tender  memorials  now,  to  be  cherished  and  wept  o'er  forever. 
Could  not  the  radiant  hopes  that  circled  like  cherubs  around  her, 
Plead  with  the  white-faced  Death,  and  turn  him  aside  from  his  purpose  ? 
Why  should  the  fond,  deep  love  of  a  mother  be  all  unavailing  P 
Was  there  no  pity,  O  Lord,  for  the  woe  of  a  desolate  fireside, 
Reft  of  a  wife  and  child  and  plunged  into  uttermost  darkness  ? 
Poor  is  the  comfort  we  offer,  and  weak  are  our  words  of  compassion,  — 
Would  that  their  hearts  could  feel  that 't  is  God  who  has  given  and  —  taken ! 
Purest  of  flowers,  shed  fragrance  around  the  sweet  babe  and  its  mother  ; 
Softness  and  beauty  of  Spring,  whose  softness  and  beauty  she  loved  so, 
Be  with  us  now,  as  we  bear  her  away  to  her  rest  on  the  hillside  ; 
Softly,  0  River,  glide  on,  soft  and  low  as  the  voice  of  a  mourner,  — 
Long  as  thy  current  shall  flow  by  the  home  her  sweet  presence  illumined, 
Requiems  chant  for  her,  for  she  loved  thy  crystalline  waters. 


70  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Oft  did  the  voice  of  her  gladness  unite  with  thy  musical  murmurs, 
When  in  the  sweet  summer  days  she  was  borne  on  thy  glistening  surface, 
Circled  with  friends,  while  rang  happy  laughter  and  music  around  her. 

Father  of  Mercies !  we  pray  thee,  console  the  fond  hearts  thou  hast  wounded; 
Soothe  them  with  loving  compassion,  and  tell  them,  in  whispers  angelic, 
Safely  their  loved  ones  rest  in  Thine  arms  forever  enfolded. 

The  three  sonnets  that  follow  are  remarkable  examples  of  the 
ease  with  which  he  wrote.  They  are  regular  in  form,  and  the 
rhymes  are  not  forced.  The  division  between  octave  and  sestet 
is  observed,  and  they  should  be  included  in  any  anthology  of 
American  sonnets.  "  A  sonnet  is  a  moment's  monument. " 
"  JT  is  the  pearly  shell  that  murmurs  of  the  far-off  murmuring 
sea. "  Much  has  been  written  about  it  as  a  form  of  verse. 
The  writer  has  not  much  sympathy  with  the  modern  view 
that  would  limit  it  to  one  unvarying  form,  —  the  Petrarcan, 
—  arranging  the  thoughts  and  structure  like  the  ebb  and  flow 
of  a  wave.  Kossetti  used  a  great  variety  of  forms,  and  Shake- 
speare a  form  of  his  own.  Greenhalge's,  as  it  happens,  are 
very  nearly  regular,  and  cannot  be  criticised  on  this  score. 
The  thought,  too,  is  translucent,  and  never  obscure.  Earely 
has  true  feeling  been  expressed  more  clearly  in  the  sonnet  than 
in  this  example ;  it  is  like  a  rose  exhaling  its  own  fragrance 
without  effort  or  self-consciousness.  It  was  addressed  to  his 
wife  on  her  birthday,  on  presenting  her  with  a  picture  of  their 
dead  child. 

Oh,  sweet,  grave  face  !     No  weight  of  years  could  bring 
The  wisdom  sitting  on  that  smooth  white  brow. 
Less  than  a  year  those  deep  eyes  shone  ;  and  now 

To  this  faint  image  comfort  bids  us  cling. 

Yet  what  rich  memories  from  the  brief  life  spring 

And  twine  round  all  things !  —  flower,  and  bud,  and  bough, 
And  indoor  sights  and  sounds,  all  show  us  how 

In  his  <nir  lives  were  daily  brightening. 

Dear  spirit  of  our  child  !  shine  through  these  eyes 
And  smile  on  us  with  wanner  love  this  day 

That  marks  thy  mother's  wedding  and  her  birth; 
Let  thy  loved  accents  thrill  with  sweet  surprise 
Her  stricken  heart  that  pines  for  thee  alwny, 
And  make  for  her  again  a  Heaven  of  Earth. 


POET  AND   WRITER.  71 

The  sonnet  upon  Lake  George  is  a  word  painting  full  of 
quiet  beauty,  and  a  charming  picture  of  natural  scenery ;  and 
the  one  commencing  "  I  love  the  busy  haunts  of  busy  men  "  in 
another  way  is  equally  good.  Greenhalge  loved  nature,  and 
felt  its  absence  as  a  deprivation,  especially  during  the  summer 
that  he  was  obliged  to  pass  in  Washington. 

LAKE  GEORGE. 

Like  silent  giants  stand  the  mountains  round, 
Guarding  thy  sleeping  form  with  anxious  care, 
Lest  some  grim  storm  lurking  in  cloudy  lair 
Should,  with  its  threatening  roar,  open  the  bound. 
Now  all  is  still,  save  where  with  silvery  sound 
A  hidden  rill  steals  on  thee  unaware, 
Whose  sweet  and  artless  song  was  such  a  snare 
That  silence  listened  —  and  so  sweet  death  found. 

Each  changing  cloud,  dark  hill,  and  leafy  isle, 
Seen  in  thy  depths  are  clothed  with  softer  grace,  — 
Faint  images,  sweet  as  the  dawning  smile 
That  happy  dreams  bring  to  a  sleeper's  face. 
Sweet  Horicon !     May  naught  that 's  base  or  rude 
Ever  disturb  thy  crystal  solitude  I 

THE  CITY  AND  MY  COUNTEY  HOME. 

I  love  the  busy  haunts  of  busy  men  : 

The  strife  of  courts,  the  bustle  of  the  marts, 

The  gathered  life  of  all  these  earnest  hearts 

Might  fire  Prometheus'  fainting  soul  again  1 

Here  first  is  heard  the  voice  of  Science  when 

Her  lonely  votary's  secret  she  imparts; 

Here  freshest  bloom  clothes  Learning  and  the  Arts, 

And  thoughts  flash  newest  from  the  sage's  pen. 

But  more  I  love  my  home  on  this  green  hill, 

Where  to  my  window  comes  the  evening  breeze, 

Faint  songs  of  birds,  the  river's  muffled  sweep. 

Within,  my  wife  sings  lullaby ;  yet  still 

Our  sleepy  boy  will  not  be  lulled  to  sleep, 

But  winks  and  babbles  at  the  waving  trees. 

The  poem  entitled  "  Blessed  are  They  that  Mourn, "  is  worthy 
of  any  pen  ;  and  I  insert  it  without  comment,  as  surely  it  will 
speak  for  itself,  and  is  certain  to  win  the  heart  of  all  lovers 
of  poetry.  It  commemorates  a  loss  common,  alas !  and  touch- 


72  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

ing  to  all  humanity,  —  the  death  of  a  child,  his  infant  son, 
Nesmith  Greenhalge,  who  died  July  25,  1874 

BLESSED   ARE    THEY    THAT    MOURN. 

Oh,  when  does  sorrow  for  our  lost  ones  leave  us, 
And  vanished  sweetness  cease  to  claim  a  tear  ? 

When  does  the  heart,  freed  from  its  burden  grievous, 
Beat  as  of  old,  as  though  Death  were  not  near  ? 

Why,  sorrow 's  but  the  shade  of  the  departed, 

Gentle  and  loving  as  the  loved  in  life  ; 
She  calleth  ever  to  the  faithful-hearted 

To  turn  their  hopes  from  earthly  toil  and  strife. 

Some  souls  there  are  that  sorrow  will  not  enter,  — 
They  have  not  room  for  such  a  stately  guest,  — 

In  the  base  earth  their  shallow  thoughts  all  centre ; 
They  live  unpurified,  and  die  unblest. 

But  they  who  cherish  her,  although  she  chastens, 

Find  her  a  friend,  and  not  a  spectre  stern  ; 
And  ever  as  their  brief  life  onward  hastens, 

From  her  prophetic  lips  sweet  truths  they  learn. 

Oh,  heart  of  fire  !     What  brought  thee  to  such  meekness  ? 

And,  sordid  soul,  what  maketh  thee  so  pure  ? 
Could  not  proud  strength  withstand  a  sick  child's  weakness, 

Nor  selfish  greed  a  wife's  last  kiss  endure  ? 

Ah  !  pass  not  this  mild  spirit  by  unheeding,  — 

She  is  the  link  that  binds  us  to  the  dead  ; 
Their  voices  and  dear  eyes  are  for  her  pleading, 

So  we  will  keep  her  with  us  in  their  stead. 

She  leadeth  us  away  from  fading  pleasures, 
Where  joy's  loud  trumpet  sounds  his  own  quick  doom ; 

And  from  lone  heights  she  pointeth  to  the  treasures 
That  shine  in  the  far  land  beyond  the  gloom. 

She  does  not  fill  us  with  a  vain  repining, 

But  nerves  us  rather  to  heroic  deeds  ; 
For  in  her  eyes  a  better  hope  is  shining, 

As  on  from  height  to  height  she  swiftly  leads. 

Then  wait,  dear  mourner,  for  that  blessed  morrow, 

Which,  taking  naught  of  thy  fond  love  away, 
Will  bring  the  sweet,  deep  peace  that 's  born  of  sorrow, 

And  fit  thee  for  the  realms  of  endless  day. 


POET  AND   WRITER.  73 

The  following  poems  are  also  among  his  best,  and  with  them 
I  will  conclude  my  extracts  from  his  poetical  writings :  — 

HYMN 

WRITTEN  FOB  THE  UNITARIAN  CELEBRATION  OF  THE  LAST  SUNDAY  OF  THE 
FIRST  CENTURY  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

Hail  to  the  Sabbath  sweet,  —  the  last 

Of  all  a  century's  Sabbath  days ! 
Float,  blessed  day,  into  the  past, 

Rich  with  a  nation's  prayer  and  praise. 

Thy  power,  0  God,  shines  through  these  years, 
That  bound  the  nation's  splendid  morn  ; 

Thy  hand  each  needed  bulwark  rears, 
Thy  voice  'gainst  secret  foe  doth  warn. 

Still  keep,  dear  Lord,  yon  flag  unfurled 

O'er  Freedom's  chosen  citadel,  — 
Cheering  anew  the  slavish  world, 

And  lighting  up  each  captive's  cell. 

That  faith  in  man  teach  to  mankind, 

That 's  born  of  purest  faith  in  Thee  ; 
Then  tyrant  can  no  longer  bind, 

And  right  will  rule  from  sea  to  sea. 

FALLEN  LEAVES. 

I  know  a  streamlet,  deep  and  still, 

That  through  wild  woods  seeks  out  a  way,  — 

I  saw  it  when  the  blasts  were  chill, 
And  o'er  it  Autumn  brooding  lay. 

But  soon  the  wind  flung  on  its  wave 
A  gorgeous  mantle  of  bright  leaves,  — 

Scarlet  and  gold  and  green  ;  they  gave 
A  glory  man's  art  never  weaves. 

And  as  those  fallen  leaves  lent  grace 

Unto  the  streamlet's  darkening  flow, 
And,  falling,  found  as  high  a  place 

As  when  they  bloomed  in  Summer's  glow ; 

So,  though  our  labors  seem  to  fail 

And  low  our  blooming  hopes  are  hurled, 

Like  fallen  leaves,  they  still  avail 
To  beautify  a  dreary  world. 


74  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 


SUNDAY,  NOVEMBER  30,  1884. 

How  still  and  calm  the  day  !     How  still  and  calm 
My  heart,  that  lately  throbbed  with  wrath  or  pain  ! 

The  week's  wild  tumult  now  is  as  a  psalm 
Borne  faintly  to  us  from  some  distant  fane. 

And  from  the  glory  of  this  silent  hour 

Confusion  flies,  like  Satan  and  the  night,  — 

Strong  truth  stands  forth,  clothed  with  seraphic  power, 
While  cowering  baseness  seeks  to  share  the  light. 

See  noble  Purpose,  clouded  until  now, 
Shine  with  the  flame  of  Bethlehem's  great  star ; 

And  Prophets,  smiling,  point  us  to  the  brow 

Whose  whiteness  wreaths  and  glories  cannot  mar. 

From  the  still  height  of  this  serenest  day, 

I  trace  Life's  motion  with  a  clearer  eye ; 
Men's  deeds  and  lives  are  only  God's  highway 

Which  leads  unto  His  glory  by  and  by. 

Before  concluding  these  remarks  upon  Greenhalge's  literary 
characteristics,  it  will,  perhaps,  be  interesting  to  consider  in 
detail  some  poem  held  by  him  in  high  esteem  and  admiration, 
that  it  may  be  seen  how  sure  was  his  taste,  how  correct  his 
judgment,  and  with  what  sincere  appreciation  he  read  the 
masterpiece  of  a  great  poet. 

It  may  thus  be  learned  also  upon  what  intellectual  food  his 
mind  was  nourished.  The  poem  of  "  Columbus  "  by  Lowell 
was  always  one  of  his  favorites.  This  poem  he  made  his  own 
by  his  appreciation  of  its  sublimities,  as  we  all  may  do ;  not 
ours  the  genius  to  conceive  the  words,  but  ours  may  be  the 
feeling  and  susceptibility  to  receive  the  message  and  assimilate 
the  thoughts.  He  has  marked  passages  of  this  poem  in 
brackets,  which  I  quote:  — 

"  The  trial  still  is  the  strength's  complement, 
And  the  uncertain  dizzy  path  that  scales 
The  sheer  heights  of  supremest  purposes 
Is  steeper  to  the  angel  than  the  child. 
Chances  have  laws  as  fixed  as  planets  have, 
And  disappointment's  dry  and  bitter  root, 
Envy's  harsh  berries,  and  the  choking  pool 


POET  AND   WRITER.  75 

Of  the  world's  scorn,  are  the  right  mother-milk 
To  the  tough  hearts  that  pioneer  their  kind, 
And  break  a  pathway  to  those  unknown  realms 
That  in  the  earth's  broad  shadow  lie  enthralled  ; 
Endurance  is  the  crowning  quality, 
And  patience  all  the  passion  of  great  hearts  : 
These  are  their  stay,  and  when  the  leaden  world 
Sets  its  hard  face  against  their  fateful  thought, 
And  brute  strength,  like  a  scornful  conqueror, 
Clangs  his  huge  glaive  down  in  the  other  scale, 
The  inspired  soul  but  flings  his  patience  in, 
And  slowly  that  outweighs  the  ponderous  globe,  — 
One  faith  against  a  whole  earth's  unbelief, 
One  soul  against  the  flesh  of  all  mankind. 

"  It  is  God's  day;  it  is  Columbus's. 
A  lavish  day  !     One  day,  with  life  and  heart, 
Is  more  than  time  enough  to  find  a  world." 

This  poem  he  often  read  aloud;  it  affords  a  good  test  of 
poetic  sensibility ;  it  is  grand  and  severe.  It  would  naturally 
appeal  to  one  who  had  suffered  some  of  the  slings  and  arrows 
of  fortune,  who  had  endured  the  dulness  of  fools,  who  had 
fought  the  good  fight  and  won  at  last,  after  toil  and  defeat 
He  never  learned,  as  he  said,  to  suffer  fools  gladly.  Only 
once  does  he  presume  to  criticise,  —  the  passage  beginning 
"  Let  not  this  one  frail  bark, "  he  notes  as  diffuse  and  weak. 
This  was  the  man  who  was  called  a  hustler  and  place-hunter 
by  some  who  knew  him  not.  He  sought,  it  is  true,  and  found 
at  last,  a  place  in  the  hearts  of  men ;  it  was  their  service  he 
sought,  not  his  own  advancement.  He  was  in  public  what  he 
was  in  private,  what  his  intimate  friends  knew  him  to  be. 
Such  poems  as  "  Columbus  "  are  not  the  usual  mental  food  of 
selfish  politicians  and  office-seekers. 

Our  political  leaders  wage  an  eager  party  strife,  which 
seems  bitter  at  times  and  fierce.  It  is  not,  however,  like  the 
ignoble  struggle  of  Pompey  and  Csesar,  ignoble  in  spite  of  its 
grandeur. 

Our  statesmen  can  never  be  more  than  the  servants  of  the 
people.  Purely  personal  and  selfish  ambition  of  a  high  order 
is  not  possible  to-day ;  small  ambitions  alone  can  be  selfishly 
gratified.  Men  of  a  high  order  of  intellect,  if  not  inspired  by 


76  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

patriotic  motives,  would  not  be  drawn  into  political  life.  What 
glistening  spoil  can  lure  them?  They  cannot  hope  to  gain 
wealth  or  personal  power;  they  may  desire  fame,  but  the 
love  of  fame  is  not  ignoble,  it  is  "  that  last  infirmity  of  noble 
mind. " 

In  the  heat  of  party  strife  our  feelings  may  blind  us ;  but 
once  our  political  leaders  are  lifted  out  of  the  arena  of  party 
into  the  sphere  of  the  nation,  when  they  become  by  election 
our  magistrates  and  legislators,  it  is  true  patriotism  to  give 
them  the  credit  they  deserve,  for  the,  as  a  rule,  unselfish 
character  of  their  efforts  and  the  purity  of  their  motives. 

Lincoln  and  Grant,  thank  God,  are  of  no  party.  In  a  nar- 
rower sphere  Greenhalge  has  come  also  to  be  of  no  party. 


CHAPTER  V. 

LAWYER   AND  ORATOR. 

GREENHALGE  was  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  1865.  For  the  prac- 
tice of  this  profession  his  talents  were  fitted  in  the  highest 
degree,  and  he  soon  began  to  make  his  mark.  The  law  was 
his  chosen  sphere  of  action;  all  his  life  it  held  an  exalted 
place  in  his  esteem  and  admiration.  The  great  system  of  juris- 
prudence, built  up  slowly  through  many  centuries  of  growth 
by  the  toiling  intellects  of  the  most  eminent  men,  holding  as 
in  garnered  sheaves  and  mighty  granaries  the  combined  experi- 
ences of  millions  of  men  and  the  wisdom  of  ages,  excited  his 
imagination  and  aroused  his  enthusiasm.  He  loved  his  pro- 
fession, and  took  pride  in  belonging  to  it.  He  was  content  to 
practise  as  a  lawyer,  though  his  career  at  the  Bar  was  early 
interrupted  by  political  calls  and  duties.  He  always  returned 
to  it  with  ardor  and  satisfaction.  It  was  the  means  by  which 
he  gained  a  livelihood.  It  brought  him  the  money  he  needed, 
and  he  held  it  in  honor,  as  all  men  should  hold  the  profession 
by  which  they  subsist.  The  honors  it  brings  would  have 
satisfied  him,  as  they  well  might  gratify  the  honorable  ambi- 
tion of  any  man. 

The  sublime  figure  of  Justice  with  her  equal  scales  is  rever- 
enced by  all  true  lawyers :  standing  like  an  eternal  mediator 
and  peacemaker  between  men,  it  is  her  image  that  they 
behold  and  remember,  and  not  the  law's  delay,  the  tedious 
litigation  and  the  faults  inseparable  from  any  system. 

The  great  lawyers  of  England  are  said  not  often  to  have 
gained  a  high  reputation  as  Parliamentary  orators ;  excellent 
speakers  at  the  Bar  have  failed  when  called  from  their  pro- 
fession to  a  seat  in  Parliament  It  is  not  so  here.  Our 


78  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

great  orators  in  Congress  have  almost  without  exception  been 
brought  up  to  the  practice  of  law. 

The  oratory  of  Greeiihalge  was  successful  at  the  Bar,  in  Con- 
gress, and  upon  many  public  platforms.  It  never  failed  to 
elicit  applause.  It  appealed  to  both  the  mind  and  the  imagi- 
nation of  his  hearers.  It  was  never  dull  and  formal.  It  was 
often  unpremeditated,  yet  it  never  lacked  brilliancy  and  force. 
His  facility  was  remarkable,  and  stamped  him  as  an  orator 
by  right  of  birth. 

Euskin  has  taught  us  that  what  is  done  well  is  done  easily ; 
that  if  our  work  comes  hard  to  us,  if  we  perform  it  with  diffi- 
culty and  labor,  the  result  will  not  be  the  perfect  work  of 
genius.  Genius  does  its  appointed  task  with  ease,  just  as  it 
is  evident  that  Shakespeare  wrote  and  Raphael  painted.  "The 
victories  of  Timoleon  are  the  best  victories,  —  which  flowed 
like  Homer's  verses,  Plutarch  said." 

Ease  and  grace  of  delivery,  an  unlaborious  style,  were 
always  distinguishing  qualities  of  Greeahalge's  oratory.  Many 
instances  of  his  remarkable  readiness  in  debate  and  on  the 
stump  are  well  known.  He  was  never  at  fault  for  lack  of  time 
and  preparation.  He  was  also  an  inspiring  speaker;  he 
aroused  enthusiasm  and  excited  interest.  There  were  energy 
and  fire  in  his  words.  He  possessed  the  secret  of  action  to 
animate  his  words,  his  gestures,  and  his  face.  The  audience 
never  sat  unmoved,  as  they  often  have  in  the  presence  of 
many  wise  and  weighty  orators.  There  was  a  nervous  force  in 
him  that  became  apparent  as  he  spoke,  and  passed  insensibly 
into  the  minds  of  his  listeners.  There  was  also  a  glamour 
about  his  oratory,  —  the  glamour  of  poetry  and  imagination. 
This  cast  a  glow  over  his  words.  His  speeches  were  enriched 
with  imagery,  and  he  borrowed  phrases  and  passages  from 
the  poets.  He  never  lacked  an  apt  allusion  or  quotation  to 
illustrate  what  he  said.  "  Ridet  domus  argento, "  —  "  The 
house  laughs  with  silver, "  —  how  fine  a  suggestion  to  fling 
into  a  tedious  debate  on  the  Silver  Bill  in  Congress  was  this 
verse  of  Horace !  It  might  have  come  from  the  lips  of  Burke 
or  Fox.  It  gave  lustre  to  his  speech,  and  raised  it  at  once 
above  the  tiresome  routine  of  debate. 

Greenhalge  was  an  impractical  speaker,  if  to  be  practical 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  79 

means  weight  and  wisdom  with  tediousness  and  without 
illumination.  He  could  speak,  and  speak  well,  upon  the  spur 
of  the  moment,  without  preparation.  He  could  trust  to  him- 
self to  respond  to  a  sudden  call,  and  perhaps  he  placed  too 
much  reliance  on  his  readiness  of  speech.  He  spoke  latterly 
much  too  often,  and  upon  too  many  comparatively  trivial 
occasions,  to  be  able  to  do  full  credit  to  himself.  The  people 
have  come  to  make  such  innumerable  demands  upon  the  time 
and  strength  of  the  Governor  of  the  State  in  the  character  of  a 
public  speaker,  that  if  he  is  to  fulfil  his  engagements  it  must 
be  often  in  a  perfunctory  manner.  The  fire  and  energy  of  an 
orator  are  not  inexhaustible.  Whenever  time  and  opportunity 
were  afforded  him,  Greenhalge  thought  a  great  deal  about  his 
speeches ;  they  occupied  his  mind  a  long  time  in  their  prepa- 
ration. He  was  accustomed  to  make  many  notes.  His  best 
orations  were  always  so  prepared. 

But  it  was  his  alertness  and  readiness  of  speech  that  singled 
him  out  among  his  compeers,  and  distinguished  him  as  a  born 
debater.  Congress  would  have  been  his  fitting  sphere.  Had 
not  defeat  withdrawn  him  from  that  arena,  he  would  have 
risen  high.  He  possessed  courage  also,  and  could  not  have 
been  daunted,  —  that  courage  which  draws  to  itself  the 
suffrages  of  all  men,  which  more  than  all  other  qualities 
makes  men  admired  and  followed.  He  had  the  highest  form 
of  courage,  —  moral  courage,  the  courage  of  his  convictions. 
This  made  his  eloquence  valuable  to  the  world,  a  power  for 
good.  He  needed  no  time  to  think  and  prepare  his  words 
when  once  he  heard  in  Congress  the  fame  of  Massachusetts  im- 
pugned and  insulted.  He  had  come  into  the  hall  suddenly  in 
time  to  hear  the  close  of  an  invidious  and  insulting  speech, 
whose  mark  was  the  reputation  and  honor  of  the  State  he 
revered  as  his  own ;  his  tongue  did  not  fail  him  then,  neither 
did  his  heart.  He  replied  with  force  and  effect,  and  his  de- 
fence was  instantaneous.  He  was  never  caught  without  his 
arms,  — his  sword  and  shield.  In  his  reply  he  said :  — 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  sorry  that  a  discussion  of  an  impor- 
tant appropriation  bill  has  called  forth  so  much  acrimony  in 
this  House.  As  a  colleague  of  mine  has  reminded  me,  with 
an  Indian  outbreak  upon  our  hands  —  with  '  Hannibal  at  the 


80  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENE ALGE. 

gates ' —  it  is  singular  that  so  much  virulent  opposition  should 
be  manifested  to  the  bill  now  before  the  House.  I  came  into 
the  hall  a  few  moments  ago,  and  heard  a  few  of  the  closing 
sentences  of  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Stone].  I  can- 
not understand  the  motive  or  the  animus  of  his  opposition  to 
the  bill  before  the  House.  I  do  not  comprehend  the  reason 
of  the  severe  denunciation  which  even  the  Commonwealth  of 
Massachusetts  has  received  at  his  hands. 

"  I  only  know,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  whenever  any  man  '  runs 
amuck,'  whenever  he  is  demoralized,  and  ceases  to  be  master  of 
whatever  mind  he  may  have,  there  is  an  attack  made  upon  the 
Commonwealth  which  for  a  month  or  two  to  come  I  have 
the  honor  —  a  sort  of  obituary  honor  —  to  represent  in  part. 
Now  I  desired  to  ask  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  (but,  con- 
tent with  his  triumph,  he  has  retired  suddenly  from  the  House) 
one  momentous  question,  and  that  was,  whether  his  attack 
upon  Massachusetts  was  prepared  before  the  4th  of  November 
or  subsequently.  His  answer  might  have  had  an  important 
effect  upon  my  manner  of  treating  that  attack.  I  should  admit 
that  if  his  remarks  were  composed  after  the  4th  of  November, 
there  was  much  truth  in  what  he  said.  If  they  were  composed 
before  the  4th  of  November,  then  I  should  resent  with  all  my 
power,  with  all  my  force,  little  as  it  may  be,  any  attack  upon 
the  old  Commonwealth. 

"But  how  these  gentlemen  when  they  want  to  get  a  breath 
of  life  in  this  Congress  have  to  go  back  to  1812 !  You  would 
expect  from  them,  Mr.  Chairman,  words  of  eulogy  for  the 
Hartford  Convention.  Yet  we  hear  none.  We  hear  only 
the  very  principles  which  they  pretend  have  been  successful 
at  the  last  election  condemned — why?  They  tell  us  that 
those  principles  were  wrong  in  1812,  but  they  are  right  in 
1890.  I  say  that  the  same  principles  held  up  by  that  con- 
vention are  what  will  animate  the  majority  that  will  sit  in 
that  wonderful  angle  described  by  the  gentleman  from  Illinois 
(Mr.  Springer)  the  other  day  —  an  angle  of  45°  —  in  the  next 
House.  Ah,  gentlemen,  you  may  think  that  we  Eepublican 
representatives  from  Massachusetts  have  not  amounted  to 
much  as  you  have  looked  upon  us  in  this  House ;  but  wait  till 
you  see  our  successors  1 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  81 

"Mr.  Chairman,  I  appreciate  fully  the  complaint  which  is 
growing  louder  and  louder  upon  that  side  of  the  House ;  and  as 
'  the  subsequent  proceedings  are  interesting  me  no  more,'  I 
take  some  pleasure  in  seeing  the  real,  sincere  manifestations  of 
feeling  upon  the  other  side.  You  have  a  right,  my  friends  on 
the  other  side  (and  I  leave  you  this  as  a  sort  of  farewell 
address)  —  you  have  a  right  to  complain  of  the  treatment  of 
your  Northern  brothers.  They  do  not  give  you  fair  repre- 
sentation upon  their  tickets,  they  do  not  carry  out  the  logic 
of  their  convictions.  My  friend  from  Ohio  tauntingly  asks  — 
no,  I  am  not  sure  about  its  being  his  taunt ;  he  made  a  taunt  of 
some  sort  or  other  —  we  have  been  tauntingly  asked  about  our 
friend  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Langston].  Why  do  you  complain 
about  our  action  in  regard  to  that  gentleman  ?  You  were 
more  disgusted,  you  were  more  irritated  by  the  action  of  this 
side  of  the  House  upon  the  question  of  seating  that  gentleman 
than  upon  anything  else  which  has  been  done  on  this  side  of 
the  House  or  under  its  auspices. 

"  MR.  ENLOE.   Will  the  gentleman  allow  me  a  moment  ? 

"  MR.  GREENHALGE.  Certainly. 

"  MR.  ENLOE.  I  made  the  suggestion  to  which  you  refer ; 
and  I  want  to  say  that  I  was  speaking  of  a  matter  over  which 
your  side  had  jurisdiction.  You  elected  him  to  this  House 
after  the  people  had  repudiated  him.  I  say,  when  you  have 
the  right  to  elect  at  the  polls,  why  do  you  not  put  such  men 
on  your  presidential  tickets  ? 

"MR.  GREENHALGE.  Is  that  the  gentleman's  idea  of  a 
question  ?  [Laughter.]  Well,  let  it  go  at  that ! 

"  Now,  I  say  that  while  we  certainly  have  done  our  part  by 
any  man  who  marched  under  the  banner  of  the  Republican 
party,  you  have  the  right,  my  friends,  in  the  next  House  to 
demand  your  full  rights.  You  have  the  right  to  demand  the 
repeal  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  ;  you 
have  the  right  to  declare  for  the  last  three  amendments  to  the 
Constitution ;  you  have  the  right  to  require  that  the  ablest 
man  upon  your  side  shall  be  elected  Speaker,  in  spite  of  his 
record  as  a  Confederate  soldier.  I  say  to  you,  act  out  the  cour- 
age of  your  convictions.  Be  true  to  yourselves.  The  great 
trouble  between  political  parties  is  that  they  do  not  state  the 


82  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

true  issues.  We  have  had  men  skulking  and  hiding  under 
this  side  and  under  the  other  side.  Now,  then,  come  out 
fairly  and  boldly,  and  the  people  of  the  country  will  have  at 
least  the  privilege  of  getting  the  question  before  them  stated 
fairly  and  honestly.  Stand  up,  then,  my  friends,  in  the  next 
House.  This  is  my  parting  benediction. 

"Ah,  you  talk  to  us  kindly  —  and  I  want  to  express  my 
gratitude  for  the  kindness  of  the  other  side  of  the  House  in 
my  supposed  unfortunate  condition  —  you  talk  to  us  about  the 
'lost  cause.'  If  it  were  a  lost  cause,  we  should  have  more 
sympathy,  active  and  vital,  from  the  other  side  of  the  House 
than  we  have.  It  is  simply  because  it  is  not  a  lost  cause  that 
you  still  have  a  rankling  and  ill  feeling  left. 

"  Now,  my  friends,  I  consider  it  a  matter  of  magnanimity, 
perhaps,  on  my  part,  to  stand  forward  in  these  last  moments 
to  defend  the  old  Commonwealth ;  but  in  spite  of  her  errors  — 
and  I  stand  here  as  one  of  the  errors,  and  I  know  it  will  suit 
gentlemen  on  that  side  in  one  aspect,  and  will  suit  gentlemen 
on  this  side  in  another  —  I  still  say  that  these  attacks  upon 
the  first  Commonwealth  of  the  Union  are  unworthy  of  the  men 
who  make  them,  and  the  posthumous  arguments  upon  the 
federal  elections  bill,  the  little  miserable  attacks  and  person- 
alities, unworthy,  shameful,  and  cowardly  attacks  upon  the 
person  of  any  member  of  this  House,  his  father,  his  mother, 
his  ancestors  in  any  degree,  or  upon  members  in  the  co- 
ordinate branch,  are  not  worthy  of  any  man  of  chivalry  or 
honor  or  self-respect. 

"These  things  come  too  late.  You  project  upon  us  an  attack 
upon  a  bill  which  has  gone  from  this  House.  We  are  ready  to 
meet  that  attack  in  any  proper  time.  We  are  ready  to  meet  it 
when  it  is  before  the  House  or  at  any  other  time,  and  still 
appeal  to  the  chivalry  and  decency  of  the  House  to  condemn 
this  resuscitation  of  arguments  projected  months  and  months 
ago  and  then  brought  forward  in  their  sepulchral  shrouds,  I 
hope  to  the  contempt  of  the  House." 

Much  eloquence  of  a  high  order  is  buried  in  the  law  courts. 
The  ability  displayed  by  advocates  in  the  practice  of  their  pro- 
fession does  not  bring  them,  as  a  rule,  wide  and  enduring  fame. 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  83 

Yet  great  nations  are  now  ruled  mostly  by  lawyers.  Carlyle 
has  railed  at  the  race  of  talkers  who  rule  England;  yet  the 
men  of  the  sword  have  not  always  guided  nations  wisely  and 
well.  The  world  has  not  always  advanced  under  their  sway 
in  the  past.  Briefless  barristers  are  said  to  govern  France ;  in 
America  the  seats  of  the  mighty  are  filled  by  lawyers.  We 
honor  them  as  a  class,  and  elect  them  to  high  office.  The  laws 
of  our  country  are  their  life-long  study,  and  we  believe  that 
they  are  able  to  frame  them  wisely,  that  they  make  good 
magistrates,  that  their  education  fits  them  to  execute  the  laws 
with  justice  and  moderation.  Greenhalge  came  into  contact 
with  men  at  many  points.  His  legal  career  is  a  worthy  object 
of  emulation  and  imitation  to  his  brothers  of  the  Bar. 

The  foundations  of  his  success  were  laid  in  the  practice  of 
law.  He  was,  first  of  all  things,  a  good  lawyer,  a  brilliant 
advocate,  and  a  wise  legal  counsellor.  He  was  singularly  free 
from  pedantry.  He  could  brighten  a  dry  argument  with 
flashes  of  wit.  He  understood  human  nature,  and  could 
reach  and  influence  a  jury ;  he  studied  them  individually,  and 
was  a  good  reader  of  character.  He  understood  his  cases,  and 
knew  the  salient  points  of  attack  and  defence.  He  was  logical, 
cogent,  and  urgent  in  his  arguments.  He  had  a  clear  insight 
into  the  great  underlying  principles  of  law ;  consequently  he 
understood  quickly  the  bearings  of  each  individual  case,  its 
relation  to  those  principles  and  the  great  body  of  legal  prece- 
dents. He  had  no  interest  in  the  trivialities  of  law,  its  curi- 
osities and  phrases,  its  quiddits  and  its  quillets.  Above  all, 
he  was  always  a  gentleman,  a  courteous  advocate,  gracious  to 
friend  and  foe.  He  was  never  unmannerly  or  rude  on  any 
provocation. 

Perhaps  the  highest  compliment  he  ever  received  as  a  law- 
yer, and  the  most  gratifying,  was  paid  to  him  and  the  opposing 
counsel  in  court  by  Judge  Aldrich.  The  compliment  itself, 
and  the  words  that  express  it,  are  worthy  of  a  great  judge.  It 
was  honorable  alike  to  the  Judge  and  to  both  the  counsel 
whose  conduct  of  the  case  called  it  forth.  The  following  is 
an  account,  taken  from  one  of  the  papers  at  the  time :  — 

"  Messrs.  Greenhalge  and  Lilley  [now  Judge  Lilley]  were 
trying  a  case  before  Judge  Aldrich.  When  it  was  closed  and 


84  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

his  Honor  took  it  up,  he  turned  to  the  jury  and  said :  '  Gen- 
tlemen, I  can  congratulate  myself  and  you  upon  the  manner 
in  which  this  case  has  been  tried  by  the  two  able  counsel  in 
it  The  law  has  been  presented  ably  and  decidedly ;  there  has 
been  an  utter  absence  of  wrangling  between  attorneys,  and  of 
browbeating  of  witnesses,  and  it  has  been  a  rare  pleasure  to 
hear  it.  Seldom  in  the  course  of  my  judicial  experience  have 
I  heard  a  case  that  has  been  conducted  with  so  much  legal 
ability  and  proper  spirit ;  and  for  these  two  days  it  has  seemed 
as  if  the  sweet  spirit  of  lofty  jurisprudence  had  filled  this  court- 
room. I  congratulate  the  gentlemen  in  the  case ;  I  congratulate 
the  jurymen  who  have  had  this  rare  privilege,  and  I  congratulate 
myself  upon  having  the  opportunity  to  sit  and  hear  it. '  " 

Coming  from  Judge  Aldrich  at  the  close  of  a  trying  and 
irritating  week,  this  expression  of  approval  meant  a  great 
deal.  Coming  from  any  Judge,  it  would  have  been  praise  as 
high  as  it  was  rare. 

A  high  authority,  as  will  be  seen,  has  joined  the  name  of 
Greenhalge  with  those  of  Everett  and  Choate  and  Webster ;  if 
no  direct  comparison  was  intended,  the  compliment  was  great 
and  well  deserved.  The  fame  of  Greenhalge  as  an  orator 
was  a  growing  fame.  The  laurels  that  he  planted  would  have 
attained  a  luxuriant  growth  with  years.  As  it  was,  he  had 
few  equals  in  life ;  he  possessed  the  wide  and  varied  powers 
of  great  speakers,  —  the  wit,  the  pathos,  the  imagination  and 
ardor,  the  reading,  and  gift  of  expression  that  have  distin- 
guished them. 

The  following  letters,  written  by  Senator  Hoar  and  addressed 
to  him,  are  unique,  and,  coming  from  such  a  source,  as  great  a 
compliment  as  could  have  been  paid  him.  They  were  a  great 
pleasure  to  him,  and  their  kind  and  laudatory  expressions  were 
highly  valued.  The  first  was  written  after  a  speech  he  deliv- 
ered in  Worcester  during  the  political  campaign  of  1891 ;  the 
second,  after  his  election  as  Governor  in  1893. 

WORCESTER,  MASS.,  Sept.  29,  1891. 
HON.  FREDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE,  Lowell,  Mass. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  GREENHALGE,  —  I  desire  to  say  to  you  a  little 
more  fully  than  I  said  it  last  night  how  much  I  was  delighted 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  85 

and  stirred  by  your  admirable  speech.  It  seems  to  me  nearly, 
if  not  quite,  the  best  political  speech  I  ever  heard,  and  I  have 
heard  a  great  many.  You  stated  the  point  on  several  ques- 
tions about  which  the  people  are  in  doubt,  and  where  good  men 
are  apt  to  be  confused,  with  wonderful  clearness  and  vigor. 

I  think  you  and  your  friends  were  entirely  right  not  to  pre- 
sent your  name  for  the  office  of  Governor  this  year.  I  suppose 
your  constituents  will  return  you  next  year  to  the  House  of 
Eepresentatives,  which  is  your  proper  and  best  field  of  service. 
If  you  had  been  elected  Governor  at  the  end  of  two  or  three 
years,  when  the  time  for  your  retirement  came,  your  district 
would  very  likely  have  another  Representative,  and  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say  what  opportunity  for  public  service  would  then 
present  itself.  Besides,  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  is  now 
a  much  better  and  larger  place,  especially  for  a  man  who  is  a 
skilful  debater,  than  the  office  of  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 
honorable  and  dignified  as  the  latter  may  be.  I  have  no  doubt 
that  if  your  health  lasts  you  will  have  a  great  place  in  our 
national  service. 

I  am,  with  kindliest  regard, 

Faithfully  yours,  GEO.  F.  HOAR. 


WORCESTER,  MASS.,  Nov.  7,  1894. 

MY  DEAR  GOVERNOR  GREENHALGE,  —  Amid  all  this  "  din 
and  tempest "  of  delight  and  exultation,  I  think  I  ought  to 
put  upon  record  my  opinion  of  the  very  great  debt  which  the 
Eepublicans  of  Massachusetts  owe  to  you  for  their  triumph  in 
this  campaign.  It  is  the  only  instance  I  think  of  in  our 
political  history  where  a  State  campaign  has  been  made,  and 
the  opposition  has  no  fault  whatever  to  find  with  the  State 
administration.  This  is  peculiarly  gratifying,  because  our 
Democratic  friends  would  have  been  very  glad  indeed  of  an 
issue  which  should  divert  attention  from  national  questions. 
This  credit  is  yours.  It  is  very  unlikely  indeed  that  the  same 
thing  will  ever  be  said  of  any  successor. 

I  trust  there  will  be  no  indelicacy  in  my  saying  to  you  what 
I  have  said  very  often  to  other  people :  I  do  not  believe  you 
are  yourself  aware  of  the  great  qualities  which  you  possess  for 


86  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

becoming  a  consummate  orator.  I  do  not  know  another  person 
living  in  this  country  who  seems  to  me  to  possess  them  to  so 
large  a  degree.  You  have  a  beautiful,  racy,  fresh,  and  origi- 
nal style  of  great  purity,  and  adapted  to  convey  your  thought, 
without  diminution  of  its  clearness  or  force,  into  the  minds  of 
your  auditors.  You  have  the  gift  of  pathos,  of  wit,  and  of 
stirring  lofty  emotion.  I  do  not  think  the  public,  although 
they  listen,  as  you  must  yourself  know,  with  great  delight  to 
your  public  utterances,  are  as  yet  aware  of  the  extent  to  which 
you  possess  this  capacity.  I  hope  you  will  not  content  your- 
self with  answering  satisfactorily  the  ordinary  demands  which 
come  to  you  by  virtue  of  your  public  station,  but  that  you 
will  do  what  our  other  great  orators  did,  —  what  Edward 
Everett,  and  Choate,  and  Sumner,  and  what  Webster  in  his 
earlier  years  did,  —  take  such  opportunities  as  may  come  to 
you  for  the  preparation  of  careful  and  elaborate  addresses  on 
great  themes  which  will  take  a  permanent  place  in  literature, 
and  which  will  contain  the  very  best  you  can  do  with  full  and 
thorough  study.  What  any  of  us  has  to  say,  however  well  it 
may  be  said  in  ordinary  political  discourses,  is  not  remembered 
long.  But  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  while  you  are  answering  to 
these  ordinary  calls  better  than  anybody  else  we  have  now 
upon  the  stage,  you  will  find  it  in  your  power  to  do  something 
which  may  live  longer. 

I  trust  you  will  excuse  this  somewhat  grandfatherly  tone 
from  an  old  fellow  who  has  got  only  two  years  left  to  him  of 
the  seventy  which  the  law  allows,  and  finds  it  much  easier  to 
give  good  advice  to  youngsters  than  to  follow  good  advice 
himself. 

I  am,  with  highest  regard, 

Faithfully  yours,  GEO.  F.  HOAR. 

The  letter  that  succeeds  was  written  to  Greenhalge  by  Judge 
Abbott  after  hearing  him  argue  a  case  in  court,  and  shows  how 
high  an  opinion  that  eminent  lawyer  had  formed  of  his  ability. 
Greenhalge  had  been  intimate  with  his  sons  and  written  a 
poem  commemorating  the  death  in  battle  of  one  of  them, 
Captain  Henry  Livermore  Abbott,  who  was  killed  in  the  battle 
of  the  Wilderness. 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  87 

MY  DEAR  MR.  GREENHALGE,  —  I  thank  you  for  your  kind 
note;  but  I  am  the  obliged  party.  I  have  desired  to  make 
your  acquaintance  for  a  long  time.  I  first  knew  of  you  by 
some  kind  things  said  by  you  of  my  sons,  who  I  think  were 
in  the  same  school  with  you ;  and  I  have  watched  your  prog- 
ress professionally  and  politically  since  with  much  interest. 
I  never  happened,  however,  to  be  fortunate  enough  to  hear  you 
in  court  until  the  other  day,  when  I  was  delighted  with  the 
manner  in  which  you  argued  a  case  that  did  not  look  at  first 
very  promising. 

,  I  trust  your  great  success  in  politics  may  not  tempt  you 
away  from  the  profession,  for  that  would  be  a  misfortune  to 
you  and  the  law. 

Permit  me  to  say,  I  trust  that  I  may  have  the  pleasure  of 
continuing  the  acquaintance  so  pleasantly  begun. 

I  have  not  been  so  long  away  from  the  city  in  which  I  spent 
the  best  and  happiest  part  of  my  life,  that  I  have  forgotten  to 
feel  a  warm  interest  in  Lowell  and  Lowell  men. 

Faithfully  yours,  J.  G.  ABBOTT. 

317  COMMONWEALTH  AVE.,  28th  of  Feb.  1889. 

There  is  a  very  interesting  note  in  the  diary  of  Greenhalge, 
written  May  15,  Sunday,  1881,  which  illustrates  his  manner 
of  preparing  his  speeches.  The  oration  he  speaks  of  was 
delivered  at  Concord  on  Decoration  Day  in  that  year.  The 
fragment  is  as  follows  :  "  At  home  working  on  oration  at  Con- 
cord. I  cannot  write  orations,  —  I  have  to  speak  them,  and 
then  try  to  remember  them  as  the  best  results  of  the  trial 
speaking,  for  the  grand  occasion.  A  written  style  for  speak- 
ing is  damnable. "  This  is  significant ;  he  could  not  compose 
and  polish  his  orations  as  if  they  were  literary  essays.  This 
seems  like  the  dictum  of  a  true  orator.  He  wanted  the  enthu- 
siasm of  large  assemblies,  the  electric  thrill  which  moves  the 
audience  and  speaker  alike ;  he  missed  the  emotions  born  of  the 
occasion  that  stir  the  heart  to  utterance,  that  unseal  the  lips 
and  wing  the  orator's  words  with  flame.  To  be  sure,  what  he 
had  to  say  he  thought  out  and  remembered  as  far  as  he  could ; 
but  the  shape  it  took  in  his  mind  was  not  rigid  and  unchange- 
able. It  flowed  easily  into  new  forms  to  receive  the  sugges- 


88  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

tions  of  the  moment  It  is  impossible  to  give  an  idea  of  the 
delight  and  fascination  with  which  Greenhalge's  orations  were 
heard  when  he  was  in  his  prime,  when  his  health  was  at  its 
best,  and  his  spirits  most  high  and  buoyant.  Only  those  who 
listened  to  him  in  such  a  happy  and  fortunate  moment  can  have 
a  conception  of  it,  and  they  are  not  so  numerous  as  may  be 
supposed.  He  spoke  too  often  in  many  political  campaigns, 
and  was  often  tired.  The  calls  upon  him  as  Governor  were 
innumerable ;  in  the  last  years  of  his  life  his  health  could  not 
have  been  perfect.  Greenhalge's  oratory  at  its  best  was  inimi- 
table ;  it  was  wise  and  witty  at  will ;  it  was  full  of  poetry  and 
pathos;  it  overflowed  with  high  spirit;  it  was  decorative;  it 
was  delicious  and  rich  with  humor;  it  was  a  lavish  repast 
spread  for  the  mind's  delight.  He  possessed  the  temperament 
of  an  orator;  though  subject  to  fits  of  depression  and  dis- 
couragement, it  was  naturally  ebullient,  rich  in  animal  spirits 
and  cheerfulness. 

Greenhalge  did  not  live  to  reap  what  he  had  sown ;  he  left 
his  growing  fame  to  the  people.  It  should  not  be  allowed  to 
wither  prematurely ;  they  should  see  that  it  still  continues  to 
survive  and  flourish. 

It  is  as  an  orator,  perhaps,  that  his  memory  will  remain 
with  them  longest ;  he  made  his  highest  mark  as  such,  and  in 
spite  of  the  incompleteness  of  his  life  and  work  his  name  will 
be  honored  with  those  of  Sumner  and  Phillips.  He  belongs 
to  the  glorious  galaxy  of  Massachusetts  orators,  and  is  certain 
of  a  niche  in  her  temple  of  Fame. 

To  some  people  it  may  have  seemed  that  the  peculiar  quali- 
ties of  Greenhalge's  mind  were  not  such  as  go  to  the  making 
of  a  great  lawyer ;  that  his  extreme  versatility  of  talent,  his 
brilliancy  and  sensibility  and  poetic  nature,  unfitted  him,  in  a 
measure,  for  the  serious  study  of  the  law,  for  the  drudgery  that 
it  entails,  the  exactness  and  concentration  that  it  demands. 
Such  was  not  the  opinion  of  his  brothers  of  the  Bar,  who  knew 
him  best 

He  was,  as  a  lawyer,  acute,  intuitive,  and  profound,  fully 
armed  and  equipped  for  the  fray,  —  resourceful  and  in  the  pos- 
session of  ample  learning.  In  some  measure  he  may  have 
earned  the  reputation  of  being  averse  to  tedious  labors,  from  the 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  89 

fact  that  he  acquired  knowledge  with  such  ease  and  quickness 
that  he  did  not  seem  to  labor  when  most  immersed  in  toil. 

He  had  a  large  practice,  and  might  have  had  a  larger  if  he 
had  held  aloof  from  politics.  It  was  the  sense  of  duty  that 
withdrew  him  from  the  law.  He  did  not  desire  or  seek  public 
office ;  there  was  always  a  public  demand  for  his  services,  and 
he  could  not  help  but  hear  and  respond  to  it  It  will  be  seen 
in  this  chapter  that  he  was  engaged  in  important  causes,  and 
in  their  conduct  displayed  all  the  powers  of  a  good  advocate. 

Judge  Sheldon  has  written  for  this  book  the  following  char- 
acter sketch  of  Greenhalge  as  a  lawyer.  It  shows  well  in  what 
esteem  he  was  held  by  the  members  of  his  profession :  — 

"  As  a  lawyer,  it  was  well  said  by  one  of  our  most  able 
judges  that  he  never  found  it  necessary  to  give  up  candor  and 
manners  in  order  to  fight  hard  and  prevail.  So  another  emi- 
nent judge,  now  deceased,  spoke,  after  presiding  in  a  case 
which  was  prosecuted  by  Greenhalge  and  defended  by  one  of 
the  most  skilful  lawyers,  of  the  pleasure  he  had  felt  in  hear- 
ing a  case  fought  hard  and  closely  by  men  who  were  both  able 
lawyers  and  upright  gentlemen.  He  did  not  fail  to  bring  out 
the  whole  strength  of  his  client's  position,  and  he  was  never 
reluctant  to  meet  the  hardest  onset  or  the  most  obstinate 
defence  that  could  be  made  by  his  opponent.  His  powers  of 
oratory  and  discussion  were  unfailing ;  but  he  never  sought  by 
these  powers  to  mask  any  unfairness  of  argument  or  any 
distortion  of  truth  and  justice.  Utterly  loyal  to  his  client, 
he  was  unfailing  in  his  loyalty  to  the  court.  He  was  eager 
to  obtain  victory  for  his  client,  and  he  could  toil  terribly  for 
this  end ;  but  he  could  not  fight  his  forensic  battles  otherwise 
than  fairly  and  honorably.  He  was  a  sincere  man ;  he  could 
not  deceive  himself,  and  he  would  not  deceive  others.  He  was 
a  lover  of  justice,  and  he  realized  the  fact,  so  often  overlooked 
by  sciolists,  that  under  our  system  of  administering  the  law 
justice  can  best  be  practically  obtained  when  the  opposing  in- 
terests are  each  zealously  supported  and  vindicated  with  the 
greatest  acumen  and  professional  ardor,  with  an  impartial 
tribunal  finally  to  hold  the  balance  between  them.  So  he 
sincerely  and  with  an  earnest  zeal,  but  fairly  and  courteously, 
supported  the  claims  of  his  client,  and  expected  and  welcomed 


90  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

the  same  conduct  from  his  opponent.  If  any  unfair  means 
were  used  against  him,  he  was  capable  of  an  honest  indigna- 
tion that  could  trample  upon  such  means  and  bring  them  to 
naught.  He  loved  the  truth;  and  his  bearing,  his  demeanor, 
the  tones  of  his  voice,  the  very  features  of  his  countenance, 
his  heart  and  mind  manifesting  themselves  in  all  that  he  said 
and  did,  showed  this  love  of  truth  so  plainly  that  none  could 
fail  to  see  and  appreciate  it. 

"  He  was  successful  as  a  lawyer.  Early  in  his  professional 
career,  he  found  that  he  had  obtained  a  good  practice,  which 
was  increasing  yearly.  There  is  no  room  for  doubt  that  had 
he  continued  in  the  active  practice  of  his  profession  he  would 
have  attained  both  wealth  and  that  measure  of  fame  which  is 
within  the  reach  of  the  practising  lawyer.  He  turned  his 
attention  to  public  affairs,  and  his  renown  is  the  greater.  But 
he  was  the  same  man  as  a  lawyer  that  he  was  in  other  walks 
of  life.  His  practice  was  a  varied  one ;  and  he  did  all  his 
work  well ;  it  was  ever  his  habit  to  rise  at  least  to  the  level  of 
each  occasion,  and  to  discharge  successfully  whatever  duty 
came  to  his  hand.  '  The  brave  make  danger  opportunity ; ' 
and  each  new  difficulty  was  for  him  a  stepping-stone  to  new 
success. 

"  I  have  said  that  he  would  doubtless  have  gained  wealth  had 
not  his  attention  been  turned  from  the  law  to  politics.  But 
he  never  practised  law  in  the  commercial  spirit ;  he  was  not 
inclined  to  magnify  the  pecuniary  value  of  his  services,  or  to 
consider  his  own  emolument  so  much  the  object  to  be  striven 
for  as  the  welfare  of  his  client  He  desired  professional  suc- 
cess ;  he  was  ambitious  to  attain  it ;  the  contests  of  the  Bar 
suited  his  eager  nature.  His  arguments  to  juries  were  strong 
and  effective,  just  as  in  political  affairs  his  speeches  were 
influential  and  persuasive.  He  knew  what  to  say,  and  how 
to  say  it;  and  while  his  wit  and  sarcasm  and  force  of  denun- 
ciation made  his  arguments  and  speeches  attractive  and  fasci- 
nating, the  unflinching  manliness  and  integrity  that  constituted 
the  basis  of  his  nature  shone  forth  in  all  that  he  said,  and  gave 
the  weight  and  strength  that  carried  conviction  to  the  minds 
of  those  whom  he  addressed.  He  had  the  qualities  of  the 
sound  lawyer ;  he  was  — 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  91 

1  Strong  to  keep  upright  the  old, 

And  wise  to  buttress  with  the  new, 
Prudent  as  ever  are  the  bold, 
Clear-eyed  as  only  are  the  true.' " 

Such  was  Greenhalge  as  a  lawyer,  in  the  opinion  of  Judge 
Sheldon,  a  high  authority.  As  an  orator  his  fame  was  of  course 
far  greater.  He  spoke  upon  a  vast  variety  of  occasions, — 
anniversaries,  dedications,  receptions,  and  funerals,  —  all  the 
multiplicity  of  calls  that  come  to  a  distinguished  speaker  he 
responded  to  willingly,  and  with  never-failing  eloquence,  if 
not  always  with  equal  brilliancy.  Even  before  he  was  elected 
to  Congress,  his  reputation  was  wide-spread. 

The  first  speech  I  shall  mention  was  delivered  in  the  Old 
South  Church,  Boston,  in  1877 ;  he  spoke  then  in  company  with 
many  distinguished  men  to  demand  the  preservation  of  that 
historic  building  which  the  spirit  of  patriotism  has  saved  for 
the  people,  that  it  may  remain  an  enduring  monument  of  the 
great  deeds  of  their  ancestors.  He  appealed  eloquently  to 
public  sentiment,  and  introduced  a  striking  passage  from  the 
history  of  almighty  Eome. 

He  delivered  the  Fourth  of  July  oration  in  Lowell  in 
1878.  His  speech  on  this  occasion  I  have  inserted  entire.  It 
is  a  good  example  of  his  style ;  it  is  fervid  and  glowing,  and 
full  of  patriotic  fire. 

"MR.  MAYOR,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN,  —  In  this  assembly 
there  are,  I  presume,  men  of  various  nationalities,  —  men  differ- 
ing from  one  another  in  religious  creed,  in  the  complexion  of 
their  skin,  and  in  their  condition  in  life.  But  on  this  day  we 
are  specially  reminded  that  all  who  compose  this  promiscuous 
throng  —  foreign  and  native  born,  Protestant  and  Catholic, 
Christian  and  Infidel,  black  man  and  white,  rich  man  and  poor, 
—  stand  upon  a  common  level ;  for  every  man  before  me  is  the 
equal  of  his  fellow,  because  he  is,  or  may  be,  clothed  with  the 
dignity  of  American  citizenship.  If  I  should  wish  to  obtain  an 
audience  of  the  rulers  of  other  lands,  I  should  have  to  walk 
through  lines  of  bayonets,  through  ranks  of  courtiers,  and  to 
conform  in  all  particulars  to  an  inexorable  law  of  ceremony 
which  is  there  the  divine  law.  Here  things  are  different.  I 


92  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

know,  as  I  look  upon  this  assembly,  made  up  of  all  classes  and 
conditions  of  men,  —  of  capitalists,  tradesmen,  laborers,  —  I 
know  that  I  am  standing  face  to  face  with  the  rulers  of  America ; 
there  is  nothing  of  ceremony  required  here,  no  empty  forms  to 
be  complied  with,  no  useless  splendor,  no  royal  pomp,  —  there 
is  nothing  royal  here  but  the  royal  spirit  of  equality ! 

"  Now,  what  is  this  equality  I  speak  of  ?  We  hear  much 
about  equality,  but  what  does  it  mean  as  we  find  it  here? 
They  had  a  kind  of  equality  in  France  during  the  Eevolution. 
If  a  man  appeared  superior  to  his  fellows,  if  he  had  a  clearer 
brain,  a  nobler  heart,  if  he  had  more  money  or  more  virtue 
than  they,  the  headsman's  axe  soon  put  a  stop  to  his  dangerous 
career.  The  old  robber,  Procrustes,  had  a  craving  for  equality 
among  mankind.  When  he  captured  a  prisoner,  he  put  him 
upon  an  iron  bed ;  if  the  victim  was  too  short,  he  stretched  him 
upon  a  rack  until  he  attained  the  requisite  length ;  if  too  long 
for  the  bed,  he  shortened  him  by  the  simple  process  of  amputa- 
tion. This  sort  of  equality  is  equality  in  chains.  The  equality 
we  mean  is  not  of  this  stamp.  The  spirit  of  equality  which 
prevails  here  is  the  spirit  which  gives  the  greatest  opportunity 
to  every  man  for  the  highest  development ;  which  frees  every 
man  from  the  shackles  of  caste;  which  insures  to  honest 
industry  the  reward  of  its  labors ;  which  visits  condemnation 
upon  the  base,  the  idle,  and  the  vicious  in  whatever  sphere  of 
life  they  may  be  found;  which  takes  this  man  or  that  man 
from  whatsoever  source  he  has  sprung,  and,  as  a  fitting  crown 
to  a  life  of  industry,  honesty,  and  heroic  self-denial,  makes  him 
a  ruler  of  the  people.  We  read  that  during  the  transfiguration 
of  the  Saviour  of  mankind  upon  the  mountain,  the  fashion  of 
his  countenance  was  altered  and  his  raiment  became  white  and 
glistening ;  and  thus,  speaking  with  all  reverence,  if  a  man  in 
our  land,  however  humble  his  station,  should  be  transfigured 
by  the  divinity  of  genius,  this  garb  of  equality,  like  the  raiment 
of  Christ,  will  take  on  new  glory  and  shape  itself  to  adorn  the 
exaltation  of  its  wearer. 

"  I  look  over  and  beyond  these  faces,  and  I  seem  to  see  a 
figure  seated  upon  the  hills.  It  is  the  genius  of  Freedom ;  and 
why  is  it  that  this  fair  and  majestic  shape  sits  upon  our  hills 
and  gladdens  our  land  with  her  beautiful  smile?  Did  she 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  93 

come  unsolicited  ?  Was  she  easily  won  ?  No.  She  was 
chained  like  Andromeda  to  a  rock,  with  the  monster  of  Des- 
potism keeping  guard  over  her,  when  the  young  nation  of  the 
west  came,  like  Perseus,  to  slay  the  monster  and  set  the 
beauteous  captive  free.  Every  right  which  gives  sweetness 
and  dignity  to  your  daily  life  was  paid  for  in  the  ruddy  drops 
that  flowed  from  heroic  hearts,  —  the  men  who  made  this 
republic  did  indeed  coin  their  hearts'  blood  into  drachmae, 
and  in  that  precious  coin  bought  for  themselves  and  for  you 
liberty.  Look  at  the  nation's  history.  Upon  that  history 
three  great  wars  stand  out  in  lines  of  fire.  When  the  smoke  of 
the  first  war  rolled  away,  the  world  saw  for  the  first  time  a 
nation  of  freemen ;  and  a  voice  was  heard,  the  voice  of  Thomas 
Jefferson,  proclaiming  that '  all  men  are  born  free  and  equal.' 
This  thought  was  not  original  with  Jefferson.  Fifty  years 
before  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  written,  a  French- 
man had  uttered  the  same  thought ;  and  a  thousand  years  or 
more  before  Jefferson  was  born,  the  Eoman  lawyers  had  written 
in  their  books, '  Omnes  homines  sunt  natura  sequales.'  But  the 
Roman  and  the  Frenchman  saw  merely  a  radiant  vision. 
Jefferson  declared  a  living  truth ;  and  though  men  in  all  ages 
had  babbled  about  liberty  and  equality,  it  was  in  America  that 
these  names  first  became  realities.  And  the  music  of  those 
melodious  words  of  Jefferson's  was  heard  far  and  wide.  It 
floated  across  the  Atlantic  ;  the  French  peasant  lifted  his  wan 
face  from  his  slavish  toil,  and  as  he  caught  the  strange  music 
that  issued  from  the  wide  portals  of  the  west,  a  new  light  came 
into  his  sad  eyes  and  a  new  hope  thrilled  his  heart.  The  Irish 
cottager  heard  it,  and  exulted  as  he  shouldered  his  pike  and 
strode  once  more  swiftly  forward  to  the  midnight  rendezvous 
on  the  lonely  heath.  The  weary  and  heavy-laden  of  every 
clime  were  cheered  by  the  voice  of  Freedom.  Liberty  in 
America  illuminated  not  only  the  west ;  its  rays  penetrated  to 
the  darkness  of  Siberia. 

"  The  second  great  war  confirmed  and  enlarged  the  rights  of 
the  young  republic.  A  navy  sprang  into  being  which  gave 
lustre  and  power  to  a  flag  hitherto  almost  unknown.  The 
declaration  of  human  rights  made  by  Jefferson  was  repeated, 
this  time  by  the  broadsides  of  a  fleet.  Men  who  had  been  torn 


94  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

from  their  homes  by  press-gangs  heard  that  declaration  of 
rights  with  joy ;  and  when  Paul  Jones  lighted  up  the  English 
Channel  with  the  flashes  of  his  victorious  guns,  all  Europe  fell 
to  seriously  considering  this  strange  doctrine  of  freedom  and 
equality,  which  made  men  fight  so  well. 

"  And  the  third  great  war,  —  why,  its  drum-beats,  its  death- 
shots,  are  ringing  in  your  ears  to-day.  Most  of  you  remember 
the  opening  scenes  of  that  war.  You  remember  the  terrible 
April  days  of  1861 ;  you  remember  the  great  fear  that  fell  upon 
all  men,  how  the  keepers  of  the  house  trembled,  and  strong 
men  bowed  themselves.  Your  own  Sixth  Regiment  had  gone 
through  Baltimore  then,  —  the  two  men  whose  bones  lie  under 
that  column  had  been  shot  or  stoned  to  death  in  that  city.  A 
pale  and  anxious  people  turned  to  Abraham  Lincoln  asking 
what  could  be  done,  what  was  constitutional  and  what  was 
possible,  could  the  nation  be  saved;  and  in  an  agony  of  sus- 
pense awaited  his  answer.  And  Abraham  Lincoln  said  calmly : 
'  This  is  my  answer.  Listen ! '  And  in  the  silence  and  fear  of 
that  terrible  hour  the  answer  came ;  it  was  the  measured  tread 
of  seventy-five  thousand  men  marching  unconstitutionally  to 
save  the  Constitution  and  the  country !  You  remember,  too, 
as  the  contest  went  on,  how  Bull  Run  went  like  a  blot  into 
our  history ;  how  Fredericksburg  and  Chancellorsville  fell  like 
heavy  blows  on  the  nation's  breast. 

"You  remember  how  one  day  we  heard  here  in  our  streets 
nothing  but  the  roll  of  muffled  drums  and  the  strains  of  the 
Dead  March,  as  we  carried  our  dead  to  the  grave ;  how  another 
day,  as  fresh  regiments  filed  through  the  city  on  their  way  to 
battle,  these  streets  rang  with  the  thundering  chorus, '  We  are 
coming,  Father  Abraham,  three  hundred  thousand  more!' 
You  remember,  too,  how  Vicksburg  and  Gettysburg  lighted  up 
that  memorable  Fourth  of  July  fifteen  years  ago,  and  how,  at 
last,  Grant's  army,  issuing  from  the  hell  of  the  Wilderness,  like 
a  '  thing  of  blood '  pinned  Lee  to  the  walls  of  Richmond,  while 
Sherman's  bayonets,  glancing  like  lightning  from  the  mountains 
to  the  sea,  completed  that  circle  of  flame  in  which  rebellion  at 
length  met  its  death !  Now,  my  friends,  have  I  told  you  a 
tale  of  little  meaning,  — 

'  A  tale  of  little  meaning,  though  the  words  are  strong '  ? 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  95 

"  No.  It  is  because  true-hearted  men  made  tracks  of  blood 
on  the  snow  at  Valley  Forge,  it  is  because  Lawrence  gave  up 
his  heroic  life  in  Boston  Bay,  it  is  because  thousands  of  the 
flower  of  our  youth  are  to-day  lying  in  nameless  graves  in 
Southern  lands,  that  we  are  able  to  gather  here  now  and  thank 
the  God  of  Battles  for  the  blessings  of  Freedom  and  of 
Peace. 

"My  friends,  the  Genius  of  Freedom  is  a  spirit  fair,  but 
inexorable.  Other  guardian  deities  are  content  with  meaner 
sacrifices,  —  with  the  flesh  of  bullocks  and  the  blood  of  lambs. 
But  Freedom  turns  away  from  such  offerings.  She  comes  and 
asks  the  mother  for  the  blood  of  her  first-born ;  she  says, '  I 
must  have  the  tears  of  the  widow  and  the  orphan ;  I  must  see 
the  anguish  of  strong  men,  —  the  eternal  sorrow  of  pure  hearts. 
Nothing  less  will  content  me  or  purify  and  save  the  nation.' 
And  you  who  have  given  these  precious  offerings,  you  who  have 
built  up  this  majestic  temple  where  the  Spirit  of  Freedom 
dwells  with  Law  at  her  right  hand  and  Equality  upon  her  left, 
— will  you  allow  a  roving  tramp,  a  communistic  loafer,  to  raise 
his  hand  and  harm  a  single  stone  of  it  ?  No.  Plunder  and 
violence  —  socialism  —  or  whatever  it  is  called,  has  no  place 
here.  The  skies  of  Europe  may  be  reddened  by  rebellious  fires, 
assassination  may  try  to  cut  off  an  old  man  from  the  few  days 
of  life  left  him;  for  Despotism  begets  Disaffection  and  Re- 
bellion, —  one  implies  and  creates  the  other.  But  there  need 
be  no  fear  from  such  danger  here.  You  have  heard  the 

boast  that 

'  Britannia  needs  no  bulwarks, 
No  towers  along  the  steep.' 

That  may  all  be  true.  The  danger  nowadays  is  not  from  foreign 
enemies,  but  from  internal  discontent  and  dissension.  But  I 
say  that  this  Republic  has  already  erected  bulwarks  against 
this  danger.  As  I  stand  here,  I  can  see  a  chain  of  impregnable 
fortresses.  In  front  I  see  a  school-house ;  just  beyond  stands  a 
poor  man's  cottage,  reared  by  the  labor  of  years,  and  every 
timber  in  it,  every  blade  of  grass  that  grows  around  it,  is  as 
dear  to  the  spirit  of  our  equal  laws  as  the  palace  of  the 
millionaire ;  there,  behind  those  trees,  I  know  that  the  tower 
of  the  Court  House  rises,  and  there  I  see  the  gleaming  cross  of 


96  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

a  Christian  church.  Here  we  have  a  quadrilateral  of  mighty 
forces,  —  education,  industry  crowned  with  plenty,  even-handed 
justice,  and  religion  teaching  the  beauty  of  holiness.  Here, 
too,  we  find  no  undue  accumulation  of  property  in  the  hands  of 
one  man ;  we  have  done  away  with  the  law  of  primogeniture, 
which  allowed  one  man  to  live  in  extravagant  luxury  while  ten 
men  starved  at  his  gate ;  we  have  freedom  of  bequest,  indeed, 
but  the  law  of  entail  is  opposed  to  the  genius  of  the  people. 
In  a  small  city  like  Lowell  our  owners  of  real  estate  are 
numbered  by  thousands ;  and  our  laboring-classes  have  to-day 
some  twelve  millions  of  dollars  standing  to  their  credit  in  our 
savings-banks ;  and  even  the  poorer  laborers  find  their  real 
interest  in  the  well-being  of  society.  There  is  another  class, 
too,  —  a  class  of  trained  and  intelligent  men,  who  are  not  rich, 
who  do  not  hold  riches  to  be  the  choicest  prize  that  earth  can 
offer ;  their  minds  are  stored  with  the  lore  of  the  ages ;  they 
keep  before  their  eyes  the  noblest  ideals,  their  ears  are  quick  to 
catch  the  cry  of  suffering  men;  they  take  broad  and  philo- 
sophical views  of  all  social  questions ;  they  are  the  champions 
of  the  poor  and  the  down-trodden,  the  heralds  of  science,  the 
very  flower  of  the  forces  of  progress.  Here,  then,  is  our  stand- 
ing army ;  and  with  such  fortresses  and  such  an  army  we  may 
emphatically  say  that  the  republic  is  safe. 

"  But  there  is  a  danger  which  is  to  be  guarded  against,  —  a 
danger  of  a  more  insidious  nature,  which  may  gradually  and 
slowly  but  surely  corrupt  and  canker  the  wreath  of  blessings 
which  encircles  the  radiant  brows  of  Freedom.  Jefferson 
dreaded  this  danger  and  warned  the  people  against  it,  and 
Macaulay  has  described  the  terrible  shape  with  the  gloomy 
fervor  of  a  Jeremiah.  Political  power  swayed  by  ignorance 
and  selfishness  can  do  more  harm  than  cannon  and  bayonets, 
than  all  the  banded  armies  of  the  world.  Consider  that  danger 
a  moment.  Here  kingly  power  is  put  into  the  hands  of  the 
humblest  citizen ;  and  as  you  hate  and  despise  the  tyranny  of 
kings,  see  to  it  that  our  republican  kings  do  not  become  tyrants. 
Ignorance  is  the  parent  of  oppression.  Let  each  man,  then, 
strive  to  cast  out  ignorance.  Knowledge  and  wisdom  are  hos- 
tile to  tyranny,  for  '  oppression  maketh  a  wise  man  mad.'  If 
you  do  not  want  tyranny  in  another  man,  get  wisdom,  get 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  97 

knowledge,  and  when  you  have  got  them  you  will  have  more 
power  but  less  disposition  yourselves  to  tyrannize  over  your 
fellow-man. 

"  The  American  Eevolution  was  achieved  by  a  people  full  of 
knowledge  and  understanding.  Every  man  had  intelligence 
enough  to  know  what  his  rights  were  and  courage  to  defend 
them.  The  drummer-boy  who  was  shot  dead  at  Concord 
Bridge  had  studied  the  relations  of  the  colony  and  the  mother 
country  as  closely  as  Thomas  Jefferson  or  John  Adams ;  and  it 
was  this  equal  education  which  made  at  once  the  truest  and 
purest  equality  the  world  has  ever  seen,  and  the  strongest 
nation.  Kings,  lords,  and  commons  have  passed  out  of  sight ; 
distinctions  of  rank  are  abolished;  an  aristocracy  of  wealth 
can  never  foist  itself  upon  this  country,  —  the  only  aristocracy 
fit  to  exist  here  is  the  aristocracy  of  virtue  and  intelligence,  and 
that  is  an  order  of  nobility  to  which,  under  our  just  and  equal 
laws,  every  man  can  and  ought  to  belong.  If  there  must  be 
classes  of  society,  let  the  barrier  be  such  that  the  cunning 
workman,  the  man  of  intellect,  of  skill,  the  man  of  pure  life, 
the  man  who  loves  his  fellow-man,  may  pass  unchallenged 
wherever  he  desires  to  go,  and  find  a  hearty  welcome.  Let  the 
laborer  love  his  employer,  and  let  his  employer  give  him  cause 
to  love  him.  Let  the  poor  man  cultivate  the  virtues  of  sobriety 
and  industry,  and  get  rich ;  and  let  the  rich  man  see  to  it  that 
the  sleep  of  the  laboring-man  is  sweet. 

"  In  some  organizations,  before  a  man  is  allowed  to  vote  upon 
a  question  he  is  called  upon  to  remember  the  sacred  obligations 
of  the  order,  and  to  consider  well  the  effect  of  his  action.  And 
when  we,  fellow-citizens,  are  called  upon  to  exercise  the  highest 
privilege  of  freemen,  to  give  our  opinion  upon  some  complex 
and  vital  question  of  government,  it  would  be  well  to  pause  a 
little  and  recall  our  obligations  to  the  republic,  to  our  families, 
and  to  our  Maker.  Weigh  well  the  character  of  our  public 
men,  seek  for  men  of  honesty  and  ability ;  but  let  them  be,  at 
all  events,  honest  men.  Honor  God  by  honoring  his  noblest 
work.  The  old  song  says, '  It  is  good  to  be  merry  and  wise/ 
but  it  is  better  to  be  '  honest  and  true.'  All  men  are  selfish ; 
but  there  are  different  kinds  of  selfishness.  One  man  wants 
power  and  greatness,  and  to  attain  his  end  tramples  on  the 

7 


FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

rights  of  his  fellow-men  and  on  every  principle  of  honor  and 
decency ;  another  man  wants  power,  but  wants  it  to  make  his 
fellow-men  happy.  His  highest  ambition  is 

'  To  scatter  blessings  o'er  a  smiling  land, 
And  read  his  history  in  a  nation's  eyes.' 

"  Give  your  interest,  then,  into  the  keeping  of  righteous  and 
strong  men,  who  find  in  your  happiness  their  happiness,  and 
who  believe  the  true  glory  of  their  country  to  be  their  glory. 
And  when  you  find  a  man  clutching  at  riches  while  he  '  fools 
the  crowd  with  glorious  lies,'  deceiving  and  betraying  a  people 
whom  he  has  sworn  to  protect  and  support,  defiling  a  nation's 
honor  for  the  passing  applause  of  a  mob,  swindling  a  govern- 
ment and  carrying  off  the  swindle  with  a  joke,  —  when  you  find 
such  a  man,  blast  him  with  that  chosen  curse  which  God  holds 
in  store  for  the  wretch  who '  owes  his  greatness  to  his  country's 
ruin ! ' 

"  My  friends,  we  talk  about  national  corruption.  It  is  only 
the  aggregate  of  individual  corruption.  There  can  be  no 
national  or  public  virtue  without  private  virtue.  You  cannot 
reform  the  country  until  you  have  reformed  yourselves.  Let 
the  work  of  reformation  begin  to-day.  Raise  your  own  standard 
of  conduct.  Your  public  men  will  be  compelled  to  conform  to 
it.  In  this  way,  and  only  in  this  way,  may  the  second  century 
of  the  republic  continue  and  heighten  the  glories  of  the  first. 
In  this  way  only  may  we  be  sure  that  in  this  favored  land 
'there  be  no  decay,  no  leading  into  captivity,  and  no  com- 
plaining in  our  streets.'" 

The  reader  has  already  seen  the  note  in  his  diary  which 
tells  of  his  manner  of  preparing  his  speeches.  The  address  he 
was  then  at  work  upon  was  given  on  Memorial  Day  at  Con- 
cord, Mass.,  May  31,  1881,  and  is  as  follows:  — 

"  FRIENDS  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS,  —  Twenty  years  ago  this 
country  of  ours  drew  a  full  breath,  and  found  itself  a  nation. 
It  was  amid  the  tumult  of  drum,  of  cannon,  and  the  quick 
tread  of  marching  hosts  that  this  impulse  of  real  national  life 
was  first  felt.  The  effort  made  to  divide  the  republic  proved 
it  to  be  indivisible.  For  four  years  the  smoke  and  flame  of 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  99 

civil  war  hid  the  republic  from  the  world,  and  Despotism, 
sitting  on  his  well-guarded  but  ever-threatened  throne,  pointing 
Westward,  said,  '  Behold  !  those  flames  are  writing  the  doom 
of  popular  government  and  human  rights.'  But  a  wind  from 
Heaven  blew,  the  cloud  of  smoke  and  flame  was  lifted,  and  the 
young  Titan  of  the  West  was  seen  standing  flushed  and  breath- 
less, covered  with  dust  and  blood,  but  erect  and  radiant  as 
Hyperion,  his  foot  upon  the  neck  of  Rebellion,  his  face  smiling 
as  he  listened  to  the  song  of  thanksgiving  chanted  by  ransomed 
slaves  and  by  a  redeemed  republic. 

"  And  so  once  a  year  —  at  least  once  a  year  —  you  assemble 
to  speak  and  to  think  of  the  precious  dead  who  upon  the  field 
of  blood,  in  hospital  or  prison,  have 

'  sunk  to  rest, 
By  all  their  country's  wishes  blest ; ' 

and  for  this  purpose  you  have  set  apart  and  consecrated  one 
of  these  days  of  the  latter  spring,  —  a  flowery  boundary,  as  it 
were,  between  spring  and  summer,  when  the  youthful  year, 
smiling  farewell  to  gladsome  May,  reaches  forward  to  take  the 
roses  which  June  is  bringing,  —  and  all  over  the  country,  from 
the  sleepless  founts  of  your  Merrimac  —  and  my  Merrimac  — 
to  the  farthest  sweep  of  the  Mississippi,  year  by  year  the  nar- 
rowing ranks  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  republic  stand  over 
the  graves  of  their  dead,  and  deck  them  with  these  garlands  of 
the  opening  year.  As  your  bugles  and  drum-beats  are  heard, 
Commerce  droops  her  flag  to  half-mast ;  Industry,  with  finger  on 
her  lips,  ordains  silence  in  workshop  and  factory ;  and  the  day 
is  filled  with  the  lamentation  of  a  great  people.  Lamentation, 
did  I  say  ?  Not  entirely  so,  —  no !  There  is  hope  and  joy  and 
inspiration  in  a  day  like  this ;  and  as  the  files  of  the  dead  are 
marshalled,  and  move  by  in  solemn  review  to  the  music  of  a 
grateful  nation's  blessings  and  praise,  and  we  look  again  into 
eyes  now  sbming  with  heavenly  light  that  we  know  were 
closed  at  Antietam,  Vicksburg,  Port  Hudson,  these  bugles  of 
the  Grand  Army,  ringing  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the 
other,  seem  like  the  nation's  challenge  to  Corruption  and  Mor- 
tality, demanding,  '0  Death,  where  is  thy  sting?  0  Grave, 
where  is  thy  victory  ? ' 


100  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  But  it  may  be  asked,  why  this  same  memorial  ceremony 
year  after  year  ?  Do  these  banners  fly  merely  '  in  monumental 
mockery'?  Why  this  annual  commingling  of  flags,  drums, 
trumpets,  flowers,  graves,  and  the  weak  words  of  lamentation 
and  praise  ?  It  comes,  you  may  say,  with  dreary  sameness,  — 
there  is  about  it  a  '  damnable  iteration.'  No  !  there  is  no 
sameness  here.  We  dwell  in  no  sleeping  palace.  The  river 
flows  by  your  city  to-day  as  it  did  last  year,  and  for  countless 
years  before,  bearing  to  you  the  music  of  its  tributary  rills  and 
the  coolness  and  freshness  of  mountain  heights.  But  every 
drop  of  water  in  its  current  is  a  new  creation ;  every  wavelet, 
eddy,  and  ripple  is  a  new  combination  of  matter.  There  is 
nothing  new  under  the  sun,  we  are  told.  The  elements  are 
from  the  beginning ;  they  change  not,  they  are  the  same ;  and 
yet  they  are  not  the  same.  Their  existence  is  in  the  mind  of 
man ;  they  change  as  the  mind  of  man  changes,  and  that 
changes  with  the  moment.  You  are  not  what  you  were  last 
year.  You  differ  from  your  former  selves  by  the  countless 
experiences  of  a  year.  Photograph  the  world  at  two  different 
moments  and  you  have  two  different  pictures,  and  to  the 
clear-seeing  eye  the  difference  is  infinite  and  incalculable. 

"  Look  at  the  '  World's  large  spaces.'  On  one  hand  you  see 
a  vast  empire  stunned  by  the  assassination  of  its  ruler ;  here, 
an  oppressed  people  struggling  at  last  into  the  light  of  freedom ; 
there,  the  destiny  of  Christendom,  the  movements  of  armies 
and  fleets,  diverted  into  new  courses  by  the  last  breath  issuing 
from  the  lips  of  a  dying  statesman ;  and,  in  the  realm  of 
thought,  some  long-buried  truth,  suddenly  throwing  off  the 
cerements  of  the  grave,  appearing  before  the  astonished  eyes 
of  men,  like  a  risen  Saviour ;  and  all  these  things  have 
happened  within  less  time  than  is  required  for  the  earth  to 
complete  its  flaming  circle  round  the  sun  ! 

"  And  so  we  stand  here  this  year,  new  beings,  with  new  hopes 
and  fears  and  thoughts,  under  new  conditions  and  in  new 
circumstances.  Let  me  ask  you  if  it  is  well  to  stand  year  by 
year  over  these  graves,  to  listen  to  the  voices  which  come  from 
them,  to  take  counsel  of  the  dead.  Do  these  voices  tell  us 
anything  which  makes  it  well  for  a  great  people,  pressing 
onward  in  the  rush  of  life  and  business,  to  pause,  to  listen,  and 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  101 

to  heed  ?  The  men  who  speak  to  us  from  their  urns  to-day 
are  worthy  of  our  respect.  They  loved  their  country,  —  they 
were  'faithful  unto  death.' 

"  And  what  says  this  Voice  that  we  hear  above  these  muffled 
drums  ?  It  says,  '  Keep  in  safety  and  honor  and  as  a  sacred 
trust  the  country  which  we  redeemed  with  our  blood.'  What 
is  it  they  ask  of  us  ?  Duty  to  our  country,  —  patriotism.  It 
is  the  least  they  can  ask ;  it  is  the  most ! 

"  Duty  to  country  ?  Patriotism  ?  What  is  this  spirit  of 
patriotism,  and  how  is  it  revealed  ?  Is  it  a  spirit  that  appears 
only  with  the  roll  of  drums,  amid  sounds  of  trampling  hosts 
and  tragic  thunders,  illumined  by  the  blaze  of  serried  columns, 
guiding  like  an  angry  God  the  storm  of  shot  and  shell,  and  at 
last  folding  in  bloody  shrouds  the  dead  who  died  for  their 
country  ?  This  is  one  of  its  manifestations,  but  not  its  best, 
or  noblest,  or  most  heroic.  Thanks  to  the  God  of  battles,  that 
manifestation  of  this  majestic  spirit  has  passed ;  the  lustrum 
from  1860  to  1865  was  filled  by  that  terrible  presence,  and 
the  republic  lives  in  safety  and  peace. 

"  How  does  the  spirit  of  patriotism  manifest  itself  to-day  ? 
What  are  the  essential  elements  of  the  true  patriotic  character  ? 
It  seems  to  me  that  in  this  age,  in  this  country,  considering 
the  work  required  to  be  done  for  the  safety  and  glory  of  the 
country,  the  prime  essential  in  the  character  of  a  patriotic  man, 
the  very  foundation  of  such  a  character,  is  culture.  By  culture 
I  do  not  mean  the  erudition  which  makes  the  mind  a  chaos  of 
unmeaning  facts.  I  do  not  mean  a  hurricane  of  information  in 
which  judgment  goes  by  the  board,  and  the  whole  character 
drifts  about  like  a  dismantled  wreck.  Nor  do  I  mean  that 
dilettante  spirit  which  has  of  late  been  pirouetting  and  posing 
before  the  world  under  the  name  of  culture ;  nor  do  I  mean 
that  thin  veneer  of  aestheticism  which  expresses  itself  so  lav- 
ishly, and  yet  so  feebly,  in  the  painting  of  tiles,  the  decoration 
of  china,  the  construction  and  arrangement  of  furniture  and 
appareL  No ;  these  things  are  not  wholly  to  be  decried.  They 
have  a  value ;  they  are  blind  gropings  after  the  spirit  of  beauty, 
the  first  feeble  movements  of  a  new-born  faculty,  the  'infant 
crying  in  the  night,'  — 

'  And  with  no  language  but  a  cry.' 


102  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

But  culture  is  something  broader  and  deeper  and  higher  than 
all  this.  Culture  is  the  equal  and  harmonious  development  of 
the  physical,  the  intellectual,  and  the  spiritual  nature  of  man. 

"To  the  individual,  culture  means  self-control,  —  a  nicely 
balanced  and  rounded  character,  —  the  faculty  to  make  the 
faculties  of  body  and  mind  work  together  with  the  least  pos- 
sible friction  and  to  the  greatest  possible  advantage.  It  means 
a  body  strong,  graceful,  and  compact,  fit  to  be  the  temple  of  the 
living  God ;  a  soul  pure,  aspiring,  trustful,  fit  to  be  the  vice- 
gerent of  God,  sent  to  occupy  and  rule  that  temple.  It  means 
to  the  nation  power,  majesty,  victory.  Tried  by  the  touchstone 
of  a  mercenary  age,  it  is  most  desirable.  There  is  money  in 
it,  wealth,  prosperity,  greatness.  History  shines  with  splendid 
instances  of  the  truth  which  I  state.  Germany  sat  in  the 
school-room  for  more  than  forty  years;  and  Sadowa,  Sedan, 
Paris,  were  the  circlet  of  jewels  that  Fate  awarded  to  her 
faithful  labors. 

"  When  Asiatic  barbarians  were  thundering  at  the  gates  of 
Europe,  it  was  a  nation  of  scholars  that  confronted  the  invaders 
as  the  wardens  of  the  continent.  If  we  wonder  when  we  read 
that  a  handful  of  Greeks  swept  a  mighty  host  of  Persians  into 
the  sea,  we  cease  to  wonder  when  we  learn  that  the  flashing 
intellect  of  Themistocles  controlled  one  division  of  the  Greeks, 
the  seraphic  purity  of  Aristides  inspired  another,  and,  better 
still,  ^Eschylus,  fresh  from  communion  with  the  gods  and  with 
god-like  Prometheus,  fought  with  his  brother  in  the  ranks  as  a 
private  soldier.  And  it  was  the  philosophy  of  Franklin,  the 
rich  learning  of  Adams,  Otis,  Jefferson,  and  Lee,  and  the  ripe 
experience  of  Washington  that  compelled  men  to  write  over 
the  wide  portals  of  the  West,  '  Consecrate  to  freedom  forever.' 
And  physical  culture  is  of  paramount,  supreme  importance ;  it 
is  the  basis  of  all  other  culture;  without  it  nothing  else  is 
possible.  The  philosophic  Greek  knew  this,  and  he  made  the 
wreath  of  the  Olympic  victor  more  precious  than  the  laurels 
of  poet,  soldier,  or  statesman. 

"  But  culture  cannot  be  general,  effective,  national,  without 
loyalty  to  duty  in  all  classes  and  conditions  of  men,  in  all  walks 
of  life,  in  humble  as  well  as  high  stations.  We  cannot  have 
virtue  in  our  great  men  until  we  have  virtue  in  the  commonalty. 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  103 

The  stern  spirit  of  Duty  leads  us  all  at  times  into  silent,  lonely, 
and  obscure  places.  But  nowadays  men  think  too  much  of 
public  acclaim ;  the  trumpet  must  be  blown  before  them  ;  they 
must  have  salutations  in  the  market-place ;  their  good  deeds 
must  bring  them  glory  of  men.  And  true-hearted,  honest  men 
do  their  work  in  a  spiritless  and  hopeless  fashion,  because  it 
seems  obscure  and  unimportant  in  the  eyes  of  God  and  man. 
But  I  tell  you  there  is  no  position  in  life,  no  station,  no  condi- 
tion, so  humble,  so  obscure,  so  unimportant,  that  it  cannot  be 
made  into  a  shrine  where  the  saintly  spirit  of  Duty  may  be 
enthroned  and  worshipped.  That  sentinel  at  his  post  holds 
the  fate  of  an  army  in  his  hands ;  upon  the  pickaxe  of  that 
laborer  working  in  the  street  depend  the  health,  the  comfort, 
and  welfare  of  a  great  city ;  every  stroke  of  that  mechanic's 
hammer  is  telling  the  story  of  the  wreck  or  the  salvation  of 
some  great  steamship.  Lately,  you  have  seen  a  world  doing 
homage  to  that  iron  Captain  whose  genius  led  your  bayonets  in 
the  path  of  Victory  ;  you  have  heard  the  name  of  another  great 
soldier  uttered  by  thousands  of  freemen  as  the  symbol  of  their 
political  faith  ;  and  a  third  you  have  seen  elevated  to  as  high 
a  station  as  any  man  can  reach  in  a  country  where  all  men  are 
'born  free  and  equal.'  But  I  tell  you  that  high  above  the 
name  of  every  captain,  not  upon  any  particular  page  of  history, 
but  upon  every  page  and  in  every  line,  in  every  word,  and  in 
the  people's  heart  of  hearts,  is  written  the  record  of  that  name- 
less legion  who,  in  the  ranks,  in  the  trenches,  in  every  place 
and  post  assigned  them,  did  their  work  in  a  manly,  honest, 
thorough  way,  and  to  whose  simple  lives,  loyalty,  fidelity,  obe- 
dience gave  a  'daily  beauty'  which  has  now  blossomed  and 
brightened  into  immortal  glory.  Yes,  it  is  the  individual  that 
must  do  the  work  of  the  world.  We  talk  about  the  govern- 
ment, the  party,  the  church,  the  association.  These  are  abstrac- 
tions, and  abstractions  never  did  any  real  work.  It  is  the 
individuals  who  compose  them  that  must  do  the  work  ;  it  is  you 
and  I  and  all  of  us.  The  man  who  keeps  his  own  house  in 
order,  who  educates  and  maintains  himself  and  family  to  the 
best  of  his  ability,  is  doing  patriotic  work ;  the  man  who,  to 
use  a  common  phrase,  plays  his  game  for  all  it  is  worth,  is  a 
true  hero,  —  as  much  of  a  hero  as  the  Greek  who  struck  at 


104  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Marathon,  or  the  soldier  who  made  part  of  the  living  rampart 
of  loyalty  at  Gettysburg. 

"  But  another  force  is  needed  to  set  culture  in  full  operation, 
to  give  it  its  full  effect,  —  courage.  Men  fail  nowadays  in  their 
good  works  from  lack  of  courage.  They  see  the  path  of  duty, 
—  they  mean  to  follow  it,  but  they  faint  and  fall  by  the  way- 
side. A  great  opportunity  comes,  a  great  deed  is  to  be  done, 
voice,  hand,  heart,  are  ready,  a  psean  of  joyful  thanksgiving 
already  trembles  on  the  lips  of  angels  and  men,  but  consequences 
loom  up  before  us  like  the  giant  spectres  of  the  Hartz  moun- 
tains; we  shrink  back  appalled,  and  Opportunity,  sad  as  a 
rejected  angel,  departs  from  us  forever.  We  need  the  calm, 
patient  courage  that '  looks  on  tempests,  yet  is  never  shaken  ; ' 
that  heeds  not,  though  vituperation  howls  itself  hoarse ;  that 
falters  not,  though  old  associations  are  sundered,  old  friendships 
broken  forever ;  that  keeps  on  its  course  in  spite  of  the  con- 
demnation of  good  men,  not  yet  able  to  see  the  shining  goal  at 
which  we  aim ;  that  flinches  not  from  the  pale  face  of  Failure ; 
that  moves  on  steadily  and  irresistibly,  step  by  step,  rising  from 
height  to  height,  until  from  the  clear  upper  air  we  hear  a  voice 
of  triumph  saying,  '  Mine  is  the  deed  that  duty  dictates  ;  the 
consequences  are  for  God.' 

"  And  if  to-day  or  at  any  time  we  hear  the  discordant  voices 
of  baseness  and  selfishness  filling  the  country ;  if  we  see  False- 
hood, Fraud,  and  Cunning  enthroned  in  our  halls  of  Justice ; 
if  we  hear  in  the  high  places  of  'the  nation  the  tinkling  bells 
upon  the  head  of  the  fool ;  if  we  see  ambitious  men  standing 
on  stilts  and  fancying  themselves  on  pedestals  ;  if  they, 

'  like  angry  apea, 

Play  such  fantastic  tricks  before  high  Heaven 
As  make  the  angels  weep,' 

then  will  rise  up  to  Heaven  from  the  lips  of  every  honest  man 
a  prayer  for  that  heart  of  courage,  that  body  of  health  and 
strength  and  grace,  —  that  soul  mighty  and  beautiful  with  true 
education  and  culture, — 

'  That  still,  strong  man  in  a  blatant  land  — 

Whatever  they  call  him,  what  care  I  ? 
Aristocrat,  Democrat,  Autocrat,  one 
Who  can  rule  and  dare  not  lie.' 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  105 

"  Thus  have  I  attempted,  in  a  feeble  way,  to  interpret  to  you 
the  voice  of  the  Dead  which  speaks  to  us  to-day.  As  I  stand 
here,  I  wonder  if  ever  in  succeeding  years  you  will  shrink  from 
the  faces  of  the  immortal  host  ?  —  if  ever,  conscious  of  having 
been  recreant  to  your  duty,  false  to  the  great  trust  they  have 
committed  to  you,  you  will  tremble  before  the  indignant 
majesty  of  these  dead  soldiers  when  they  come  and  ask  you  to 
render  an  account  of  this  sacred  trust  ?  God  forbid  !  Let  us 
hope  that  in  the  years  to  come,  when  the  last  bugle  of  the 
Grand  Army  is  silenced,  —  when  all  that  is  left  on  earth  of  the 
Grand  Army  itself  is  but  dust  and  ashes,  —  that  our  children 
and  their  posterity  to  the  latest  generation  may  stand  by  the 
graves  which  hold  these  precious  ashes,  and,  looking  up  at  the 
radiant  arch  of  the  republic,  glittering  at  one  extremity  with 
the  spray  of  the  Pacific,  and  at  the  other  bright  with  the  first 
smile  of  Morning  as  she  '  rides  shoreward  on  Atlantic  waves,' 
and  seeing  under  that  vast  expanse  only  the  chosen  dwelling- 
place  of  Liberty  and  Justice,  Peace  and  Prosperity,  they  may 
feel  and  understand  the  goodness  of  the  God  who  has  given 
them  'beauty  for  ashes,  the  oil  of  joy  for  mourning  ;  the  gar- 
ment of  praise  for  the  spirit  of  heaviness.'  " 

At  the  Semi-Centennial  of  Lowell,  April  1,  1886,  Green- 
halge  was  selected  for  the  orator  of  the  day,  and  delivered 
his  address  in  Huntington  Hall.  He  spoke  beautifully  on 
that  occasion,  inspired  by  sentiments  of  loyalty  to  his  native 
town. 

"Mn.  MAYOR,  FRIENDS  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS,  — As  I  enter 
upon  the  honorable  duty  assigned  me  by  your  courtesy  and 
partiality,  I  am  impressed  by  a  profound  sense  of  how  much 
of  whatever  tends  to  give  comfort  and  inspiration  to  life  I 
owe  to  the  city  of  Lowell,  its  institutions  and  its  influences, 
and  I  rejoice  that  this  occasion  affords  me  an  opportunity  of 
offering  humbly  and  reverently  a  tribute  of  earnest  gratitude 
to  the  city  of  my  affections,  my  memories,  and  my  hopes.  As 
I  have  said,  the  duty  I  am  to  perform  is  an  honorable  one ;  it 
is  to  me  something  more,  —  it  is  a  duty  welcome,  agreeable, 
and  full  of  interest,  because  it  requires  me  to  review  —  curso- 
rily, it  is  true  —  a  cycle  of  municipal  history  marked  by  a 


106  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

development  and  a  prosperity  little  short  of  marvellous.  A 
wise  physician,  who  was  still  in  the  freshness  of  manhood,  but 
who  had  learned  how  uncertain  human  life  was  and  what 
perils  and  vicissitudes  it  must  encounter  and  through  what 
wonderful  experiences  it  must  pass  every  moment,  stated  his 
age  in  these  words:  Tor  my  life,  it  is  a  miracle  of  thirty 
years.'  How  much  greater  a  miracle  we  are  called  upon  to 
contemplate  to-day,  —  a  half -century  of  the  life  of  a  great 
community,  comprehending  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands 
of  individual  lives  with  all  their  countless  experiences !  And 
at  the  outset,  how  strange  and  mysterious  seems  the  transition 
by  which  in  little  more  than  fifty  years  a  rude  Indian  fishing- 
village,  maintaining  a  precarious  existence  by  the  scanty  means 
possessed  by  a  barbarous  people,  has  given  place  to  a  com- 
munity considerable  in  numbers,  progressive,  thriving,  and 
intelligent,  controlled  by  morality,  inspired  by  religion,  and 
rejoicing  in  all  the  'glorious  gains'  of  learning  and  art!  The 
wigwam  of  the  savage,  the  type  of  one  epoch,  has  vanished ; 
the  type  of  another  epoch  rises  before  us  in  all  the  beauty  of 
proportion,  combining  strength,  symmetry,  and  airy  grace,  — 
the  great  Merrimac  chimney,  illustrating  no  bloody  contest, 
no  freak  of  art,  but,  as  it  towers  above  and  yet  aids  constantly 
the  toiling  city  at  its  base,  proclaiming  by  day  and  night,  to 
the  morning  and  the  evening,  a  truth  charged  with  more  of 
blessing  to  humanity,  to  you  and  to  me,  than  the  Tower  of  Pisa 
or  the  Column  of  Trajan.  And  what  mighty  force  or  what 
gracious  power  brought  about  this  wonderful  change  ?  It  was 
industry,  yes,  industry,  throned  at  the  confluence  of  our  shining 
rivers,  that,  with  Christ-like  touch,  transmuted  the  water  of 
barbaric  life  into  the  wine  of  civilization  and  progress. 

"  And  the  community  whose  history  we  are  contemplating 
was  one  of  no  ordinary  character,  and  at  the  beginning  it 
entered  upon  a  daring  experiment.  The  building  of  the  first 
factory  in  Lowell  was  an  event  of  more  than  local  importance. 
That  event  was  a  revelation  to  America,  a  revelation  to  the 
world.  It  was  a  declaration  of  industrial  independence  scarcely 
less  momentous  in  its  results  than  the  declaration  of  political 
independence  in  1776.  I  know  that  the  preliminary  draft  of 
this  declaration  was  made  at  Waltham,  but  it  was  here  in 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  107 

Lowell  that  the  principles  of  the  declaration  were  adopted, 
put  in  action,  and  published  to  the  world.  And  in  the  glim- 
mering dawn  of  Lowell's  history  could  be  seen  the  promise  of 
a  prosperity  which  would  soon  diffuse  its  warmth  and  radiance 
over  the  whole  country;  in  the  founding  of  Lowell  was 
involved  the  founding  of  many  other  manufacturing  communi- 
ties based  upon  the  intelligent  and  philosophic  plan  adopted 
here,  and  even  in  our  earliest  day  it  needed  no  prophet's  eye 
to  look  into  the  future  and  to  see  the  airy  circlet  jewelled  with 
prosperous  cities  which  would  soon  crown  the  stern  forehead 
of  New  England. 

"As  we  look  at  the  great  fact  which  we  call  Lowell  and 
mark  the  influences  radiating  from  it,  the  results,  direct  and 
indirect,  of  its  establishment,  we  are  impelled  to  trace  back 
the  stream  of  events  to  its  source,  to  analyze  this  progress  and 
prosperity  and  discover  its  original  elements,  to  find  the  far- 
away solitary  springs  of  thought  and  action,  the  results  of 
which  are  spread  before  us  now.  I  am  told  that  among  all 
the  treasures  of  art  and  beauty  in  Florence,  the  works  of 
sculptor  and  painter,  the  marvels  of  palace  and  church,  the 
images  of  statesman,  captain,  and  saint,  there  is  one  grand 
figure  in  the  sacristy  of  San  Lorenzo  which  more  than  all  else 
awes  and  impresses  the  beholder.  It  is  the  work  of  Michael 
Angelo,  and  perpetuates  not  so  much  the  life  or  memory  of 
any  mortal  man  as  the  ideal  character  born  of  the  kingly 
genius  of  the  sculptor.  It  is  known  as  "  The  Thinker,"  and 
by  its  attitude  and  expression  seems  to  be  the  material  repre- 
sentation of  profound  repose,  but  in  that  profound  repose  we 
know  there  glows  the  undying  flame  of  thought ;  we  know  and 
feel  that,  as  from  the  quiet  depths  of  the  lake  the  sword  of 
Arthur  suddenly  flashed,  so  from  the  quiet  depths  of  this 
repose  action  may  at  any  moment  flash  to  smite  or  to  deliver 
the  world.  It  is  to  this  silent  figure  that  the  reflective  mind 
refers  all  the  greatness,  all  the  power,  and  all  the  achievements 
of  Florence.  You  remember  that  some  years  ago  the  philoso- 
pher Buckle  startled  the  world  by  declaring  that  the  number 
of  marriages  was  regulated,  not  by  affection,  not  by  sentiment, 
but  by  the  price  of  flour ;  and  a  long  array  of  statistics  seemed 
to  prove  the  truth  of  the  assertion.  But  it  must  be  remem- 


108  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

bered,  on  the  other  hand,  that  nothing  happens  in  the  world 
of  thought  which  does  not,  sooner  or  later,  affect  the  price  of 
flour;  that  is  to  say,  a  new  reaping-machine,  a  new  song,  a 
new  political  theory,  are  forces  which  soon  make  themselves 
felt  in  the  ordinary  every-day  life  of  every  one  of  us.  And  so, 
for  the  beginning  of  Lowell,  for  the  original  creative  force,  we 
must  look  to  the  solitary  chamber  of  the  thinker,  wherein  we 
see  him  seated  in  the  very  attitude  of  the  sculptor's  thinker, 
absorbed  in  studying  the  complicated  machinery  of  the  power- 
loom,  and  the  comfort  and  development  of  the  more  complicated 
machinery  of  humanity. 

"  If  it  was  wise  to  stock  a  factory  with  the  best  inanimate 
machinery,  Francis  Cabot  Lowell  thought  it  wise  to  obtain  the 
best  human  machinery  too.  The  welfare  of  the  operative, 
mental,  moral,  and  physical,  was  as  important  'in  any  wise 
man's  scheme  of  a  factory  as  the  ten  thousand  horse-power  of 
the  river.  The  factory  system  as  then  established  in  this  country 
and  in  England  was  execrable.  This  was  twenty  years  before 
Shaftesbury  had  led  public  opinion  in  England  to  the  coal-pit 
and  the  factory,  and  showed  how  stunted  and  deformed,  how 
feeble  and  hopeless,  how  ignorant  and  depraved,  men,  women, 
and  children  had  become  under  the  cruel  system  followed  by 
selfish  employers.  The  factory  system  was  looked  on  as 
accursed ;  and  if  the  daughters  of  New  England  were  to  run 
the  looms  in  the  new  enterprise,  a  very  different  system  must 
be  adopted.  And  so  the  great  plan  was  formulated ;  the  neat, 
well-kept  boarding-house,  with  pleasant,  homelike  habits  and 
restrictions,  was  established ;  the  church,  the  library,  and  the 
lecture-room  followed;  and  religion,  culture,  and  refinement 
lent  their  sweet  influences  to  the  life  of  toil.  A  new  doctrine 
was  proclaimed,  —  the  welfare  of  the  employed  was  a  neces- 
sary factor  to  the  success  of  the  employer,  just  as  the  welfare 
of  the  employer  was  necessary  to  the  success  of  the  employed. 
They  were  one  in  interest,  one  in  the  loss  and  in  the  gain,  one 
in  prosperity  and  in  adversity.  Milton  tells  us  of  a  music  so 
divine  that  it  'would  create  a  soul  under  the  ribs  of  death.' 
Lowell  discovered  and  applied  a  principle  that  created  a  soul 
under  the  ribs  of  political  economy. 

"The  life  of  this   man  counted  by   years  was   short;  by 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  109 

results,  an  eternity.  His  foot  never  trod  the  streets  of  our 
city,  yet  the  men  whose  hearts  caught  fire  from  his  thought 
decided  that  the  Manchester  of  America  should  be  his  monu- 
ment. But  it  is  not  so  much  a  monument  to  the  illustrious 
dead  as  it  is  the  active  and  living  creation  of  the  living 
thought  which  warmed  the  soul  of  the  founder.  His  life,  I 
say,  might  seem  to  reach  to  eternity ;  for  from  that  seemingly 
brief  life,  as  from  the  fabled  statue  of  Memnon,  every  sun  that 
rises  evokes  a  melody  which  cheers  and  lightens  the  daily 
toil  of  thousands. 

"  But  the  glowing  thought  was  yet  to  be  taken  and  beaten 
and  fashioned  into  action,  and  there  were  apt,  skilful,  and 
heroic  workers  ready  for  this  important  task.  Here  comes 
into  play  the  mighty  and  indefatigable  force  of  Patrick  Tracy 
Jackson,  a  man  who  seems  to  have  had  infinite  resources, 
indomitable  courage,  and  exhaustless  patience ;  whose  genius, 
restless  and  tireless,  never  hesitated  and  never  allowed  itself 
to  be  baffled ;  a  man  great  indeed  for  prosperity,  but  in  adver- 
sity rising  to  colossal  proportions.  His  powerful  and  original 
mind  has  stamped  itself  indelibly  upon  the  economy  of  our 
industrial  life.  Not  content  with  the  herculean  task  of  build- 
ing this  city  of  ours,  he  surveyed  and  controlled  the  building 
of  others.  His  eagle  eye  looked  across  the  Atlantic,  kept 
keen  watch  on  the  experiment  of  George  Stephenson;  and 
no  sooner  had  the  success  of  the  railroad  between  Manchester 
and  Liverpool  been  assured  than  Jackson  had  a  charter  in 
his  hand  and  was  at  work  building  the  railroad  from  Lowell 
to  Boston. 

"Close  behind  Jackson  appears  another  figure,  —  the  com- 
manding figure  of  Kirk  Boott,  —  the  incarnation  of  executive 
ability.  As  this  man  dashes  through  the  early  history  of 
Lowell,  there  is  a  rush  as  of  charging  squadrons,  the  clank  of 
sabre,  the  jingle  of  spurs,  and  over  all  the  tumult  rings  the 
sharp  word  of  command,  '  Forward  ! '  Lowell  heard  the  word 
and  obeyed,  and  that  glorious  command  has  been  ringing  in  our 
ears  ever  since  this  great  captain  of  industry  uttered  it  to  his 
peaceful  battalions.  I  trust  the  command  has  been  obeyed 
even  in  this  last  half-century. 

"  Lowell,  Jackson,  Boott,  —  these  are  the  colossal  figures  of 


110  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

our  history  belonging  to  our  heroic  age,  as  Theseus,  Hercules, 
and  Jason  belonged  to  the  heroic  age  of  Greece. 

"  And  what  a  remarkable  group  of  workers  those  were  who 
first  stood  by  the  looms  of  Lowell !  Never  before  in  the  his- 
tory of  mankind  was  such  dignity,  such  grace,  given  to  labor. 
True  manhood  and  true  womanhood  then  and  there  accepted, 
not  merely  with  resignation,  but  with  courage,  cheerfulness, 
and  hope,  the  burden  and  the  destiny  of  the  human  race. 
These  true  men  and  true  women  have  passed  away;  a  new 
order  of  things  has  been  established ;  but  the  glory  which  their 
lives  gave  to  the  morning  of  Lowell  will,  through  every 
change,  through  doubt  and  adversity,  through  darkness  and 
fear,  still  console  and  encourage  their  descendants  and  suc- 
cessors to  the  '  last  syllable  of  recorded  time.' 

"  With  such  thinkers,  with  such  controlling  minds,  and  with 
such  workers,  it  is  not  surprising  that  marvellous  results  were 
accomplished.  Has  the  quality  of  the  work  been  kept  up  to 
the  standard  ?  Let  us  see.  We  are  to  deal  especially  with 
the  half-century  beginning  in  1836  and  ending  at  the  moment 
of  time  when  you  are  gathered  together  here  to  examine  the 
record.  There  can  be  no  question  that  even  in  that  space  of 
time  there  has  been  a  great  increase  in  material  prosperity. 
The  development  has  been  thorough,  harmonious,  healthy,  and 
symmetrical.  When  Industry  erected  a  factory,  Eeligion  and 
Education  planted  a  school-house  and  a  church.  Let  us  glance 
at  a  few  figures.  There  is  a  beauty  even  in  figures,  an  aesthetic 
aspect  to  statistics,  as  there  is  to  everything  else  under  the 
sun.  When,  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  March,  1836,  Mr.  Justice 
Rockwell,  the  Speaker  of  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives —  spared  to  us  now  to  grace  this  commemoration 
with  the  dignity  of  his  years  and  the  long  record  of  an  honor- 
able and  useful  life,  —  subscribed  his  name  to  the  legislative 
act  which  gave  us  municipal  life,  there  were  in  the  limits  of 
the  new  city  17,633  people;  to-day,  in  a  period  of  great  busi- 
ness depression,  we  have  in  our  city,  at  the  lowest  estimate, 
65,000  souls.  The  taxable  property  of  Lowell  in  183G  was 
$5,248,723;  it  is  now  $51,308,335.  Then  40,000,000  yards 
of  cloth  were  made  here  annually ;  now  there  are  upwards  of 
250,000,000  yards.  There  are  4,776  owners  of  taxable  real 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  Ill 

estate,  so  that  about  one  to  fourteen,  including  men,  women, 
and  children,  —  and  we  must  not  forget  that  we  have  11,000 
school  children,  —  is  the  ratio  of  distribution  of  real  estate  in  our 
city.  It  is  true  that  sixty-five  corporations  are  among  these 
holders  of  real  estate,  but  it  is  also  true  that  every  stock- 
holder in  a  corporation  may,  in  a  certain  sense,  be  considered 
a  proprietor  of  real  estate.  In  our  savings-banks  we  have 
$12,311,000,  owned  by  36,520  depositors;  an  average  of  $340 
to  each  depositor. 

"  We  have  upwards  of  50,000  volumes,  good,  bad,  and  in- 
different, in  our  libraries ;  and  as  for  our  societies  organized 
to  promote  learning,  charity,  art,  social  culture  and  enjoy- 
ment, and  every  good  thing  under  the  sun,  their  name  is 
Legion. 

"  Now,  when  Lowell  began,  the  population  may  be  described 
as  homogeneous,  —  they  belonged  to  one  race,  with  the  same 
mode  of  living,  the  same  habits  of  thought,  the  same  religion, 
and  the  same  patriotic  past  and  future.  This  state  of  things, 
it  is  perhaps  unnecessary  to  say,  has  been  changed.  Exiles 
from  many  lands  have  sought  here  a  larger  liberty,  and  a  wider 
opportunity  for  securing  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness. Now,  as  my  illustrious  predecessor,  who  stood  here  ten 
years  ago,  pointed  out,  there  were  great  fears  about  the  flood 
of  immigration  which  poured  in  upon  Lowell;  those  fears 
have  proved  groundless.  You  have  seen  that  wonderful  work 
of  engineering,  that  cyclopean  wall  of  Francis,  —  separating 
the  river  and  the  canal,  which  most  of  us  know  familiarly  as 
the  '  Canal  Walk,'  —  a  curve  of  beauty  and  strength,  repressing 
on  one  side  the  wild  torrents  of  the  Merrimac  and  on  the 
other  guarding  and  distributing,  as  industry  requires,  the 
orderly,  placid,  and  effective  elements  of  strength  drawn  from 
the  same  rushing  river.  In  the  same  way  the  wise  policy  of 
the  makers  of  Lowell,  not  discouraging  but  controlling  the 
tide  of  immigration,  drew  from  it  the  elements  of  strength, 
order,  and  progress,  and  made  those  elements  a  part  of  the 
people,  and  gave  to  that  part  a  share  of  the  common  prosperity. 

"  Of  course  our  population  became  cosmopolitan ;  it  repre- 
sented many  races,  —  every  part  of  the  British  Isles,  of  Cana- 
dian France,  and  the  British  Provinces,  unified  Germany,  free 


112  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Sweden,  and  free  Italy,  and  even  more  remote  countries,  —  all 
were  and  are  represented  among  our  people. 

"There  were  gloomy  prophets  who  foresaw  the  extinction 
of  the  ancient  and  original  type.  The  New  England  race  was 
to  die  out  or  be  lost  sight  of  in  the  whelming  tide  of  new- 
comers. To  what  a  thin  line  had  it  been  reduced  already ! 
Yes ;  but  remember  that  it  was  the  thin  line  of  an  unconquer- 
able army,  —  which  might  narrow  but  could  never  recoil, — 
of  which  history  must  write,  'It  never  dies  and  it  never 
surrenders ! '  Look  through  two  centuries  and  a  half  and 
observe  the  little  band  appointed  to  reclaim  a  continent  and 
give  new  beauty  to  freedom.  Foremost  is  Miles  Standish,  the 
standard-bearer  of  an  indomitable  race,  planted  upon  the  rock 
of  Plymouth  and  facing  with  unquailing  eye  the  wilderness, 
the  storm,  and  the  future.  There  is  the  standard !  The  count- 
less voices  of  those  who  have  found  protection,  liberty,  and 
justice  under  its  folds  assure  us  that  there  is  no  blemish,  no 
stain,  upon  the  standard  yet.  And  I  say  to  all,  to  those  born 
beneath  it  and  to  those  who  have  come  from  afar  to  seek  its 
shelter,  There  is  the  standard  !  Make  it  more  glorious  if  you 
can,  but  never  suffer  it  by  any  deed  or  word  or  thought  of  yours 
to  be  tarnished.  Bring  to  the  land  where  it  flies  the  best  your 
nationality  has.  To  one,  I  say,  Give  us  a  ray  from  the  wis- 
dom of  Grattan,  a  flash  from  the  patriotic  fire  of  Emmet.  To 
another,  Come  to  us  glowing  with  the  devotion  of  La  Salle,  speak 
to  us  as  if  you  had  communed  with  the  soul  of  Montcalm. 
Let  the  spirit  of  Garibaldi  inspire  your  every  action.  Let  your 
loyalty  and  honor  be  as  stainless  as  the  sword  of  the  great 
Marquis,  your  purpose  high  as  the  heart  of  Hampden ;  and  if 
you  loiter,  the  trumpet  voice  of  Gustavus  shall  impel  you  to 
the  front.  In  this  way  these  different  elements  can  be  har- 
moniously blended  with  the  ancient  and  abiding  type  to  form 
a  splendid  composite  character  made  up  of  every  nation's 
best. 

"  But  new  Lowell,  as  we  term  it,  has  actually  been  put  to 
the  test,  with  a  result  which  would  gladden  the  soul  of  Cap- 
tain Standish. 

"Midway  in  our  half-century,  almost  precisely  twenty-five 
years  ago,  a  great  national  crisis  arose.  Men's  minds  were  at 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  113 

white  heat.  The  irrepressible  conflict  was  to  be  settled  by 
wager  of  battle.  North  and  South  had  been  moving  on  to 
the  decisive  point.  Then,  for  a  moment,  suspense  fell  upon 
the  country.  There  was  a  lull,  a  stillness,  that  was  not  peace. 
The  people  of  Lowell  pursued  their  quiet  industry  apparently 
as  usual,  the  bells  rang,  the  looms  hummed,  and  the  rush  of 
Pawtucket  over  its  rocky  bed  was  heard  in  the  quiet  night. 
But  a  deep  anxiety  prevailed  in  Lowell,  as  everywhere  else ; 
some  great  event  seemed  to  be  brooding  in  the  air.  And 
Lowell  must  be  on  the  alert ;  she  had  a  reputation  to  make. 
Concord  and  Lexington  might  dream  in  the  shadow  of  their 
monuments,  and  if  any  ominous  sound  was  heard,  they  might 
fancy  it  was  but  the  midnight  march  of  Pitcairn  echoing 
through  their  dreams.  But  the  quick  ear  of  Lowell  at  length 
caught  a  sound  faint  and  far  off,  but  appalling.  Above  the 
sound  of  bell  and  loom  and  the  rush  of  Pawtucket  was  heard 
the  footstep  of  Eebellion !  —  Eebellion,  rising  to  stupendous 
proportions  —  vast  and  dark  and  terrible,  as  Milton's  fiend. 
In  this  very  hall  where  you  are  gathered  now,  the  men  of 
Lowell  assembled  to  bid  farewell  to  kindred  and  friends  before 
rushing  into  the  wild  and  bloody  tumult  which  awaited  them. 
That  hurried  march  of  theirs  proved  that  the  loyal  men  of 
America  were  ready  for  the  conflict;  and  when  the  sun  set 
that  day  on  Baltimore,  the  drum-beats  of  the  gathering  North 
were  heard  on  every  side.  From  Baltimore  to  Appomattox 
the  honor  of  Lowell  was  upheld,  not  only  by  the  great  leader, 
whose  daring  and  resolute  genius  first  declared  to  a  hesitating 
nation  the  inflexible  principles  on  which  alone  the  War  of 
the  Eebellion  could  be  brought  to  a  successful  issue,  and  who 
convinced  the  world  that,  whatever  else  it  might  mean,  the 
name  of  Butler  never  stood  for  half-way  measures  or  a  dubious 
policy,  — not  only  by  him,  I  say,  but  by  thousands  of  brave 
and  true  men  who,  following  the  colors  of  one  regiment  or 
another,  represented  Lowell  in  almost  every  conflict  from 
Gettysburg  to  the  Gulf;  and  old  Lowell  and  new  Lowell 
clasped  hands  in  the  hour  of  national  peril. 

"  I  do  not  pretend  to  present  here  any  detailed  history  of 
Lowell,  to  narrate  events  in  their  order,  or  to  give  biographical 
sketches  of  men  prominent  in  our  municipal  life.  This  work 

8 


114  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

was  done  so  fully  and  so  clearly  by  the  distinguished  man  who 
stood  ten  years  ago  where  I  stand  now,  that  I  could  only  fol- 
low in  his  footsteps,  as  to  a  great  extent  I  must  do  now,  with- 
out the  advantage  of  that  personal  knowledge  which  gave 
authority  and  character  to  his  testimony.  It  only  remains 
for  me  to  comment  on  a  few  of  the  great  events  of  our  history, 
to  note  as  far  as  possible  the  permanent  features  and  the  chief 
characteristics  of  our  community. 

"  We  have  had  a  strong  progressive  element,  eager-eyed, 
fresh-hearted,  watching  for  a  new  idea  as  men  watch  for  the 
sunrise,  making  progress  themselves,  and  profiting  by  the  prog- 
ress of  others,  ever  among  the  foremost  who  delight  in 

'  the  march  of  mind, 
In  the  steamship,  in  the  railway,  in  the  thoughts  that  shake  mankind.' 

"  One  bold  spirit  projected  and  built  a  railroad ;  another 
constructed  a  canal,  seized  in  his  strong  grasp  a  careless,  idle 
river,  and  made  it  the  servant  of  industry ;  and  another,  after 
converting  a  barren  hillside  into  a  garden  blossoming  with 
graceful  households,  with  one  hand  assisted  in  planting  the  city 
of  Lawrence,  with  the  other  helped  to  subdue  and  draw  down 
for  our  service  the  free  waters  of  Winnipiseogee.  And  there 
were  a  host  of  others  who  in  every  line  of  human  action  were 
always  to  be  found  in  the  advance  column ;  and  the  names  of 
Nesmith,  Livingston,  and  Whipple  were  written  on  the  later 
era  of  Lowell,  as  the  names  of  Lowell,  Jackson,  and  Boott  upon 
the  former  era. 

"  And  we  have  had,  too,  a  notable  conservative  element  here, 
—  cautious,  sagacious  men,  who  loved  the  past  and  eyed  the 
future  with  suspicion,  looking  upon  all  change  as  dangerous. 
This  element  is  not  without  value  to  a  community.  It  regu- 
lates, though  it  cannot  prevent,  progress.  The  system  of 
public  schools,  the  construction  of  sewers,  the  introduction  of 
city  water,  the  fire-alarm  telegraph,  military  drill  in  the  High 
School,  all  provoked  the  violent  opposition  of  this  element 
It  would  provoke  a  smile  if  I  should  read  to  you  now  the 
arguments  against  some  of  these  beneficial  measures.  The 
introduction  of  city  water,  it  was  said,  was  simply  arranging 
for  a  deluge  before  we  had  built  an  ark ;  as  for  the  fire-alarm 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  115 

telegraph,  it  was  regarded  simply  as  an  infernal  machine 
which  might  lay  the  city  in  ruin  and  ashes  at  any  moment. 
A  witty  friend  of  mine  has  a  list  of  the  remonstrants  against 
these  various  improvements ;  but  I  doubt  whether,  if  I  should 
read  over  the  names,  I  should  contribute  to  the  harmony  of 
this  occasion.  But  it  is  so  with  all  improvements,  and  an 
improvement  which  does  not  provoke  opposition  cannot  be  of 
much  value.  Even  wise  men  must  live  and  learn.  Eemember 
the  great  English  statesman  who  declared  that  he  would  swal- 
low the  boiler  of  the  first  steamship  that  crossed  the  Atlantic ! 
I  need  not  say  the  promise  yet  remains  unfulfilled.  But  let 
us  have  charity  for  those  who  were  slow  to  perceive  merit  in 
the  great  projects  I  have  named. 

"  Many  shining  names  are  written  in  the  necrology  of  Lowell 
for  the  past  few  years,  —  names  that  stood  for  honest  worth, 
for  benevolence,  for  lasting  services  to  their  fellow-men,  — 
names  that  gave  lustre  and  character  to  our  various  departments 
of  business,  —  to  the  mill,  the  bank,  the  school,  —  and  that 
seemed  in  some  cases  to  add  even  sanctity  to  the  Church. 
Your  own  hearts  must  fill  the  catalogue.  But  what  a  glorious 
company  I  might  call  around  me  of  those  who  shed  the  sun- 
light of  their  cheerful  and  worthy  lives  upon  our  civic  history, 
—  the  reverend  men  of  God,  the  scholars,  the  jurists,  the  wits, 
the  thinkers,  and  the  workers ! 

"  It  was  in  our  forum  that  Butler  and  Sweetser  and  Abbott 
awoke  the  admiration  and  apprehension  of  Choate ;  Bonney  and 
Eichardson  alone  are  left  with  us  to  attest  the  reality  of  what 
seems  a  legendary  age.  It  was  from  the  pulpits  of  Lowell  that 
Edson,  Miles,  Blanchard,  and  Miner  preached.  Banks,  the 
bobbin-boy,  began  here  a  public  career,  useful  and  splendid, 
seldom  vouchsafed  to  men.  The  man  destined  to  wake  the 
American  people  to  the  thought  of  liberty  for  others  as  well 
as  for  themselves,  Wendell  Phillips,  a  careless  law  student, 
dwelt  among  us  once,  playing  the  pranks  with  which  even 
great  men  beguile  their  youth,  —  now  satirizing  society,  and 
now  climbing  Dracut  heights  to  watch  the  lighting  of  the 
mills,  describing  the  resplendent  spectacle  in  language  more 
resplendent  still.  The  learning  and  influence  of  John  P.  Rob- 
inson made  him  the  worthy  mark  of  the  first  of  living  satirists, 


116  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

the  kinsman  of  our  founder,  James  Russell  Lowell,  who  ought 
to  stand  where  I  stand  to-day,  making  our  j^istory  shine  in 
the  light  of  his  genius. 

"  And  what  wits  and  humorists,  what  minstrels  and  story- 
tellers, have  filled  our  half-century  with  wisdom,  hope,  and 
recreation  under  the  guise  of  frolic  and  humor !  The  rubicund 
face  of  Perez  Fuller  rises  before  us  now ;  '  Governor  '  Brownell, 
the  stateliest  of  wits,  comes  with  the  lofty  port  of  the  '  buried 
majesty  of  Denmark ; '  Warland,  Schouler,  Ball,  and  Goodwin 
join  the  circle,  and  the  voice  of  McEvoy  rings  above  the 
chimes  at  midnight;  Lucy  Larcom  and  Mary  Eastman  have 
been  there  with  poem  and  speech :  but  devotees  of  propriety  left 
at  ten  o'clock,  the  good  old  regulation  hour. 

"  And  there  was  always  a  certain  gravity,  a  peculiar  sombre- 
ness,  in  the  humor  and  wit  of  Lowell.  One  or  two  examples 
will  suffice.  In  the  first  contest  for  the  mayoralty,  feeling 
ran  high ;  a  grand  type  of  man  must  be  chosen  to  set  the 
standard  for  all  time  (and  some  of  us  will  stoutly  maintain 
that  the  standard  has  never  been  lowered).  Bartlett  was 
elected,  and  a  banquet  was  given  to  celebrate  the  victory. 
Hilarity  rose  to  a  great  height,  the  viands  were  superb,  and  the 
'  foaming  grape  of  eastern  France'  lent  its  sparkle  to  the  hour. 
A  pious,  steady-going  citizen  who  among  other  wares  occa- 
sionally dealt  in  pictures  and  Bibles,  had  participated  in  the 
festivity.  When  the  collector,  a  wag,  called  for  the  assess- 
ment, our  worthy  friend  had  grave  scruples  about  paying  money 
for  such  a  cause.  But  a  happy  thought  occurred  to  the  col- 
lector, — '  Pay  your  share  in  Bibles ! '  And  although  history 
is  silent,  malice  declares  that  the  compromise  was  effected. 

"  At  a  meeting  called  to  take  action  as  to  a  school  system, 
the  imperious  Kirk  Boott  was  opposed  to  the  measure,  and 
declared  that  it  was  folly  to  incur  any  expense  in  its  behalf. 
Lowell  was  but  an  experiment,  and  a  traveller  visiting  the 
place  in  a  few  years  might  find  only  a  heap  of  ruins.  Theo- 
dore Edson  replied,  that  if  the  traveller  examining  those  ruins 
found  among  them  no  trace  of  a  school-house,  he  would  have 
no  difficulty  in  assigning  the  cause  of  the  downfall  of  Lowell. 
There  is  logic  and  wit  enough  in  that  retort  to  have  made  the 
reputation  of  an  English  prime  minister ! 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  117 

"  Now,  I  do  not  pretend  to  say  that  this  community  of  ours 
is  perfect  I  am  not  here  to  flatter ;  it  is  not  perfect.  It  is 
deficient  in  many  respects;  it  lacks  in  public  spirit  The 
close,  fierce  struggle  for  existence  has  not  been  so  favorable  as 
might  be  to  broad  and  liberal  projects  in  the  interests  of  edu- 
cation, charity,  philanthropy.  Public  benefactions  have  been 
comparatively  few  and  small.  All  honor  to  those  who  fill 
that  narrow  circle  of  our  benefactors  in  which  Tyler  and 
Thomas  Nesmith  are  most  prominent!  But  we  have  no 
library,  hospital,  art  gallery,  or  academy  to  signalize  the  wise 
liberality  of  any  living  man  or  to  commemorate  the  patient 
forethought  of  the  dead.  We  have,  it  is  true,  a  prospective 
park,  planned  with  judgment  and  persistence  by  two  de- 
voted women,  who  wished  the  memory  of  their  father  to  be 
linked  forever  with  the  comfort  and  enjoyment  of  a  toiling 
people. 

"  Again,  the  community  lacks  in  local  pride  and  ambition. 
Our  independent  local  life  needs  to  be  developed.  This 
responsibility  falls  upon  all  of  us,  —  upon  the  tradesman,  the 
clerk,  the  mechanic,  the  journalist,  the  professions.  Com- 
pared with  other  places,  is  our  work  in  every  line  above  or 
below  the  standard  ?  Can  we  stand  up,  —  mechanic,  trader, 
teacher,  lawyer,  —  and  challenge  the  world  to  a  comparison  ? 
Is  there  as  much  purity  among  our  politicians,  as  much  zeal 
and  intelligence  among  our  clergy,  as  in  other  places  ?  I  fer- 
vently trust  so.  As  the  clock  strikes  the  closing  hour  of  our 
first  half -century,  these  questions  wait  for  an  answer.  I  know 
that  the  future  upon  which  we  are  about  to  enter  is  dark  and 
lowering.  I  do  not  pretend  to  ignore  or  underrate  the  perils 
gathering  round  us.  I  see  the  social  and  economic  forces 
thrown  into  confusion,  arraying  themselves  under  this  or  that 
'banner,  and  shouting  strange  war-cries;  but  I  have  faith  to 
believe  that  courage,  patience,  and  intelligence  will  soon  evolve 
order  out  of  this  chaos ;  that  the  rights  of  man  and  the  rights 
of  property  will  still  be  safe  under  the  standard  of  Miles 
Standish ;  and  that  under  the  providence  of  Almighty  God,  this 
city  of  ours,  founded  upon  the  noble  thought  of  Francis  Cabot 
Lowell,  will  stand  against  every  storm,  the  example  and  the 
admiration  of  all  coming  time.  " 


118  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

In  August,  1888,  at  the  dedication  of  the  Unitarian  Head- 
quarters at  The  Weirs,  Greenhalge  delivered  the  principal 
address  as  follows :  — 

"  This  voice  of  summer  is  surely  the  voice  of  God,  calling,  as 
it  does,  from  the  North  and  the  South,  the  East  and  the  West, 
these  various  religious  organizations  to  assemble  here,  and, 
under  the  open  sky,  to  commune  for  a  few  short  hours  with 
the  Maker  of  heaven  and  earth,  the  Father  of  us  all. 

"We  often  read  of  grand  military  demonstrations,  of  impos- 
ing naval  pageants,  where  man's  destructive  forces  are  gathered 
together  to  show  what  carnage  and  havoc  they  could  work,  if 
Hell  gave  the  word.  Here  we  have  a  demonstration  of  a  dif- 
ferent kind ;  here  we  see  man's  noblest  forces  arrayed  to  study 
and  contrive  the  best  way  to  elevate,  ennoble,  and  to  save  man- 
kind, when  Heaven  gives  the  word.  And  as  we  glance  along 
the  shining  lines  marshalled  here  to-day,  should  we  not  be 
justified  if  we  felt  a  thrill  of  pride  to  find  that  this  organization 
of  ours  was  in  the  van,  and  was  indeed  'the  Hesperus  that 
led  the  starry  host'?  Ought  we  not  to  be  the  pioneers,  the 
makers  of  roads  and  bridges,  for  the  great  army  moving  along 
the  pathway  of  spiritual  thought  ?  Should  we  not  hasten  for- 
ward to  occupy  every  height,  to  storm  every  advanced  post  of 
the  enemy,  so  as  to  make  the  painful  steps  of  our  brethren 
easier,  safer,  and  clearer  ?  This  post  is,  I  know,  one  of  danger, 
but  one  of  glory  ;  of  struggle,  but  of  triumph  ;  of  labor,  but  of 
rest.  Let  us  take  it,  and  deserve  it,  if  we  can. 

"  This  array  of  intelligent  faces,  kindling  with  the  warmth  of 
the  great  thoughts  suggested  by  this  hour,  convinces  me  that 
the  Unitarian  faith  is  a  prosperous  and  growing  fact.  Wher- 
ever we  look,  we  observe  signs  of  prosperity,  —  we  are,  in  fact, 
so  prosperous  that  there  is  danger  of  our  indulging  in  luxuries. 
Now,  I  suppose  that  as  nobody  realizes  that  he  owns  a  house 
until  he  puts  a  mortgage  on  it,  no  church  realizes  its  prosperity 
until  it  has  a  schism.  I  do  not  believe,  however,  that  a  schism 
is  ever,  in  any  sense,  a  witticism.  If  this  denomination  can 
be  said  to  have  factions  within  it  at  all,  I  should  say  there 
are  two  leading  factions,  and  they  are  both  small.  One  of 
these  believes  that  we  don't  believe  enough  ;  the  other  believes 
that  we  believe  too  much.  There  is  a  good  deal  of  make-be- 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  119 

lieve,  you  see,  on  the  one  hand ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  the  cham- 
pions of  unbelief  have  got  a  creed  of  what  they  don't  believe 
longer  than  any  the  world  ever  saw,  composed  not  of  thirty- 
nine  articles,  but  thirty-nine  hundred,  and  the  list  is  increasing 
every  day. 

"  There  is,  my  friends,  a  beautiful  and  peculiar  propriety  in 
meeting  here  by  these  still  waters  and  green  pastures,  under 
the  shadow  of  these  great  hills,  to  confer  together  on  the  high 
purposes  I  have  referred  to,  —  purposes  as  clear  as  these  spark- 
ling waters,  as  heaven-reaching  as  the  hills ;  a  peculiar  pro- 
priety, I  say,  because  we  must  remember  that  Jesus  of  Nazareth 
made  the  blue  waters  of  Gennesaret  his  pulpit ;  and  the  glory 
of  nature,  shining  as  to-day,  the  song  of  the  birds  of  the  air, 
the  fragrance  of  the  flowers  of  the  field,  the  changing  loveli- 
ness of  sky  and  hill  and  lake,  all  lent  their  grace  and  grandeur 
to  the  earliest  declarations  of  Christian  truth.  And  if  the  ears 
of  living  men  were  deaf  to  that  truth,  the  mountains  heard  it 
and  the  sea.  And  if  the  lips  of  living  men  are  not  ready  to 
declare  that  truth  here  to-day,  I  doubt  not  that  Chocorua  and 
Winnipiseogee  will  repeat  to  us  the  words  of  life  spoken  to 
Lebanon  and  Jordan.  Nature  is  an  open  book  in  which  he 
who  will  may  read  the  word  of  the  Lord. 

"  Many  of  you,  doubtless,  have  seen  the  great  cathedrals  of 
the  Old  World.  You  have  looked  on  the  multitudinous  pin- 
nacles of  Milan,  on  the  grand  front  of  St.  Peter's,  —  you  have 
stood  and  observed  Strasburg  and  Cologne  '  kneeling  in  their 
robes  of  stone,'  great  images  of  devotion ;  but  tell  me  if  the 
hand  of  man  ever  reared  a  cathedral  as  grand  as  this  in  which 
we  now  meet  ? 

"  We  have  here  a  great  lesson,  a  great  truth,  one  of  the  dis- 
tinctive truths  of  the  Unitarian  faith,  —  the  simplicity  of  the 
truth,  and  the  necessity  of  using  simplicity  in  worship,  in  creed, 
and  in  all  things  spiritual.  One  of  the  objections  urged  against 
us  is  that  we  lack  beautiful  ceremonies,  impressive  rites  and 
forms  ;  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  we  run  out  and  borrow 
of  our  spiritual  neighbors  a  candlestick  here,  a  rubric  there,  a 
rite  or  ceremony  elsewhere,  or  an  article  of  religion ;  and,  as 
they  have  thirty-nine  articles,  some  of  which  are  not  in  active 
daily  use,  we  could  easily  get  what  we  wanted,  and  then  we 


120  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

could  furnish  our  house  in  the  latest  and  most  approved  fashion. 
I  say  no.  You  cannot  put  any  real  life  into  your  church 
by  adding  the  excrescences  of  others ;  you  cannot  widen  or 
strengthen  its  foundations  by  adding  a  spire  here  or  a  pinnacle 
there.  In  what  guise  do  you  want  religion  to  come  ?  Shall 
she 

'  like  gorgeous  tragedy, 
With  sceptred  pall  come  sweeping  by  ? ' 

or  do  you  prefer  that  other  picture  of  the  great  Puritan  poet,  — 
shall  religion  appear 

'  devout  and  pure, 
Sober,  steadfast,  and  demure, 
Her  looks  commercing  with  the  skies, 
Her  rapt  soul  sitting  in  her  eyea '  1 

"Some  people  seem  to  prefer  religion  caparisoned  and  ap- 
pointed, like  the  fine  lady  of  Banbury  Cross,  who 

'  With  rings  on  her  fingers  and  bells  on  her  toes, 
Carries  fine  music  wherever  she  goes.' 

"  Which  will  you  choose,  —  the  feverish  and  fretful  magnifi- 
cence of  the  Turkish  mosque  or  the  simple  and  serene  majesty 
of  the  Parthenon  ?  Will  you  take  the  road  to  Banbury  Cross 
or  the  road  to  Damascus  ? 

"  But  they  tell  us  we  have  no  antiquity,  no  traditions ;  we 
are  not  archaeological ;  we  are  very  modern,  very  young ;  we 
feel  like  young  Copperfield  in  presence  of  the  old  waiter  who 
seemed  to  reproach  him  constantly  with  his  excessive  youth. 
Now,  I  say,  this  notion  is  entirely  false.  We  draw  our  inspira- 
tion, our  life,  from  the  very  fountain-head  ;  we  go  back  to  the 
very  beginning.  Our  spiritual  neighbors  invite  us  to  step 
down  the  '  corridor  of  time,'  and  go  and  see  the  ancient  sources 
of  their  wisdom  and  power.  Well,  we  accept  the  invitation. 
Our  friends  start  off  at  a  weary  pace,  and  we  follow.  By  and 
by  they  pause.  They  stop  at  Strasburg,  at  St.  Peter's;  they 
repeat  the  words  of  Augustine,  of  Paul,  —  we  cannot  get  them 
beyond  the  second  or  the  third  century.  We  go  forward  still ; 
we  do  not  pause  until  we  have  passed  these  other  shrines  and 
sacred  places,  until  we  have  come  to  the  very  shores  of  Galilee ; 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  121 

until  we  listen  to  the  words  of  that  wondrous  Son  of  man 
and  of  God,  whose  voice  for  nineteen  centuries  has  been  the 
harmony  of  the  universe ;  the  light  of  whose  countenance  is 
the  civilization  of  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth  to-day,  the  refuge 
and  the  hope  of  humanity  forever.  And  we  mean  to  keep  the 
faith,  not  covered  by  the  dust  of  ages,  not  tricked  out  by 
fashion  or  folly  beyond  recognition,  not  as  the  result  of  in- 
correct transmission  and  ignorant  interpretation  ;  but  the 
faith  in  all  its  original  simplicity,  in  all  its  original  beauty 
and  majesty.  We  mean  to  keep  that  faith  as  it  was  set  forth 
when  the  '  goodly  fellowship  of  the  prophets '  made  the  ages 
ring  with  their  foretellings  of  it,  as  it  was  when  '  the  glorious 
company  of  the  apostles '  welcomed  it  with  heart  and  soul,  as 
it  was  when  '  the  noble  army  of  martyrs '  died  for  it  to  live  f or- 
evermore.  Keep  the  faith  '  as  it  was  in  the  beginning,  is  now, 
and  ever  shall  be.' " 

The  following  speech  was  delivered  by  Greenhalge  at  the 
celebration  of  the  one  hundred  and  fifteenth  anniversary  of 
the  battle  of  Lexington,  before  the  Sons  of  the  American 
Revolution :  — 

"  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN,  —  When  I  heard  the  President 
mention  my  name  in  a  somewhat  irregular  fashion,  —  I  forget 
what  he  called  it,  —  I  consoled  myself  with  the  reflection  that 
'  A  rose  by  any  other  name  would  smell  as  sweet,'  and  also  by 
the  familiar  adage  that  you  may  call  me  by  any  name,  provided 
you  do  not  call  me  late  to  dinner. 

"  I  regret,  however,  that  under  whatever  name  we  are  called 
to-day  you  and  I  will  be  late  to  dinner.  I  do  not  like  to  stand 
between  a  hungry  audience  and  the  meal  for  which  they  are  so 
well  prepared.  It  is  generally  my  luck  to  lead  the  retreat,  to 
be  the  Marshal  Ney  of  an  occasion  like  this.  I  am  accustomed 
to  that  sort  of  disaster. 

"  One  or  two  things  said  by  General  Porter  excited  my  ad- 
miration. I  respect  the  intelligent  patriotism  of  that  gallant 
son  of  New  Hampshire  who  offered  up  so  many  hogsheads  of 
rum  in  the  cause  of  freedom.  We  can  appreciate  that  sort  of 
sacrifice.  I  am  a  little  inclined  to  view  with  suspicion  the 
watchword  which  was  given  by  that  gallant  son  of  New  Hamp- 


122  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

shire  who  said,  '  Meet  me  at  Medford.'  That  remark,  permit 
me  to  say,  seems  to  be  very  much  in  the  same  spirit  —  or 
after  the  same  spirit.  There  was  a  good  deal  of  rum  con- 
sumed in  the  Kevolution  upon  one  side  and  the  other,  and 
I  am  very  glad  if  it  rendered  any  service.  It  does  not  often 
render  any. 

"I  am  glad,  my  friends,  to  be  permitted  to  stand  in  this  place 
to-day,  and  I  have  hastened  hither  because  I  had  a  desire  that 
before  this  day  should  fade  into  the  past,  I  might  at  least  have 
the  opportunity  of  paying  my  humble  but  earnest  and  fervent 
tribute  to  those  men  of  Middlesex  who  '  fired  the  shot  heard 
round  the  world ; '  and,  while  I  must  say  with  my  friend  Gen- 
eral Swift,  and  with  the  many  other  friends  perhaps  present 
here  to-day,  that,  under  the  conditions  of  your  Society,  I  cannot 
be  enrolled  as  a  member,  still  I  have  a  right  to  stand  here  and 
to  speak  to  you,  because  no  living  man  has  been  permitted  to 
share  more  generously  in  the  blessings  springing  like  flowers 
from  the  bloody  dews  which  moistened  the  fields  of  Concord 
and  this  village  green  of  Lexington,  a  century  and  more  ago. 
And  the  large-minded  character  of  those  men  is  shown  in  this, 
that  their  last  will  and  testament  was  that  even  the  stranger 
and  the  exile  might  be  co-heirs  with  their  own  flesh  and 
blood,  their  own  lineal  descendants,  and  true  heirs  of  that 
priceless  heritage. 

"My  friends,  you  heard  those  words,  which  always  seem 
to  be  so  powerful,  spoken  by  my  friend  Judge  Deming,  — 
Marathon  and  Thermopylae.  There  are  certain  words  in  history 
—  Leuctra,  Marathon,  Thermopylae  —  which  always  fall  upon 
the  ears  of  men  like  music.  It  is  not  the  music  of  the  simple 
euphony,  of  a  mere  silvery  ode  to  courage ;  it  is  a  music  which 
always  rises  from  a  grand  achievement,  filling  the  world  age 
after  age  with  sounds  that  echo  now.  Yes,  and  we  remember 
some  other  words  which  may  parallel  in  their  music  the  words 
of  the  ancient  history,  —  Concord,  Acton,  Lexington,  are  in- 
vested with  the  same  divine  music  for  the  ears  of  all  man- 
kind. 

"  You  remember  the  impassioned  exclamation,  the  despair- 
ing prayer  of  that  poet  and  freeman  who  died  at  Missolonghi 
to  make  Greece  free;  you  remember  how,  looking  at  the 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  123 

descendants  of  Miltiades  and  Pericles,  he  cried,  '  Of  the  three 
hundred,  give  me  three  to  make  a  new  Thermopylae ! '  There 
was  no  response.  Yet,  my  friends,  here,  within  sight  of  us  now, 
the  freemen  of  Middlesex  made  a  new  Thermopylae  without 
waking  a  single  Spartan  from  his  stony  sleep. 

"  Give  us,  in  the  sweet  spirit  of  this  Americanism  which 
you  have  combined  to  keep  alive  upon  the  altar,  —  give  us 
illustrations  not  two  thousand  years  old,  when  we  have  them 
here  at  our  own  doors,  in  our  own  houses,  and  on  our  own 
village  green.  Let  us  begin  with  consecrating  and  preserving 
the  memorials  of  the  heroic  deeds  which  have  been  done  most 
recently,  and  have  been  done  with  most  effect  for  you  and 
yours,  your  children  and  yourselves. 

"  I  was  struck  most  forcibly  by  the  train  of  thought  fol- 
lowed by  my  friend  from  Connecticut  when  he  mentioned 
Runnymede  and  Bunker  Hill ;  and,  if  I  may  be  permitted,  I 
desire  to  show  briefly  that  there  is  an  intimate  and  indis- 
soluble connection  between  these  memorable  places.  There 
was  a  vast  meaning  in  the  beacon  fire  kindled  on  the  plain  of 
Runnymede,  and  the  world  and  mankind  everywhere  under- 
stood that  meaning ;  and  then  another  beacon  fire  was  kindled 
a  few  centuries  later  on  Marston  Moor,  and  that  beacon  fire  had 
a  tremendous  meaning ;  and  then  again,  while  the  world  was 
wondering  and  trying  to  understand  the  significance  of  Runny- 
mede and  Marston  Moor,  there  was  an  answering  beacon  fire 
blazing  on  Bunker  Hill,  with  a  meaning  which  even  the  dark- 
ness of  tyranny  comprehended.  And  when  that  shot  of  Mid- 
dlesex was  fired,  it  announced  a  most  important  departure; 
it  announced  that  another  great  step  had  been  taken,  and 
that  another  mighty  epoch  in  the  history  of  English  freedom 
had  begun,  and  the  most  advanced  condition  of  freedom  in 
the  world.  There  are  these  sequences,  there  are  these  con- 
nections ;  the  same  spirit  is  there,  and  the  world  sees  the 
progress  that  has  been  made.  Why,  those  shots  fired  at 
Lexington  are  reverberating  now  in  Brazil,  and  ringing  even 
to  dark  Siberia ;  and  while  men  have  hearts  and  a  desire  for 
freedom,  which  is  innate  and  ineradicable  from  the  minds  of 
men,  those  echoes  will  always  fall  upon  the  ears  of  men 
everywhere. 


124  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"Sons  of  the  American  Revolution,  do  you  pine  for  the 
brave  old  days  ?  Do  you  sigh  for  opportunities  such  as  your 
fathers  had?  Do  you  not  find  to-day  room  and  opportunity 
for  heroic  action  ?  Ah  !  there  is  a  call  for  heroic  souls  to-day, 
if  there  ever  was  in  the  history  of  the  world.  In  our  complex 
life,  with  all  the  difficulties  of  thought,  with  all  the  new 
order  of  things,  with  the  changed  conditions  which  have  taken 
the  place  of  the  old  order,  there  is  a  call  for  men  like  Barrett 
and  Buttrick  and  Davis.  You  cannot  prove  yourselves  to 
be  the  lineal  descendants  of  those  men  without  showing  deeds 
worthy  of  them.  Our  good  mothers  taught  us  what  seemed 
an  easy  lesson :  Always  do  right,  always  shun  evil.  But  there 
comes  in  the  great  trouble  of  our  lives  to-day.  If  our  good 
mothers  had  told  us  what  was  right  and  what  was  wrong, 
we  should  see  fewer  failures  and  have  fewer  heart-aches  than 
we  have  to-day;  we  should  have  been  furnished  with  that 
spear  which,  being  pointed,  at  once  detected  the  false  and 
knew  the  true.  We  have  not  that  to-day.  That  was  an 
angel's  weapon.  But  we  can  to-day  stand  in  the  spirit  of 
the  men  who  made  this  green  a  Thermopylae  one  hundred 
and  fourteen  years  ago.  It  would  be  so  pleasant  if,  as  in  an 
opera,  the  good  man  was  always  the  tenor,  and  the  villain  was 
always  the  basso ;  but  we  cannot  have  that  convenient  arrange- 
ment in  our  hurried  and  troubled  life ;  yet  there  is  as  much 
call  for  heroic  action  in  determining  what  is  right  as  in  going 
forth  to  do  what  is  right. 

"  Ah,  Mr.  President  and  friends,  would  it  not  be  convenient 
if  some  Paul  Revere  would  come  galloping  through  the  night 
knocking  at  our  doors  and  saying  with  a  voice  in  which  you 
must  put  trust,  '  The  enemy  are  there ;  go  north,  south,  east, 
and  west,  and  meet  him ! '  But  no  such  dictation  comes  to 
us.  "We  fight  to-day,  not  with  battalions,  but  with  opinions ; 
and  any  opinion  that  goes  forth  from  the  brain  or  heart  of 
man  and  hopes  to  succeed  must  be  clad  in  proof  armor,  with 
sword  and  buckler  and  shield.  It  is  for  you  to  prove  by 
action  that  you  are  the  same  flesh  and  blood  of  those  men  who 
worked  for  the  foundation  of  this  republic.  And  then,  with 
such  institutions  as  yours  grasping  the  standard  and  standing 
close  by  you  ready  to  support  in  case  of  need,  the  iron  ranks 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  125 

and  the  bronzed  faces  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Eepublic  and 
kindred  organizations,  I  say  that,  come  what  may  of  weal  or 
woe,  of  enemy  or  corruption,  battle  or  pestilence,  if  you  de- 
mean yourselves  in  the  spirit  of  Lexington  and  Concord  and 
Boston,  I  say  then  we  may  be  sure  that  the  power  and  glory 
of  the  United  States  of  America  will  not  be  dimmed  or  les- 
sened, and  no  true  brave  heart  will  ever  have  occasion  to 
despair  of  the  republic. 

Nov.  6,  1890,  before  the  Unitarian  Club  of  Lowell,  Green- 
halge  spoke  upon  the  subject  of  Practical  Christianity.  In  a 
sentence  of  his  speech  he  said :  "  We  have  need  for  no  more 
religion  than  we  can  use  in  our  daily  life.  I  object  to  no  creed 
which  lifts  men  up  from  the  mud  and  mire ;  for  it  is  not  what 
you  believe  that  helps,  but  what  you  carry  into  action."  There 
is  a  whole  sermon  in  this  fragment. 

I  have  given  so  many  of  his  addresses  entire  because  they 
should  be  preserved ;  enough  is  lost  as  it  is.  The  glory  of  the 
orator  is  to  a  great  extent  ephemeral ;  what  remains  in  printed 
books  is  but  the  pale  reflection  of  the  living  presence  of  the 
orator,  the  cold  shadow  of  the  words  that  sprang  from  his  lips 
like  flame.  The  energy  is  gone  that  made  them  live.  If  the 
orator's  efforts  are  to  survive,  they  must  live  as  literature,  be 
judged  by  the  severe  tests  of  time.  Yet,  judged  even  by  the 
standard  of  literary  art,  the  speeches  of  Greenhalge  are  worthy 
of  study  and  admiration.  In  many  cases  they  were  badly  re- 
ported, and  the  report  is  often  the  only  form  in  which  they 
remain;  but  they  were  so  glowing,  so  full  of  energy  and 
thought  and  poetry,  that  the  essence  of  their  beauty  has  been 
preserved. 

We  are  sometimes  inclined  to  think  the  orator's  career  a 
rather  ornamental  one,  —  as  if  it  were  not  a  part  of  the  serious 
life-work  of  the  world.  Yet,  in  the  case  of  this  one  man, 
what  a  vast  body  of  inspiring  material  his  speeches  make !  He 
constantly  sought  to  raise  his  hearers  to  a  higher  level  of 
thought  and  action.  His  orbit  is  always  among  the  stars  of 
poetry  and  patriotism  and  moral  and  political  purity.  This 
is  indeed  "  labor  that  is  crowned  with  laurel  and  has  the  wings 
of  the  eagle. "  Much  labor  that  is  called  practical,  and  honored 


126  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

as  such,  instigated  by  cupidity  and  selfishness,  is  "  labor  which 
is  crowned  with  fire  and  has  the  wings  of  the  bat " 

He  was  called  once  in  a  public  print  the  "  frivolous  Green- 
halge ;  "  he  was  the  deeply  serious  Greenhalge.  He  has  been 
called  "  sarcastic ; "  he  was,  in  fact,  appreciative  and  kind. 
The  surface  may  have  been  disturbed,  but  the  depths  of  his 
character  were  always  the  same. 

In  1893  he  was  invited  by  the  city  of  Boston  to  deliver  the 
oration  at  the  memorial  service  in  honor  of  General  Butler. 
He  gave  an  admirable  address.  The  characters  of  these  two 
remarkable  men  were  totally  unlike ;  yet  some  of  the  things 
that  Greenhalge  said  in  his  oration  of  General  Butler  are 
strikingly  applicable  to  himself :  — 

"  There  are  some  public  men  who  never  seem  to  reach  the 
heart  of  the  people.  Their  services  are  great,  their  purpose  is 
high,  their  lives  are  pure  and  stately;  but  the  people,  while 
recognizing  their  merit,  and  feeling  a  certain  moderate,  well- 
regulated  gratitude,  always  maintain  toward  them  a  cold  and 
dispassionate  attitude. 

"  Then  there  is  another  type  of  public  men.  You  can  count 
the  numbers  of  these  on  your  fingers,  in  any  age,  in  any 
nation.  The  name  of  any  one  of  them,  uttered  in  a  vast 
assembly,  will  electrify  thousands  as  the  soul  of  one  man, 
and  thrill  and  kindle  heart,  eye,  and  lip ;  the  name  is  a  flash 
of  lightning  followed  —  accompanied  —  by  the  thunder  of 
popular  acclaim.  There  is  electric  communication  between 
this  type  and  the  soul  of  the  people.  The  difference  between 
these  two  types  cannot  logically  be  explained ;  it  is  clear  only 
to  that  finer,  subtler,  that  almost  divine  intuition  which  we 
attribute  to  woman.  In  these  matters  the  logic  of  men  can  be 
fathomed  and  answered ;  the  logic  of  women  and  of  nations, 
never.  .  .  . 

"  Benjamin  Franklin  Butler  was  not  born  among  ancestral 
laurels  or  luxury;  and  if  a  single  wreath  adorned  his  'dream- 
less head  '  that  winter  day  as  he  lay  in  his  coffin,  it  was  all  his 
own.  He  was  the  son  of  a  widow.  Not  infrequently  poverty 
walked  by  his  side  in  his  early  youth,  and  taught  him  its 
severe  but  salutary  lessons.  No  boy  in  America  ever  marched 
to  do  battle  with  the  world  with  less  impedimenta,  with  less 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  127 

artificial  aids  and  advantages.  But  he  carried  in  himself,  in 
his  own  natural  forces,  supplies  sufficient  for  every  exigency 
of  life's  journey. 

"  In  these  days  of  form,  rule,  and  routine,  when  life  so  often 
runs  in  a  rut,  it  is  good  to  see  a  man  who  lived  and  moved  in 
his  own  right  and  not  in  the  right  of  an  ancestor,  a  family,  or 
a  class ;  whose  powers  were  not  limited  or  confined  by  environ- 
ment, condition,  or  precedent,  not  tied  and  trammelled  and 
labelled,  not  weighted  down  by  ancestral  possessions  or  an- 
cestral ideas,  but  a  man  clothed  in  the  royalty  of  his  own 
individuality.  .  .  . 

"  It  seems  difficult  to  believe  that  all  this  intense,  this  mar- 
vellous activity  could  suddenly  cease ;  that  all  this  rich  glow 
of  life  should  be  extinguished  at  a  breath ;  that  so  many 
'enterprises  of  great  pith  and  moment '  should  in  an  instant 
all  '  their  currents  turn  awry,  and  lose  the  name  of  action. ' 
Yet,  'after  life's  fitful  fever,  he  sleeps  well, '  —  he  of  the  sleep- 
less brain,  of  the  inextinguishable  fire,  of  the  dauntless  spirit, 
of  the  irresistible  and  tireless  force. " 

In  1887  Greenhalge  delivered  the  closing  argument  for  the 
defence  in  the  case  of  the  Commonwealth  versus  George  F. 
and  Mary  J.  Baker,  charged  with  murder.  His  argument 
occupied  three  and  one-half  hours  in  its  delivery.  It  was 
afterwards  printed  by  him  in  pamphlet  form,  with  the  title  of 
"  The  Groton  Murder  Case. "  It  was  a  brilliant  effort,  and 
gained  him  considerable  reputation  as  a  criminal  lawyer.  The 
closing  sentences  and  a  passage  touching  circumstantial  evi- 
dence were  as  follows :  — 

"  I  say  that  again  and  again,  in  the  history  of  jurispru- 
dence, circumstantial  evidence  which  seemed  overwhelming, 
and  which  did  overwhelm  the  minds  of  jurors,  was  found  to  be 
as  rotten  and  unstable  as  if  a  band  of  perjurers  had  marched 
before  the  jury  and  fired  their  falsehoods  by  platoons;  yet 
every  fact  was  truly  stated.  The  veracity,  the  capacity,  were 
there ;  but  the  conclusion  was  wrong,  because  some  great  and 
vital  fact  had  been  left  out  of  the  inquiry. 

"  Now  I  say,  gentlemen,  in  conclusion,  for  one  brief  moment 
to  you  are  committed  the  functions  of  the  Almighty.  You 


128  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

hold  in  your  hands  the  issues  of  life  and  death.  The  only 
possible  course  lies  between  these  alternatives;  it  is  either 
liberty,  and  the  doors  of  the  jail  open,  or  it  is  death  upon  the 
gallows,  in  a  most  shameful  form.  I  beg  you  —  and  I  have  no 
doubt  you  have  a  full  sense  of  the  importance  of  the  duty  with 
which  you  are  charged  —  to  make  no  mistake.  The  old  maxim 
is :  'It  were  better  that  ten  guilty  men  should  escape  than 
one  innocent  man  be  convicted. '  " 

The  voice  of  Greenhalge  was  always  lifted  in  the  cause  of 
humanity.  As  an  orator,  the  highest  interests  of  the  race 
engaged  his  constant  attention ;  he  sought  to  raise  the  moral 
standards  of  the  community.  In  this  respect  he  was  the  equal 
of  any  of  our  public  speakers;  his  aims  were  as  high,  his 
tone  as  elevated.  His  was  the  most  persistent  voice  heard  in 
New  England  in  our  day  in  the  cause  of  the  highest  culture, 
morality,  and  political  purity,  —  the  cause  of  Phillips  and 
Sumner  and  Everett. 

In  times  of  depression  he  has  been  heard  to  say  of  life, 
"  It  is  all  a  grim  tragedy. "  Yet  it  never  was  to  him  a  tragedy. 
Our  lives  may  be  composed  in  some  measure  much  as  we  may 
compose  a  tragedy  or  comedy ;  it  rests  with  us  to  mould  them 
at  our  will. 

To  the  resolute  soul  of  Csesar  life  was  not  a  tragedy;  to 
the  active  and  ardent  spirit  in  any  age  it  is  not  a  tragedy. 
The  serene  mind  accompanies  the  active  spirit  all  the  world 
over. 

Let  us  glance  at  the  many  speeches  of  Greenhalge,  the 
speeches  which  are  called  occasional.  Note  the  variety  of 
subjects,  all  taken  from  the  higher  range  of  thought:  — 

Nov.  30,  1887,  he  lectured  on  literature  before  the  St. 
Peter's  Total  Abstinence  Society  of  Lowell. 

January,  1888,  on  Self -Government,  before  the  Matthews 
Temperance  Institute,  Lowell. 

On  Literature,  Nov.  25,  1886,  to  the  students  at  Amherst. 

On  Stonewall  Jackson,  April,  1886,  before  the  History  Club, 
Lowell. 

He  preached  in  Fifth  Street  Church,  December,  1888,  on 
the  Lessons  of  the  Hour. 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  129 

He  spoke  in  Watertown,  January,  1889,  on  the  Dangerous 
Tendencies  of  the  Times,  before  the  Unitarian  Club. 

In  Lowell,  April,  1889,  on  Ireland's  cause. 

In  Plymouth,  August,  1889,  at  the  Dedication  of  the 
National  Monument. 

In  September,  to  the  Spalding  Light  Cavalry,  on  Our 
Country. 

October  12,  to  the  Paint  and  Oil  Club,  on  New  England 
Supremacy. 

December  29,  before  the  Pennsylvania  Club,  on  Labor  and 
Capital. 

The  list  might  be  extended  to  cover  all  his  life;  for  he 
spoke  and  continued  to  speak  with  ever-increasing  multiplicity 
of  place  and  topic.  His  oratory  was  a  lamp  which  shone 
brightly  over  a  small  circle  at  first,  yet  gradually  shed  its 
beams  over  all  Massachusetts. 

In  1886  Greenhalge  was  engaged  as  counsel  in  the  Bell 
Telephone  cases.  I  have  copied  the  following  brief  sentences 
from  his  argument  They  are  characteristic :  — 

"  It  is  not  all  demagogy  when  we  speak  of  monopoly.  There 
is  such  a  thing  as  a  monopoly,  and  it  is  to  prevent  a  monopoly 
that  I  think  the  Legislature  is  bound  to  act. " 

"  I  have  always  taken  this  ground,  —  it  is  Jeffersonian, 
and  to  that  extent  I  am  a  thorough  Democrat,  —  that  the 
people  in  every  case  where  they  understand  the  question  are 
infallible. " 

"  Gentlemen,  there  is  a  principle  involved  here.  The  char- 
acter of  Massachusetts  legislation  must  be  kept  clean  and  pure, 
pointing  ever  as  the  needle  to  the  pole  to  the  welfare  and  com- 
fort of  the  people. " 

Greenhalge  delivered  the  eulogy  at  the  unveiling  of  the 
statue  of  William  Lloyd  Garrison  at  Newburyport,  Mass.  It 
was  widely  quoted  and  praised  for  its  eloquence,  and  is  one  of 
his  best-known  orations.  He  spoke  as  follows :  — 

"  FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  NEWBURYPORT,  —  On  the  10th  day  of 
December  (though  your  town  records  say  the  12th),  A.  D.  1805, 
William  Lloyd  Garrison  was  born  in  this  town  of  Newbury- 

9 


130  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

port  in  a  frame  house  still  standing  on  School  Street,  between 
the  First  Presbyterian  Church,  in  which  Whitefield's  remains 
are  interred,  and  the  house  in  which  the  great  preacher  died. 
Nearly  eighty-eight  years  afterward  a  public-spirited  citizen 
of  Newburyport,  Mr.  Swasey,  commemorates  by  the  statue  to 
be  unveiled  to-day  your  immortal  fellow-townsman. 

"Such  a  recognition  of  such  a  man,  in  this  age  of  silver 
and  gold,  of  iron  and  steel,  of  manufactures  and  commerce, 
is  a  fact  of  more  than  ordinary  significance.  It  proves  that 
liberty  and  equality  are  still  words  of  power  and  meaning, 
that  they  have  not  yet  become  as  '  sounding  brass  or  tinkling 
cymbals ; '  it  proves  that  old  Newport  and  young  Newbury- 
port have  not  forgotten  the  strongest  and  bravest  of  the 
thousands  of  strong  and  brave  men  who  have  sprung  from 
her  loins. 

"  And,  further,  I  may  say  that  Newburyport  owes  this  day's 
reparation  to  Garrison.  In  her  pride  and  strength  and  pros- 
perity, she  atones  to-day  for  the  injustice  done  to  her  own 
son  in  former  days.  Not  always  did  Garrison  find  his  native 
town  a  loving  mother.  She  turned  too  often  a  deaf  ear  to  his 
burning  words. 

"  Then,  too,  it  was  a  son  of  Newburyport  who  was  assisting 
in  the  domestic  slave-trade  of  the  country,  and  who,  when  re- 
proached by  Garrison,  flung  the  liberator  into  prison  in  a  far-off 
city. 

"But  half  a  century  has  passed  away, — you  can  read  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  to-day  and  feel  that  every  word  is 
true  and  just.  You  can  take  up  the  Constitution  now,  and 
know  that  it  is  not  a  '  league  with  death,'  but  in  every  line  and 
word  a  book  of  life.  And  in  the  noble  shape  of  this  grand 
statue  now  unveiled  to  the  light  of  heaven,  Newburyport 
welcomes  back  her  mighty  son,  laurelled  with  the  enfranchise- 
ment of  millions  and  the  purification  of  the  republic.  This, 
then,  is  more  than  a  day  of  celebration,  it  is  a  day  of  reparation. 

"And,  my  fellow-citizens,  what  better  day  than  this  could 
you  have  chosen  for  this  great  ceremony,  —  the  day  consecrated 
to  liberty  and  independence,  a  day  yet  ringing  with  the  trumpet 
blast  of  1776,  proclaiming  the  birth  of  a  new  principle  and  a 
new  nation  ?  What  better  or  more  appropriate  place  than 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  131 

Newburyport,  the  town  which  witnessed  not  only  his  birth,  but 
his  earliest  struggles,  trials,  defeats,  and  victories? 

'  Here  about  the  beach  wandered  moodily  a  youth  sublime, 
With  the  fairy  tales  of  science  and  the  long  result  of  time.' 

"  The  strong-hearted,  kindly  people  of  Newburyport  know 
how  the  more  than  fatherless  boy  stood  by  his  more  than 
widowed  mother  in  her  distress.  They  know  how  he  walked 
with  poverty  as  a  friend,  how  he  clasped  hands  with  labor 
as  a  brother,  how  he  sat  at  the  cobbler's  bench,  how  he  rose 
to  the  printer's  case  in  the  old  'Herald'  office  in  Newbury- 
port, and  how  his  own  teeming  brain  originated  the  very 
articles  he  set  up  in  type  with  his  own  hand. 

"  And  what  grander  example  of  a  high-souled,  heroic  man 
can  you  celebrate  on  such  a  day,  in  such  a  place,  than  William 
Lloyd  Garrison,  the  ever-faithful  priest  of  liberty!  Permit 
me,  then,  to  congratulate  you  that  you  are  able,  here  and  now, 
to  celebrate  that  rare  trinity,  —  the  time,  the  place,  and  the  man. 
On  this  auspicious  day,  in  the  most  fitting  place,  then  contem- 
plate with  me  briefly  and  swiftly  the  life-work  of  William  Lloyd 
Garrison.  , 

"  It  would  be  hard  to  find  anywhere  a  life  of  humbler  be- 
ginning, and  it  is  inspiring  to  trace  that  life  from  its  early 
obscurity  to  see  how,  day  by  day,  it  was  lighted  up  by  the 
clear  flame  of  high  moral  purpose  and  indomitable  patience 
and  courage,  till  at  the  close  it  shone  and  blazed  with  a 
splendor  of  achievement  such  as  seldom  crowns  the  efforts 
of  man.  Look  at  the  condition  of  the  country  as  Garrison 
came  to  manhood. 

"  The  sounds  of  the  last  great  war  had  died  away  ;  the 
evils  of  that  war  and  of  the  embargo  had  been  severe  ;  but 
peace  had  brought  about  a  new  state  of  affairs.  Cotton  was 
growing  in  the  South,  and  was  manufactured  in  the  North. 
Industry,  trade,  commerce,  business,  began  to  flourish.  The 
Missouri  Compromise  had  been  effected.  An  '  era  of  good  feel- 
ing '  had  arrived.  There  was  a  lull,  a  truce,  in  the  irrepres- 
sible conflict  between  freedom  and  slavery. 

"  The  people  were  devoted  to  material  considerations  and 
interests.  They  planted,  they  watered,  and  they  harvested ; 


132  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

they  toiled  and  they  spun;  they  married  and  gave  in  mar- 
riage. The  law  gave  its  sanction  to  the  existing  conditions  of 
things ;  the  clergy  added  their  benediction  and  '  all  went  merry 
as  a  marriage  bell.' 

"But  the  triumphal  march  of  their  prosperity  was  not 
altogether  pleasing  to  one  strong  soul,  —  the  soul  of  William 
Lloyd  Garrison.  In  1828,  July  4,  sixty-five  years  ago,  the 
man  who  will  give  a  warmer  glow  to  our  hearts  to-day  stood 
here  in  Newburyport,  as  I  stand  now,  and  read  to  your 
fathers,  —  perhaps  to  some  boy  who  stands  before  me  now  a 
gray-haired  sire  —  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  He  also 
wrote  a  fervent  ode  for  that  occasion,  which  seems  to  have 
been  conducted  under  the  auspices  of  the  artillery  company 
of  Newburyport. 

'  For  the  reign  of  free  thoughts  and  free  acts  has  begun, 
And  joy  to  the  people  whose  hearts  are  but  one.' 

These  were  the  words  which  finished  one  stanza  of  his  ode. 
His  soul  was  filled  with  great  thoughts  on  that  great  day,  and 
his  beloved  country  and  the  reign  of  freedom  and  equality  were 
foremost  ideas  hi  his  mind. 

"  As  he  contemplated,  under  the  influence  of  these  feelings, 
the  conditions  of  his  country,  as  he  read  again  and  again  the 
glowing  words  of  the  great  Declaration,  he  saw  a  gloomy 
figure,  the  figure  of  slavery,  sitting  at  the  fireside  of  the 
South  and  casting  an  appalling  shadow  beyond  the  house- 
hold over  all  the  country  and  over  the  world.  He  was 
startled  and  dismayed. 

"  His  sense  of  justice  led  him  to  desire  the  destruction  of 
slavery ;  but  his  clear  judgment  showed  him  also  the  peril 
of  his  country,  and  led  him  to  desire  the  salvation  of  his 
country  from  that  peril.  He  knew,  with  Homer,  that  'he 
who  enslaves  a  fellow-man  takes  half  that  man's  worth  away,' 
but  he  knew  also  that  the  enslaver  loses  more  than  half 
his  own  worth.  The  captor  is  the  captive,  the  master  is  the 
slave. 

"  He  knew  that  all  the  iron  ranks  of  Lacedsemon  were  but 
as  straw  and  chaff  while  a  single  Helot  remained  to  desire 
his  right  in  his  revenge;  he  knew  that  all  the  conquests 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  133 

of  Rome  were  empty  dreams  while  a  single  bondsman  pined 
for  freedom ;  and  he  realized  that  all  the  crescent  power  and 
glory  of  his  own  beloved  land  were  but  dust  and  ashes 
while  three  millions  of  his  fellow-creatures,  living  under  the 
Constitution  and  the  flag,  were  subject  to  the  auction-block, 
to  chains,  to  the  lash,  to  slavery  and  all  its  dark  incidents. 

"  The  pomp  of  prosperity,  therefore,  did  not  dazzle  him,  and 
over  the  hum  of  industry,  above  the  somnolent  drone  of  the 
pupil,  the  soothing  tones  of  the  'clerical  appeal,'  the  cold 
measured  accents  of  the  bench,  —  he  heard,  like  muffled 
thunder,  growing  louder  day  by  day,  the  voice  of  God  say- 
ing, 'Let  my  people  go,  that  they  may  serve  me.'  And  he 
felt  a  personal  responsibility. 

"  The  command  came  to  him  to  remove  at  once  the  danger 
which  threatened  white  man  and  black.  He  knew  the  truth 
of  Whittier's  words;  he  knew 

'  That  laws  of  changeless  justice  bind 

Oppressor  with  oppressed ; 
And  close  as  sin  and  suffering  joined 
We  march  to  fate  abreast.' 

The  march  of  the  nation  was  brought  to  a  halt.  It  was  the 
type-setter  of  Newburyport  that  gave  the  command.  He  says : 
'  The  clergy  were  against  me,  the  nation  was  against  me  ;  but 
God  and  his  truth,  and  the  rights  of  man'  were  with  him. 
In  the  cooler  temperature  of  to-day  we  can  see  how  the  uncom- 
promising spirit  of  Garrison  awoke  the  wrath  and  the  dread  of 
the  communities  infected  with  slavery ;  and  how  to  many  he 
appeared,  not  as  a  philanthropist,  a  Christian,  a  man  of  peace, 
but  as  a  reckless  agitator  menacing  life  and  property,  — 

'  A  maniac  scattering  dust, 
A  fury  slinging  flame.' 

"But  great  causes  cannot  be  compromised.  Garrison  be- 
lieved that  every  day  the  guilty  country  was  piling  up  the 
wrath  of  Heaven.  The  necessity  for  action  was  pressing,  not 
only  to  give  liberty  to  the  African,  but  safety  to  the  white 
man.  The  body  politic  was  tainted  with  leprosy ;  the  Con- 
stitution was  a  '  league  with  death  and  a  covenant  with  hell.' 


134  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

He  was  willing  to  suffer  himself.  He  had  the  blood  of  the 
martyr  in  him.  He  felt  it  coursing  hotly  through  his  veins. 
He  was  willing  to  shed  it  and  seal  his  faith  with  the  ruddiest 
drops  of  his  heart.  He  took  up  the  cause  of  the  captive,  —  his 
opponents  said  it  was  vanity.  It  was  a  vanity  for  which  he 
was  willing  to  pay  in  stripes ;  for  which  he  suffered  imprison- 
ment, poverty,  obloquy,  loss  of  friends,  and  loss  of  comfort. 

"There  was  no  great  cause  which  he  espoused  for  which 
he  was  not  willing  to  suffer.  Temperance,  the  equal  rights 
of  women,  all  found  in  him  a  whole-souled  advocate  and 
supporter. 

"  The  present  is  not  an  age  of  martyrs ;  the  great  age  of 
antislavery  agitation  was.  Garrison  declared  and  wrought 
for  his  convictions.  He  received  stripes,  blows,  obloquy, — 
he  languished  in  jail ;  he  suffered  the  penalties  of  the  law, 
the  bitterness  of  poverty.  These  evils  he  took  upon  himself 
in  a  Christ-like  spirit.  His  personal  sufferings  meant  the 
rescue  of  millions  from  worse  sufferings. 

"  In  our  practical  day  the  agitator  receives,  not  martyrdom 
for  his  labors,  but  a  salary  and  a  place.  It  is  our  duty  to 
respect  the  martyr  of  the  old  days,  if  we  have  no  desire  to 
imitate  him. 

"  Fellow-citizens,  it  is  fitting  that  the  statue  of  this  brave, 
loyal,  resolute  son  of  Newburyport  should  stand  here,  an  image, 
eloquent  though  silent,  of  an  inflexible  purpose  of  a  soul  faith- 
ful unto  death,  of  a  mind  capacious  enough  to  hold  vast  concep- 
tions of  constitutional  freedom,  of  the  rights  of  man,  capacious 
enough  to  include  all  classes  and  conditions  of  men. 

"  Garrison  is  the  first  in  the  great  line  of  protagonists  in  the 
cause  of  human  freedom.  Look  at  that  splendid  line :  Garri- 
son, Phillips,  Sumner,  Andrew,  Lincoln  ! 

"  Let  every  bold,  free  spirit  of  the  universe  be  present  here, 
hovering  around  this  figure.  Let  the  wind  and  the  rain  and 
the  sunlight  rejoice  in  this  kindred  spirit  of  freedom  regulated 
by  divine  law  alone.  Let  the  northeast  blast,  exulting  in  its 
liberty,  dash  from  the  font  of  the  free  Atlantic  ever  and  again 
baptismal  spray  over  this  child  of  the  God  whose  service  is 
perfect  freedom. 

"  Let  every  boy  and  girl  of  Newburyport,  of  Massachusetts, 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  135 

of  America,  learn  the  lesson  of  Garrison's  life  and  philosophy, 
—  that  you  cannot  deprive  another  man  of  his  right  without 
losing  your  own  ;  that  the  safety  and  happiness  of  men  and  of 
nations  can  only  be  found  in  the  path  of  justice  and  truth ;  that 
slavery  of  any  sort,  physical,  moral,  social,  or  political,  debases 
the  master  as  well  as  the  servant  or  slave,  and  that  the  law  of 
nations  as  well  as  the  law  of  States  can  have  full  force  and 
effect  only  when  in  meaning  and  purpose  they  are  in  harmony 
with  the  law  of  God." 

Greenhalge  spoke  in  March,  1893,  before  the  Press  Club  of 
Lowell,  on  Journalism.  Those  who  heard  him  on  that  occa- 
sion say  that  he  then  appeared  at  his  best;  his  spirits  were 
bright,  his  manner  fresh,  and  his  speech  full  of  wit  and 
wisdom. 

"I  am  to  speak  of  'Journalism  and  its  Opportunities.' 
Journalism  is  an  art,  it  is  also  a  science;  and  it  has  much 
to  do  with  all  arts  and  sciences.  In  fact,  it  is  the  mirror  of  all 
arts  and  sciences.  It  is  the  panorama  of  all  the  progress  of  all 
the  world.  Its  agents  and  servants  are  steam,  electricity,  me- 
chanics, and  every  branch  of  human  knowledge  and  invention ; 
and  every  forward  step  made  in  any  art  or  science,  in  knowl- 
edge or  invention,  every  improvement  in  steam,  electricity,  me- 
chanics, —  each  and  all  are  reflected  and  repeated  in  journalism. 
The  tutelary  deity  of  journalism  is  Hermes  or  Mercury,  the  god 
of  intelligence,  of  news,  flying  over  the  earth  with  wings  on 
hat  and  heels,  bearing  his  staff  (caduceus),  which  may  have  been 
a  pencil,  the  herald  of  the  Immortals,  the  Journalist  of  the 
universe. 

"What  wonderful  progress  has  been  made  in  this  aft  of 
journalism  within  fifty  years !  Some  of  you  can  remember 
when  a  newspaper  was  a  rarity,  a  luxury  more  talked  of  than 
seen ;  borrowed  or  stolen  quite  as  often  as  bought,  treasured 
like  a  family  Bible,  and  sometimes  nearly  as  old !  An  editor 
sat  in  a  niche  like  a  saint,  and  a  reporter  was  spoken  of  with 
bated  breath !  But  steam  presses,  telegraphs,  telephones,  count- 
less improvements  in  types  and  forms,  in  systems  and  methods 
have  made  great  changes.  The  daily  newspaper  is  as  daily 
bread  to  the  people ;  it  is  no  longer  a  luxury,  but  a  necessity 


136  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

of  life,  like  fuel  or  light ;  a  necessity  in  every  family,  and  a 
power  in  every  nation,  —  guiding,  checking,  and  inspiring  the 
thought  and  action  of  millions,  in  business,  politics,  art,  educa- 
tion, and  morals.  Here,  then,  is  a  stupendous  power,  and  upon 
the  whole  a  power  wielded  with  intelligence  and  beneficence. 

"  Journalism  is  the  bright  living  record  of  the  day's  doings  in 
action  and  thought,  —  catching  glimpses  of  the  '  Cynthia  of  the 
minute,'  —  making  a  permanent  picture  of  ephemeral  and 
evanescent  things,  reproducing  like  an  instantaneous  photo- 
graph the  ever-varying  forms  of  human  existence  in  actual 
motion.  Journalism  is  the  first  flash  of  the  daylight  of  truth, 
of  fact  or  opinion.  It  stands  at  the  gateway  of  the  day,  and, 
leaping  into  the  chariot  of  the  sun,  completes  the  circuit  of  the 
world  from  east  to  west.  It  presents  to  the  eyes  of  men  the 
life  of  day,  and 

'  Every  moment,  lightly  shaken, 
Runs  itself  in  golden  sands.' 

"  To  establish  and  maintain  a  great  journal  is  a  noble  and  a 
difficult  task.  Money,  talent,  skill,  patience,  industry,  experi- 
ence, all  are  needed.  To  please  the  public  taste  without  pan- 
.dering  to  bad  taste  ;  to  be  constant  in  principle  without  getting 
'  out  of  touch '  with  the  people ;  to  maintain  a  high  standard,  a 
pure  tone,  and  not  become  prosy  and  didactic ;  to  give  the  news 
.and  yet  not  deprave  by  the  manner  of  giving  it ;  to  stand  out 
.against  the  open  or  covert  bribery  of  powerful  interests  and 
yet  not  offend  stockholders ;  to  refuse  to  sell  editorial  indorse- 
.ments  and  yet  pay  dividends,  —  these  are  some  of  the  diffi- 
culties of  journalism. 

"  The  advertising  department,  too,  is  a  source  of  danger  or 
evil  to  good  journalism.  The  'pot-boiling'  business  is  allowed 
to  encroach  too  much  upon  the  legitimate  ground  of  the  news- 
paper. The  public  gets  very  tired  of  reading  thrilling  episodes 
terminating  in  glowing  eulogies  of  a  superior  vermifuge  or  a 
panacea  for  pulmonary  diseases.  Nor  do  the  people  gaze  with 
unmixed  admiration  on  the  genial  countenances  of  the  fortunate 
or  unfortunate  beings  whose  solitary  distinction  consists  in  hav- 
ing been  cured  of  some  terrible  complaint.  And  the  long  gal- 
lery of  benefactors  of  humanity,  like  Lydia  Pinkham,  ceases  to 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  137 

charm.  Even  the  interesting  physiognomy  of  Mr.  Douglas, 
the  three-dollar  shoe-manufacturer,  is  no  longer  regarded  '  a 
thing  of  beauty  and  a  joy  forever.' 

"It  not  infrequently  happens  that  a  quarter-page  portrait 
confronts  us  as  we  take  up  our  daily  paper.  We  know  that  it 
is  a  time  of  crisis ;  that  Europe  is  standing  on  a  volcano  ;  that 
a  new  star  has  been  discovered  in  the  constellation  Auriga ; 
that  the  stars  and  stripes  have  been  run  up  on  a  great  Inman 
liner  ;  that  Gladstone  has  spoken  or  Bismarck  is  silent.  Who, 
then,  is  the  hero  of  the  critical  hour?  Simple  John  Smith, 
who  is  alleged  to  have  been  brought  back  to  life  by  somebody's 
indescribable  compound  of  inexpressible  ingredients.  We  heave 
a  sigh,  and  thank  Heaven  it  is  no  worse. 

"  The  great  requisites  of  good  journalism  are  character,  in- 
dividuality, enterprise,  and  originality,  and,  above  all,  sincerity. 
The  great  journals  of  the  United  States  rise  like  the  White 
Mountain  peaks,  each  distinct,  easily  recognized  by  tone  and 
spirit ;  and  they  reflect  the  light  of  public  opinion  as  the  great 
mountains  reflect  the  light  of  the  morning  sun.  But  the  lesser 
peaks,  the  little  hills  of  journalism,  have  quite  an  important 
part  to  play.  Here  and  there  a  '  country  paper,'  so  called,  rises 
by  its  special  features  or  situation  to  a  considerable  prominence 
as  a  metropolitan  journal ;  it  is  the  journalistic  Monadnock  or 
Agamenticus  of  the  neighborhood.  Such  a  paper  speaks  with 
authority,  and  is  quoted  with  respect.  Such  a  paper  stands 
like  a  Highland  laird,  or  a  great  nobleman  in  his  Northern 
fortress  in  'the  brave  days  of  old.' 

"  Sincerity,  I  say,  is  the  great  desideratum  in  the  editor,  in 
the  reporter,  in  the  business  agent,  in  the  advertising  depart- 
ment ;  and  neither  department  must  encroach  on  the  other. 
They  must  be  kept  apart  as  sacredly  as  the  Constitution  keeps 
apart  the  executive,  the  legislative,  and  the  judicial  depart- 
ments of  the  government.  Venality  is  the  great  danger  of  the 
day  in  journalism  as  well  as  in  everything  else.  Newspapers 
must  be  the  mouthpieces  of  principle,  not  of  the  highest  bidder ; 
the  spirit  of  truth,  and  not  of  subsidy. 

"  The  opportunities  of  journalism  are  vast.  Journalists  are 
the  uncrowned  sovereigns  of  republics  ;  their  power  is  as  abso- 
lute as  that  of  justice  and  honor.  Their  edicts  are  obeyed,  if 


138  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENE ALGE. 

truly  their  own  edicts,  and  not  those  of  impostors.  The  jour- 
nalist is  accepted  by  the  people,  except  when  he  plays  the  lob- 
byist, the  speculator,  or  the  quack.  If  he  is  ever  dethroned, 
it  is  by  his  own  act,  his  own  abdication. 

"  And  what  a  striking  figure  of  this  bright  age  of  ours  is  the 
journalist !  If  we  regard  the  newsboy  as  the  journalist  in  the 
chrysalis,  it  is  not  a  disparagement  of  this  responsible  profes- 
sion. The  eager  little  messenger  is  learning  promptness,  tact, 
dexterity,  patience.  He  is  bearing  news ;  he  is  learning,  and 
at  a  very  early  age,  that 

'  The  proper  study  of  mankind  is  man,' 

and  the  boy  is  father  to  the  man.  All  doors  are  open  to  him. 
He  stands  before  the  rich  and  powerful,  and  is  undismayed. 
He  listens  to  the  cry  of  the  poor,  and  is  filled  with  pity.  He 
must  look  upon  crime  and  virtue.  All  learning  and  knowledge 
comes  within  his  ken.  He  cannot  catch  and  keep  all  of  it,  but 
he  cannot  help  absorbing  education. 

"  The  true  journalist  is  a  man  of  high  and  inflexible  purpose  ; 
no  more  than  the  gladiator  can  he  yield  to  debauchery  or  folly. 
Every  muscle,  nerve,  and  fibre  is  on  duty  at  every  hour.  Take 
Macaulay's  fine  description  of  the  members  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus,  and  apply  it  to  the  journalist :  '  They  glided  from  one 
country  to  another  under  innumerable  disguises,  —  as  gay  cava- 
liers, as  simple  rustics,  and  Puritan  preachers.  They  wandered 
to  countries  which  neither  mercantile  avidity  nor  liberal  curi- 
osity had  ever  impelled  any  stranger  to  explore.  None  of 
them  had  chosen  his  vocation  or  his  dwelling-place  for  himself. 
If  he  was  wanted  at  Lima,  he  was  on  the  Atlantic  in  the  next 
fleet ;  if  he  was  wanted  at  Bagdad,  he  was  toiling  through  the 
desert  with  the  next  caravan.' 

"  In  peace  and  in  war  he  goes  at  a  word,  a  sign,  into  scenes 
of  darkness  and  danger.  He  is  on  the  track  of  the  murderer 
swifter  than  the  detective ;  he  explores  the  depths  of  African 
forests  with  Stanley  ;  he  is  in  the  front  of  battle  with  Archibald 
Forbes  and  Charles  Carleton  Coffin  ;  and  he  is  buried,  like  Barker, 
pencil  in  hand,  under  the  blazing  ruins  of  a  great  conflagration. 

"  Journalism  has  a  mighty  influence  to  guide  public  opinion 
in  the  way  of  public  good ;  and  in  its  mission  of  enlightenment 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  139 

and  progress  the  press  of  Lowell  has  a  golden  opportunity. 
We  lack  here  that  quality  called  public  spirit.  We  know  all 
about  cotton-mills ;  our  enterprises,  corporate  and  individual, 
are  stupendous,  the  admiration  of  the  country;  but  in  the 
enterprise  which  beautifies,  elevates,  and  gives  pleasure  to  the 
community,  we  are  sadly  deficient.  And  it  is  not  because  we 
have  nothing  in  ourselves  to  arouse  our  pride.  We  have  our 
mills,  and  we  have  had  men  illustrious.  We  buried  a  great 
man  the  other  day,  General  Butler,  —  the  most  unique,  the  most 
individual  man,  if  I  may  say  so,  the  nation  has  ever  known. 
We  have  but  recently  laid  away  one  of  the  greatest  hydraulic 
engineers  in  the  world,  James  B.  Francis.  We  have  had 
musicians  and  painters  born  among  us,  —  a  David  Neal  in 
Vienna,  a  James  Whistler  in  London,  and  a  Chadwick  in 
Boston.  These  are  men  whose  genius  redounds  to  the  credit  of 
Lowell.  When  you  seek  a  modern  hero,  you  go  to  the  Pacific 
isles  where  Father  Damien  died.  In  Lowell,  when  the  small- 
pox raged,  a  physician,  trained  in  the  schools  of  Paris  and 
Vienna,  rich  and  delicately  nurtured,  immured  himself  at  the 
pest-house,  and  there  conducted  the  treatment  of  the  disease 
upon  such  a  scientific  and  practical  plan  that  it  was  speedily 
stamped  out.  And  the  fame  of  his  self-sacrifice  spread  abroad, 
and  from  other  cities  smitten  with  the  plague  came  requests 
that  the  successful  methods  of  Dr.  Abner  Wheeler  Buttrick 
might  be  imparted  to  them. 

"  We  have  much  to  glory  in,  but  we  do  not  glorify  as  we 
should.  We  have  a  limited  admiration  for  art,  paintings, 
sculpture,  music,  and  oratory  when  the  weather  is  fine,  but  we 
do  little  to  encourage  these  accomplishments.  We  have  crude 
notions  of  beauty  in  color,  form,  or  sound.  When  Pericles 
seized  the  treasure  of  Delos,  the  people  cried  out  in  protest. 
Pericles  said  to  them :  '  You  know  much  of  war  and  of  com- 
merce, but  you  know  nothing  of  art.  You  men  of  Attica  must 
rise  above  your  grosser  selves  ;  you  must  learn  of  art ; '  and  he 
spent  the  treasure  in  rearing  those  beautiful  forms  that  refined 
a  people  and  survived  all  their  other  institutions. 

"  The  newspapers  of  Lowell  should  unite  to  lead  Lowell  from 
its  indifference,  from  its  narrow  plodding  in  the  service  of  the 
exacting  dollar,  into  the  higher  and  less  selfish  influence  of  a 


140  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

public  ambition  that  is  not  subservient  to  commercial  or  indus- 
trial considerations. 

"  Let  journalism,  then,  be  true  to  itself,  worthy  of  the  vast 
confidence  reposed  in  it  by  the  people.  And  let  the  journalist 
know  and  realize  that  the  trust  he  holds  is  sacred,  and  large 
enough  to  call  forth  all  the  ability  and  all  the  training  which 
he  can  possibly  bring  into  its  service." 

At  the  dedication  of  the  Milford  library  in  Milford,  Massa- 
chusetts, speaking  of  Lincoln,  Greenhalge  said :  "  There  was 
the  great  nature  of  the  man  to  begin  with ;  but  it  was  only  the 
rude  marble  in  the  quarry,  the  ore  in  the  cavernous  mine. 
It  was  the  sweet  power  of  the  library  —  of  books  —  that  brought 
forth  the  rich  colors  of  that  marble  and  fashioned  the  rude  ore 
into  polished  steel.  It  was  the  close  and  diligent  study  of  the 
Bible,  of  Shakespeare  and  Milton,  his  constant  companions, 
that  enabled  Lincoln  to  compose  that  wonderful  funeral  oration 
which  will  rank  with  the  masterpieces  of  the  Attic  Genius, 
with  the  orations  of  Lysias  or  Pericles,  delivered  on  similar 
occasions. " 

I  have  said  much  in  praise  of  Greenhalge 's  oratory,  and 
have  not  attempted  to  give  a  critical  estimate  of  his  talent. 
His  style  was  not  without  its  defects,  its  exaggerations. 
Fire  and  intensity  it  had  in  abundance.  He  shared  in  the 
common  defects  of  modern  times.  He  employed,  perhaps,  too 
much  rhetorical  embellishment,  and  a  certain  amplitude  of 
style.  The  conciseness  and  simple  earnest  strength  that  are 
said  to  have  distinguished  Demosthenes  are  not  distinctive  of 
modern  oratory.  Burke  says,  in  reference  to  Hyder  Ali : 
"  Compounding  all  the  materials  of  fury,  havoc,  desolation, 
into  one  black  cloud,  he  hung  for  a  while  on  the  declivity  of 
the  mountains ;  while  the  authors  of  all  these  evils  were  idly 
and  stupidly  gazing  on  this  marching  meteor  which  darkened 
all  their  horizon,  it  suddenly  burst,  and  poured  down  the  whole 
of  its  contents  on  the  plains  of  the  Carnatic. "  Demosthenes 
says  more  simply,  referring  to  Philip :  "  The  people  gave  their 
voice,  and  the  danger  that  hung  upon  our  borders  went  by 
like  a  cloud. "  Modern  taste  might  prefer  the  former  quota- 
tion with  its  wealth  of  detail. 


LAWYER  AND  ORATOR.  141 

Greenhalge  did  not  often  strive  for  the  sublime  and  grand  in 
his  speeches.  He  belongs,  rather,  to  the  order  of  graceful  and 
brightly  imaginative  orators,  with  Everett  and  Phillips.  He 
was  interesting ;  he  could  never  have  been  called  that  "  tocsin 
of  the  soul,  the  dinner-bell, "  as  Burke  came  to  be  described. 
Greenhalge  always  sought  to  inspire,  to  elevate;  he  did  not 
often  invoke  figures  of  terror  and  sublimity. 

Some  of  his  set  orations  may  have  contained  too  many  quo- 
tations, though  they  were  always  apt  and  just  The  style  he 
employed,  however,  was  admirably  suited  to  the  occasion  of 
his  discourse,  which  sometimes  demanded  ornament  and 
rhetoric.  His  political  speeches  are  direct,  logical  and  simple 
in  manner,  and  present  the  issues  clearly  and  forcibly.  They 
were  admirable  instruments  in  political  warfare  and  conten- 
tion. His  other  speeches  possess  symmetry,  poetry,  elegance, 
felicity,  variety,  and  ardor.  They  drew  their  inspiration  from 
the  sentiments  of  patriotism,  poetry,  and  political  and  moral 
purity.  They  are  worthy  of  the  man,  and  he  of  them. 


POLITICAL    LIFE. 


POLITICAL    LIFE. 


CHAPTEE  VI. 

MAYOR    OF     LOWELL. 

THE  author  has  now  come  to  the  more  serious  task  of  attempt- 
ing to  write  the  history  of  the  political  career  of  Greenhalge, 
—  a  career  full  of  instruction  and  interest  to  patriotic  men,  to 
all  who  desire  the  regeneration  of  the  political  world,  who 
desire  to  see  a  higher  tone  prevail  in  the  contests  of  freemen, 
and  a  higher  level  of  thought  and  action  maintained  by  their 
political  leaders. 

The  career  of  Greenhalge  shows  with  peculiar  force  the  value 
of  the  scholar  in  politics.  That  phrase  which,  on  the  lips  of 
politicians,  means  weakness  and  inefficiency  in  party  struggles, 
as  illustrated  by  his  career,  means  virility,  a  high  code  of 
honor,  morality,  and  perfect  fitness,  —  nay,  even  genius,  for 
the  exercise  of  political  duties  and  the  warfare  of  party. 

It  is  a  peculiar  and  demoralizing  feature  of  our  democratic 
American  life  that  the  politics  of  the  country,  and  even  its 
sports  and  pastimes,  are  in  constant  danger  of  falling  into  the 
control  of  a  class  of  unscrupulous  and  low-minded  men,  who 
enter  political  life  solely  for  the  spoils  to  be  earned  in  a 
nefarious  trade  in  offices,  who  mingle  in  the  games  of  the 
people  in  the  basest  spirit  of  professionalism  for  the  sake  of 
money.  These  men  are  uneducated,  immoral,  avaricious,  mean- 
spirited.  Their  natural  intelligence  is  often  of  a  high  order, 
however;  but  it  is  perverted  and  prostituted.  In  political 

10 


146  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

contests  they  are  no  mean  antagonists,  and  are  frequently  left 
in  sole  and  victorious  possession  of  the  field. 

To  rescue  the  great  city  of  New  York  from  their  control,  even 
for  a  brief  interval,  is  considered  a  great  achievement,  accom- 
plished only  by  the  united  efforts  of  several  parties.  These 
men  indeed  have  long  held,  in  some  measure,  an  almost  undis- 
puted sway.  Young  men  of  means,  leisure,  and  education  are 
withheld  from  the  public  service  by  a  not  unnatural  disinclina- 
tion to  be  brought  into  contact  with  the  sordid  elements  that 
must  be  encountered  by  all  who  embrace  a  political  career. 
Other  young  men  of  ability  and  action,  who  might  become 
the  leaders  of  the  people,  are  attracted  by,  and  drawn  into, 
the  great  world  of  business ;  the  opportunities  of  which  are  so 
splendid,  and  the  prizes  so  alluring. 

The  American  people,  pure  and  enlightened  as  any  in  the 
world,  have  nevertheless  sometimes  allowed  their  municipalities 
to  become  the  spoil  of  men  politically  almost  as  corrupt  as 
Clodius  and  Milo.  They  devote  themselves  to  the  business 
interests  of  their  country,  but  its  political  affairs  are  left,  to  a 
large  extent,  to  a  class  of  men  who  have  come  to  be  known  as 
"  Ward  heelers  "  and  "  Bosses. " 

The  civil  service  of  the  country  requires  leaders  certainly  of 
as  high  a  character  as  its  military  service  demands.  The 
people  should  turn  the  bosses  out  of  their  undeserved  positions 
of  trust  as  quickly  and  as  thoroughly  as  Cromwell  turned  out 
the  "  tapsters  "  and  "  serving  men  "  whom  he  found  command- 
ing as  officers  the  Parliamentary  armies.  The  need  is  as  great 
that  they  should  be  replaced  by  men  of  principle,  of  con- 
science, and  of  intellect.  There  is  immense  reserve  force 
in  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  American  people  and  nation. 
Our  people  are,  in  all  respects,  worthy  to  be  the  citizens  of  a 
great  republic.  Evils  cannot  make  great  inroads  upon  the 
nation  while  its  citizens  remain  what  they  are,  —  industrious 
and  virtuous. 

The  political  bosses,  however,  have  one  stronghold  in  the 
ignorance  that  prevails  to  some  extent  in  the  millions  of  immi- 
grants unprepared  for  the  duties  of  citizenship  that  await  them 
here.  To  remedy  this  evil  has  become  the  task  of  the  American 
people.  They  need  the  help  of  the  most  enlightened  classes ; 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  147 

they  need   leaders  of  the  highest  character,  of  ability,  and 
education. 

There  is  a  pressure  exerted  for  evil  upon  the  State,  both  from 
below  and  above,  —  the  pressure  of  the  lowest  stratum  and 
the  highest,  of  poverty  and  wealth.  Between  these  two  forces 
stands  the  nation,  armed  with  immense  power.  In  itself  it 
embraces  almost  all  that  is  valuable  in  human  life,  all  that 
it  is  necessary  to  maintain  and  defend. 

"  You  cannot  deceive  all  the  people  all  the  time. "  So 
spoke  the  wisest  of  Americans.  The  people  have  indeed  often 
been  deceived  and  betrayed  by  both  politicians  and  parties ; 
but  their  eyes  have  always  been  opened  at  last,  and  their 
wisdom  vindicated.  It  has  been  said  by  a  keen  observer  that 
the  judgment  of  Parliament  is  always  more  to  be  trusted  than 
that  of  the  wisest  of  its  members.  The  collective  wisdom  of 
the  people  is  also  greater  than  that  of  the  wisest  man.  Great, 
however,  as  is  the  intelligence  of  the  nation,  it  is  not  quick ; 
its  judgment  is  often  delayed,  its  convictions  slowly  formed, 
its  penalties  long  put  off,  its  faith  and  trust  not  easily  dis- 
turbed. The  mind  of  the  nation  is  slow,  trustful,  incorrup- 
tible, and  infallible. 

The  political  boss  does  not  believe  in  the  virtue  of  the 
people.  He  is  not  dismayed  in  the  least,  though  on  the  one 
side  stand  trickery,  bribery,  chicanery,  falsehood,  the  lowest 
partisanship,  and  public  dishonor ;  on  the  other,  the  immense 
power  of  the  people,  the  majesty  of  the  law,  statesmanship,  and 
public  credit,  —  on  the  one  side  Themis,  on  the  other  Caliban. 

The  cry  of  the  people  in  all  their  immense  conflicts  is  for 
leaders,  —  leaders  worthy  of  their  high  position.  It  is  because 
Greenhalge  was  a  worthy  leader,  endowed  with  conscience, 
courage,  and  loyalty,  that  his  life  should  not  be  left  without 
a  record.  He  was  not  linked  by  fortune  with  great  events. 
His  career  was,  however,  exemplary  and  suggestive,  full  of 
lessons  which  ought  to  be  learned  and  remembered. 

Government  by  party  is  a  necessity  of  democracy.  It  is  a 
means  of  government;  with  all  its  imperfections  we  must 
accept  it.  It  is  the  marvel  of  democracy  that  what  we  see  is, 
below,  the  incessant  and  bitter  strife  of  factions  and  parties ; 
above,  the  constitution,  stable  government,  the  firm  magistrate 


148  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

and  just  judge.  Out  of  the  discordant  elements  of  party  issue 
firmness,  moderation,  national  credit,  and  stability.  Party 
government  justifies  itself. 

By  instinct,  inclination,  and  education  Greenhalge  was  not 
a  partisan.  The  necessity  of  party  government  he  accepted, 
as  all  men  must  in  a  free  country.  In  political  warfare  he 
became  a  partisan  chief.  All  his  life  he  belonged  to  the 
Republican  party ;  all  his  efforts  were  directed  to  achieve  its 
success.  The  honors  that  came  to  him  were  the  gift  of  that 
party.  His  services  were  long-continued  and  great,  and  with 
indefatigable  energy  he  gave  himself  to  the  cause. 

We  do  not,  however,  expect  that  the  forensic  efforts  of  the 
advocate  will  represent  truly  in  all  things  his  own  private 
convictions.  We  need  not  think  that  all  that  Greenhalge 
found  it  necessary  to  say  in  the  interests  of  his  party  repre- 
sented always  his  own  private  belief.  He  owed  no  divided 
allegiance,  however ;  he  was  never  separated  from  the  Repub- 
lican party  by  any  divergence  of  opinion  in  matters  of  deep 
importance.  Yet  he  was  not  the  man  to  give  up  to  party  what 
was  meant  for  mankind,  though  he  willingly  sacrificed  his 
private  opinions  when  conscience  allowed. 

He  never  was  a  fanatical  partisan,  and  he  never  could  have 
been.  The  grand  work  accomplished  by  the  Republican  party 
in  the  past,  its  great  history  in  war  and  peace,  the  heroic  names 
emblazoned  on  its  standards,  aroused  his  admiration.  Its 
great  principles  of  government  represented  his  own  profound 
convictions.  Its  great  impetus  he  believed  to  be  far  from 
exhausted,  and  capable  still  of  carrying  it  over  all  obstacles 
triumphantly.  The  intelligence  of  the  country  to  him  seemed 
mainly  to  stand  on  that  side.  The  base  and  sordid  elements 
that  exist  in  every  party  he  never  denied  or  palliated;  his 
opposition  to  them  in  his  own  could  always  be  counted  on. 
He  was  never,  in  fact,  a  mere  politician ;  he  said  so  himself, 
as  will  be  seen  in  his  letters. 

Political  life  was,  in  many  respects,  distasteful  to  him ;  he 
was  disgusted  by  its  baser  side ;  he  had  learned  to  know  men. 
Like  all  political  leaders,  he  had  seen  much  of  the  worst 
side  of  mankind.  He  knew  well  the  selfish  office-seeker  and 
place-hunter;  he  had  experienced  the  plague  of  men  eager 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  149 

for  self-advancement;  he  had  seen  their  self-abasement  and 
disregard  of  personal  honor. 

His  sense  of  duty  called  him  into  politics.  I  do  not  say 
that  he  was  not  ambitious,  but  it  was  the  sense  of  duty  that 
bound  him  to  political  servitude.  Apollo  had  to  serve 
Admetus.  Greenhalge  never  shrank  from  the  duties  of  the 
hour.  He  fought  a  man's  fight,  he  took  a  man's  part  in  the 
conflicts  of  men,  and  he  died  in  harness.  His  ambitions  in 
life,  his  characteristic  aims  and  purposes,  his  own  character, 
in  short,  are  well  explained  in  the  following  pages,  contributed 
by  his  old  and  intimate  friend  Judge  Lawton,  of  Lowell :  — 

"  It  is  probable  that  Greenhalge 's  youthful  ambition  was  not 
for  distinction  in  the  public  service.  He  had  a  love  of  ora- 
tory ;  he  cultivated  it ;  he  excelled  in  it.  He  did  not  do  it 
that  he  might  shine  in  Congress.  If  he  dreamed  of  glory,  it 
was  of  a  literary  kind.  His  father's  classical  tastes  and  love  of 
literature  may  have  shaped  the  boy's  mind  and  his  ambition. 
The  difference  between  him  and  the  bright  American  boys 
around  him  was  in  their  purposes.  The  end  they  aimed  at 
was  an  election  to  something,  —  anything  to  begin  with,  and 
the  highest  elective  office  in  the  world  to  end  with.  They  all 
wished  to  learn  to  make  speeches  to  help  them  to  get  and  to 
keep  votes.  He  desired  perfection  in  the  lines  of  oratory  and 
of  literary  accomplishment  as  an  end  in  itself.  He  thought  of 
the  prepared  and  finished  oration  rather  than  of  the  political 
speech.  He  had  the  taste  and  temperament  of  the  artist  rather 
than  that  of  the  politician.  He  yearned  to  do  work  in  these 
lines  that  should  be  artistic.  He  has  been  quoted  as  saying 
with  mingled  seriousness  and  playfulness,  '  I  have  had  but  one 
ambition,  and  that  was  to  write  a  successful  novel. '  He  did 
not  mean  that  this  statement  should  be  accepted  literally. 
He  certainly  had  ambitions  in  other  directions.  He  did  love 
to  prepare,  to  criticise,  and  to  deliver  public  addresses.  He 
had  a  playful,  imaginative,  philosophical,  didactic  spirit, 
which,  without  doubt,  did  draw  him  toward  the  entertaining 
and  instructive  work  of  the  highest  fiction.  He  could  not 
paint  on  canvas  nor  carve  on  marble,  but  wherever  he  could 
paint  or  carve  perfect  forms,  he  loved  to  do  so. 

"  Such  was  the  man,  and  his  ambitions  were  such  as  such 


150  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

men  have.  He  was  so  different  from  most  successful  statesmen 
that  most  of  them  failed  to  comprehend  him.  His  mental 
constitution  was  so  different  from  that  of  the  ordinary  poli- 
tician that  it  remained  an  impenetrable  mystery  to  very  many, 
even  to  the  day  of  his  death.  He  was  precocious.  He  matured 
early.  He  was  considerably  cultivated  at  an  age  when  most 
boys  of  his  time  were  raw  and  crude.  His  passion  for  sym- 
metry, his  comprehension  of  it,  his  attainment  of  it ;  his  imagi- 
nation, at  once  powerful  and  disciplined;  the  quality  and 
finish  of  all  the  results  he  reached,  —  were  marvellous  to  his 
immature  associates.  They  looked  upon  his  genius  with  as 
much  awe  as  such  boys  were  capable  of  feeling  for  anything. 
It  was  this  impression,  never  effaced  from  the  minds  of  his 
schoolmates,  which  led  them,  on  his  return  to  Lowell  from 
college,  to  urge  him  for  '  political  honors. '  Such  a  wonderful 
fellow  as  Greenhalge  ought  to  be  '  elected  '  to  something  at 
once !  This  tribute  to  his  excellent  parts  by  those  who  knew 
him  best  was  sweet  to  him.  He  was  not  a  cynic.  The  power 
to  please  carried  with  it  the  desire  for  appreciation.  He  de- 
served applause ;  he  liked  it. 

"  Lowell  was  then,  as  it  is  now,  in  many  ways  a  '  very 
democratic  place.'  In  all  parts  of  the  great  democracy  of 
America,  the  continued  counting  of  votes  and  the  frequent 
announcement  that '  Blank  appears  to  have  the  majority, '  tends, 
doubtless,  to  perfect  equality.  The  king  is  not  made  by  birth, 
but  by  votes.  Still  there  is  not  a  hamlet  in  the  world  where 
there  is  not  a  '  ruling  class. '  That  class  may  maintain  itself , 
by  majorities  of  all  the  votes  cast,  or  by  military  might,  but! 
it  will  maintain  itself  until  the  millennium.  Lowell  was 
founded  by  a  few  strong  men.  They  built  huge  mills  con- 
trolled by  a  dozen  incorporated  companies.  These  '  corpora- 
tions '  were  united  closely  in  order  to  control  the  water  power, 
and  doubtless  for  other  good  purposes.  Their  capital  stock 
was  held  and  owned  everywhere  except  in  Lowell.  In  the 
early  days  of  Lowell  the  managers  of  these  mills  managed  the 
people  who  worked  for  them.  They  managed  them  prudently, 
wisely,  and  for  those  days  benevolently.  They  managed  the 
schools,  they  managed  the  churches,  they  managed  Lowell. 
The  resident  '  agents '  were  the  chief  officers  in  control, 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  151 

who  were  visible  to  the  people.  Under  them,  and  sup- 
posed to  act  by  their  direction,  were  the  master  workmen,  — 
'  overseers, '  —  who  served  as  captains,  not  only  in  the  indus- 
tries, but  in  the  government  of  the  community.  In  the  early 
days  these  men  were  men  of  character  and  capacity;  their 
government  was  far  from  intolerable.  In  course  of  time  they 
were  gradually  supplanted  by  men  whose  management  was 
stupid,  while  the  mill  management  had  been  intelligent,  — 
exclusively  selfish,  while  the  selfishness  of  the  mill  satraps  had 
been  joined  with  a  regard  for  the  best  interests  of  the  city. 
Greenhalge's  first  candidacy  for  office  was  when  the  old  order 
of  things  was  passing  away  and  the  new  was  coming  in.  The 
only  reason  for  mentioning  the  old  is  to  account  for  one  char- 
acteristic of  both  the  old  and  the  new.  The  new  inherited  a 
dictatorial  authority  and  power  from  the  old.  The  men  who 
composed  the  new  came  into  power  one  by  one,  humbly; 
they  crept  in.  In  turn,  they  required  that  everybody  else 
should  creep  in,  and  should  come  in  by  their  permission. 
Some  of  them  were  still  employed  in  the  mills.  But  they 
appeared  more  to  act  in  their  individual  capacities  than  as 
subordinates  of  their  employers.  No  political  bosses  of  the 
present  day,  even  with  the  corrupt  use  of  money,  maintain 
their  authority  more  undisputed  than  these  Lowell  bosses, 
without  money,  without  ability,  without  public  spirit,  main- 
tained theirs  for  years.  In  fact,  it  is  only  recently  that  they 
appear  to  have  been  unseated  and  overthrown  by  still  newer 
men,  perhaps  more  reckless  and  audacious  than  they;  but 
possibly  no  more  selfish  nor  more  indifferent  to  the  public 
welfare. 

"  The  first  public  office  Greenhalge  ever  held  was  that  of 
a  member  of  the  municipal  council  of  Lowell.  Whatever 
ideals  he  had,  he  never  despised  what  is  meant  everywhere  in 
America  when  the  word  '  politics  '  is  used.  Although  it  has 
been  said  that  he  was  an  artist  by  nature,  he  always  had  a 
wholesome  regard  for  every  useful  thing.  In  all  his  life,  in  all 
the  offices  which  he  held,  he  saw  little  difference  of  grade. 
The  constant  struggle  of  a  free  people  to  legislate  well  for 
themselves,  to  govern  themselves,  whether  in  the  Lowell 
Common  Council  or  in  the  National  Congress,  was  always  to 


152  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

him  an  effort  of  dignity  and  honor.  The  principle  that  was 
operating,  and  not  the  field  of  its  operation,  was  to  him 
sublime. 

"  At  this  time  the  hostility  to  him  of  the  Lowell  manage- 
ment became  apparent.  If  it  ever  ceased,  it  did  not  cease  for  a 
quarter  of  a  century.  Admitted  to  be  the  most  brilliant  young 
man  in  Lowell,  it  was  at  least  twenty  years  before  he  was 
permitted  to  represent  a  larger  constituency  than  that  of  Lowell. 
The  captains  of  tens  in  the  ward  in  which  he  lived  long  opposed 
his  selection  as  a  representative  to  the  General  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts. Had  he  desired  a  political  career,  had  he  pushed 
himself  forward,  and  had  he  fought  for  political  place,  he  would 
have  become  distinguished  much  earlier.  That  he  was  a  man 
of  extraordinary  genius  was  readily  admitted  even  by  the  man- 
agers of  affairs  in  Lowell ;  but  the  long  line  of  those  regularly 
initiated  into  the  ruling  order  never  shortened.  Greenhalge 
they  all  '  admired, '  but  they  feared  he  was  not  '  practical. ' 
The  real  objection  was  that  he  was  absolutely  independent  of 
everybody's  control,  and  they  wished  nobody  to  be  in  any 
position  of  power  whom  they  could  not  command  and  be 
sure  that  he  would  obey.  Men  of  his  stature  rather  dwarfed 
the  smaller  men  who  were  to  be  promoted  regularly  and 
judiciously. " 

So  writes  Judge  Lawton  of  the  opposition  Greenhalge  en- 
countered in  some  quarters. 

Greenhalge  only  once  voted  out  of  the  Republican  party. 
He  was  thoroughly  consistent  in  his  allegiance  to  the  princi- 
ples of  that  party,  even  in  this  divergence  from  its  outward 
course.  In  the  presidential  election  of  1878  he  voted  for  Horace 
Greeley.  General  Grant  was  the  nominee  of  the  Eepublicans. 
That  great  American,  the  greatest  captain  of  his  age,  possessed 
in  military  affairs  an  all-embracing  mind.  He  had  the  especial 
talent  common  to  all  great  commanders,  —  that  which  serves 
them  best,  the  talent  that  enables  them  to  choose  the  best  sub- 
ordinates, to  discover  the  value  of  men  for  special  services. 
Such  men  invariably  surround  themselves  with  able  lieuten- 
ants, men  capable  of  forwarding  their  far-reaching  plans. 
They  seem  to  know  by  instinct  the  characters  of  the  officers 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  153 

they  employ.  Such  was  Grant,  —  in  war  the  most  discrimi- 
nating of  men.  As  President,  his  judgment  was  not  so  infal- 
lible. The  men  whom  he  trusted  were  not  always  worthy  of 
esteem.  In  civil  life  he  seemed  often  wrongly  to  conceive  the 
character  of  men.  He  was  deceived  in  many  cases.  Scandals 
were  not  unknown  in  his  administration ;  in  consequence  the 
conscience  of  the  country  was  affected,  and  discontent  with 
the  administration  arose  in  many  quarters.  General  Grant 
also  had  too  much  of  the  absolute  in  his  nature  to  fit  him 
entirely  for  the  management  of  civil  affairs.  Like  Wellington, 
in  a  similar  position,  he  was  somewhat  autocratic ;  he  did  not 
like  to  be  crossed  in  his  plans  even  by  public  sentiment.  In 
the  case  of  San  Domingo,  it  even  looked  as  if  he  wished  to  force 
his  ideas  upon  the  country. 

Dissatisfaction  grew  during  his  administration,  and  led  to 
a  split  in  the  party,  and  the  nomination  of  Greeley  for  Presi- 
dent. Greenhalge  shared  in  the  common  feeling,  and  voted 
for  Greeley.  I  believe  he  afterward  came  to  think  it  a  mis- 
take, and  perhaps  he  regretted  it.  He  never  after  showed  any 
disposition  to  revolt  from  the  party ;  even  in  later  years,  when 
the  great  Mugwump  exodus  occurred,  when  men  of  high  char- 
acter and  education  deserted  the  party  of  their  sires  and  for- 
got its  great  deeds  and  traditions,  he  stood  by  his  colors.  He 
might  have  sympathized,  to  some  extent,  with  their  dissatis- 
faction with  the  course  of  events;  his  personal  ideas  might 
have  differed  in  some  things  from  those  that  governed  the 
Republican  party,  but  he  never,  after  the  Greeley  campaign, 
swerved  from  open  allegiance  to  its  great  principles. 

Judge  Lawton,  who  appreciated  at  the  time  the  feeling 
under  the  influences  of  which  Mr.  Greenhalge  acted,  though 
he  did  not  share  it,  writes  as  follows  of  the  position  of  affairs, 
the  reasons  that  operated  in  Mr.  Greenhalge 's  mind,  and  the 
political  circumstances  that  led  to  his  bolt  from  the  Republi- 
can party:  — 

"  The  year  1872  marks  an  epoch  in  Greenhalge 's  political 
career.  It  may  be  nearer  the  truth  to  say  that  it  marks  the 
beginning  of  it  He  was  thirty  years  old. 

"  General  Grant  had  been  renominated  to  the  Presidency  by 
the  Republican  party.  He  had  quarrelled  with  Charles  Sum- 


154  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

ner,  or  Charles  Sumner  had  quarrelled  with  him.  Sumner 
was  the  idol  of  Massachusetts.  In  the  great  moral  conflict  — 
in  that  great  national  debate  which  preceded  the  appeal  to  arms 
—  Sumner,  in  the  eyes  of  Massachusetts,  had  attained  heroic 
stature.  In  fact,  he  was  at  once  a  hero  and  a  martyr.  In  the 
assault  on  slavery  he  early  took  the  lead,  and  behind  him, 
nearly  unanimous,  stood  the  people  of  Massachusetts.  Brooks, 
of  South  Carolina,  answered  his  '  Crime  against  Kansas '  with 
blows,  and  left  him  for  dead  upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate 
Chamber  at  Washington.  When  the  flag  was  fired  upon  at 
Sumter,  the  entire  North  was  aroused  by  a  passion  that  was 
fervent  and  patriotic ;  but  no  such  wave  of  wrath  and  indigna- 
tion swept  through  the  old  Commonwealth  as  when  her  Senator 
was  beaten  down  by  Brooks.  The  war,  emancipation,  and 
reconstruction  were  Sumner's  triumph  and  vindication.  The 
best  of  his  life  had  been  sublimely  devoted  to  the  '  cause. ' 
Such  men  as  he  have  opinions  and  wills  of  their  own.  He 
came  into  conflict  with  the  gentle,  inflexible,  indomitable 
Grant.  The  men  of  camp  were  still  around  Grant  Perhaps 
some  of  them  he  trusted  too  much,  —  trusted  as  he  always 
trusted  his  friends,  even  to  his  financial  ruin  in  New  York. 
Those  of  them  who  were  unworthy  of  the  great  captain  could 
not  prevent  his  great,  substantial  success,  either  in  the  Cabinet 
or  in  the  field,  and  they  can  never  dim  his  fame. 

"  Sumner,  first  hurt,  then  indignant  at  his  own  treatment  by 
a  soldier  president,  and  then  shocked  by  what  seemed  to  "him 
to  be  '  nepotism  and  corruption, '  '  bolted  '  the  second  nomina- 
tion of  Grant.  With  him  went  Horace  Greeley  and  scores  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  followed  by  thousands 
of  patriotic  civil-service  reformers,  young  and  old,  all  over  the 
country.  Nowhere  was  the  revolt  proportionately  so  great  as 
in  Massachusetts.  There  was  a  rush  to  the  side  of  Sumner. 
Very  many  of  the  best  and  truest  of  those  who  were  leaders 
then,  or  have  become  leaders  since,  trusted  implicitly  to 
the  judgment  of  their  spotless  Senator.  Greenhalge  was 
borne  along  in  that  generous  tide  of  '  civil-service  reform. ' 
To  the  day  of  his  death  he  was  a  '  civil-service  reformer, ' 
although  he  did  not  agree  with  all  who  used  or  misused  that 
name.  He  believed  in  a  constant  reform  looking  always 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  155 

towards  fitter  men  for  all  departments  of  the  public  service. 
He  never  took  part  in  any  political  trick ;  he  never  counte- 
nanced any.  Under  the  flag  of  reform  he  followed  Sumner 
into  the  Democratic  party.  The  management  of  Lowell  was 
not  so  potent  then  in  the  Democratic  as  in  the  Eepublican 
party.  The  reason  was  that  the  Democratic  party  was  then  in 
the  minority,  and  the  management  dealt  only  with  majorities. 
Greenhalge  was  nominated  as  candidate  for  State  Senator  on 
the  Democratic  ticket.  He  was  nominated  because  he  was  bril- 
liant and  talented,  and  because  the  young  men  who  did  the 
nominating  had  no  desire  to  keep  him  in  obscurity.  Lowell 
was  a  Eepublican  stronghold,  and  he  was  defeated.  The  great 
number  of  votes  he  received  much  disturbed  those  who  regarded 
him  as  a  constant  menace  to  their  stupid  and  selfish  control  of 
local  affairs.  They  rejoiced,  however,  that  he  was  at  last  out 
of  the  party  that  was  in  power.  To  their  dismay  he  did  not 
stay  out.  Only  four  years  later  he  was  again  in  good  standing 
in  the  Eepublican  party.  Many  good  Eepublicans  would 
doubt  that  he  ever  had  good  reason  to  leave  it.  Many  good 
Democrats  could  see  no  good  reason  after  he  was  once  well  out 
of  it  for  him  to  go  back  again  to  it  He  was  so  frank,  so  logi- 
cal in  his  own  treatment  of  this  change  and  rechange  of  par- 
ties, that  he  was  seldom  accused  of  fickleness.  The  bosses  of 
the  party  to  which  he  finally  returned  had  more  to  say  about 
it  than  those  whom  he  finally  abandoned.  In  1872  he 
thought  that,  with  Greeley  elected  President,  with  Sumner  the 
power  behind  the  throne,  and  a  host  of  old  antislavery  heroes 
in  places  of  power,  whether  the  administration  were  to  be 
called  Democratic  or  not,  the  old  Eepublican  principles  would 
never  suffer  injury.  He  had  a  broad  and  catholic  confidence 
in  the  common  people,  which  was  truly  Lincolnian.  He  never 
believed  that  the  Democratic  party  was  composed  of  rascals. 
It  was  seven  years  after  Appomattox ;  he  thought  that  the  time 
had  come  to  drive  out  of  the  public  service  the  rascals  of  both 
parties.  Nobody  saw  better  than  he  that  great  political  parties 
are  necessary  in  a  free  democracy.  He  understood  that  no 
such  party,  with  its  millions  of  thinking  men,  can  be  an 
absolute  unit  in  opinion.  He  knew  that  to  decide  great  ques- 
tions each  party  must  act  as  a  unit.  On  the  other  hand,  he 


156  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

believed  in  the  '  divine  right  to  bolt '  It  was  weak  to  bolt 
continually.  It  was  a  matter  of  conscience  with  every  voter 
to  decide  when  the  emergency  was  so  great  as  to  justify  him 
in  deserting  his  standard.  He  stayed  with  the  party  with 
which  he  could  agree  in  '  essentials, '  and  claimed  the  right  to 
disagree  as  to  '  non-essentials. '  In  1872  he  thought  he  differed 
in  essentials,  and  he  bolted.  In  1876  the  two  chief  planks  in 
the  Kepublican  platform  were  '  Hard  Money  and  Civil  Service 
Reform. '  It  seemed  to  him  that  the  question  of  honest  pay- 
ment of  the  national  obligations,  as  against  the  '  greenback 
heresy, '  had  become  an  '  essential. '  He  was  for  resumption, 
as  against  what  seemed  to  him  to  be  repudiation.  It  seemed 
to  him,  also,  whether  he  looked  at  the  platforms  or  the  candi- 
dates, that  if  either  party  was  for  civil-service  reform,  it  was 
the  Republican  party.  For  that  cause  he  had  left  that  party, 
and  for  that  cause,  and  to  maintain  the  nation's  currency  and 
the  nation's  honor,  to  that  party  he  thought  he  might  well 
return. 

"  Perhaps  it  was  not  until  1872  that  his  brilliant  work  upon 
the  political  stump  fairly  began.  He  was  heard  outside  of 
Lowell,  and  from  that  time  forth  the  demand  upon  him  for 
political  speeches  and  other  public  addresses  and  orations 
rapidly  increased.  If  he  ever  had  a  secondary  ambition  for 
political  office  as  subordinate  to  the  objects  of  his  supreme 
ambition,  it  is  practically  certain  that  at  this  time  he  had 
given  it  all  up.  He  did  not  expect  office ;  he  did  not  wish 
for  it.  He  had  found  delight  in  work  upon  the  public  plat- 
form. In  politics  his  ideals  were  high.  He  raised  his  stand- 
ard ;  he  followed  it,  not  caring  into  which  political  camp  it 
led.  His  artistic  temper  had  found  a  new  delight  in  certain 
kinds  of  political  work.  He  was  freer  from  anxiety  than 
many,  because  at  that  time  he  cared  for  no  political  reward. 
His  subsequent  elections  to  public  office  came  to  him  literally 
unsought.  Being  once  elected,  no  man  in  America,  either  liv- 
ing or  dead,  ever  did  the  work  he  was  called  to  do  with  a  more 
disinterested,  spotless,  patriotic,  public  purpose  than  did  he. " 

Greenhalge  had  few  more  intimate  friends  than  Judge  Law- 
ton,  and  the  above  sketch  explains  much  in  his  career. 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  157 

Greenhalge,  as  a  young  man,  seemed  destined  at  once  to 
enter  into  the  political  life  of  the  country.  He  belonged  to 
that  class  of  young  men  who  by  their  talents  immediately 
attract  attention,  to  that  profession  which  insensibly  leads 
its  votaries  into  the  field  of  politics.  He  was  marked  for 
political  preferment  from  the  outset  of  his  career ;  his  orator- 
ical talent  was  recognized  at  once ;  his  ambition  stirred  within 
him,  and  he  felt  himself  destined  to  share  in  the  conflicts  of 
party.  He  wished  for  action  and  excitement,  induced  by  his 
energetic  nature,  and  he  early  turned  to  politics.  He  had  felt 
the  emotions  of  literary  ambition ;  his  taste  revolted  from  the 
sordid  elements  of  political  life,  but  his  active  spirit  led 
him  on. 

We  are  active  beings,  and  our  larger  sympathies  are  always 
with  an  active  career.  We  long  to  influence  directly  our 
fellow-men,  to  realize  the  results  of  our  endeavors  without  the 
long  delay  that  chills  the  fruitions  of  literary  toil,  to  see  our 
influence  expand  and  our  powers  develop  in  the  actual  world, 
cheered  by  the  sense  of  immediate  recognition.  It  is  impos- 
sible that  a  young  man  should  feel  all  the  sense  of  duty  that 
comes  with  years  and  experience.  Duty  became  the  prime 
motive  of  Greenhalge's  career;  but  it  was  ambition,  no  doubt, 
that  first  moved  his  spirit  to  effort,  —  the  generous  ambi- 
tion of  young  and  fiery  spirits,  of  Fortinbras  and  Henry  V. 
By  a  cold  and  calculating  spirit  of  ambition  he  was  never 
moved.  A  record  of  the  career  of  young  men  in  our  Repub- 
lic who  enter  upon  the  public  service  reads  somewhat  like 
that  of  a  young  noble  of  the  Claudian  or  Julian  families  in 
the  ancient  Republic  of  Eome,  rising  by  regular  stages  from 
jedile  and  prsetor  to  the  consulship.  Our  offices  are  not  so 
splendid,  and  their  titles  have  become  commonplace  to  us ;  but 
the  order  of  progress  is  the  same. 

Greenhalge  was  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  1865  ;  in  1868-69  he 
was  elected  to  the  Common  Council  of  the  city  of  Lowell ;  in 
1872-73  he  was  a  member  of  the  School  Board ;  in  1879  he 
was  elected  Mayor  of  Lowell ;  and  so  on  to  Congress  and  the 
Governorship. 

If  for  a  long  time  he  seemed  to  linger  in  the  obscurity  of 
local  politics,  it  was  due  to  the  circumstances  of  his  position. 


158  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

The  talents  of  Greenhalge  were  nevertheless  ripe  at  an  early 
age;  his  youthful  efforts  were  brilliant.  His  first  political 
speech  is  still  remembered  in  Lowell ;  it  happened  while  he 
was  a  law  student,  when  with  great  eclat  he  addressed  a  crowd 
that  had  assembled  in  the  street 

A  rather  amusing  instance  of  the  influence  of  his  youthful 
eloquence  occurred  when  he  was  a  member  of  the  Municipal 
Council.  During  that  time  the  necessity  arose  for  a  new 
grammar-school  building.  At  the  meeting  of  the  committee 
which  was  to  decide  the  matter,  young  Greenhalge  was  late, 
and  before  he  arrived,  the  question  had  been  discussed  and  a 
vote  passed,  appropriating  a  far  from  liberal  sum  for  the  erec- 
tion of  the  building.  When  the  late  comer  learned  the  result 
of  the  discussion,  the  amount  voted  appeared  to  him  entirely 
inadequate ;  and  he  protested  most  eloquently  against  what  he 
considered  such  false  economy,  lack  of  public  spirit  and  civic 
pride. 

The  members  of  the  committee  were  moved,  —  voted  to  recon- 
sider; and  the  result  of  their  reconsideration  is  the  present 
Green  School  building,  which,  whatever  may  be  thought  of 
its  architecture  in  these  days,  was  then  considered  a  fine  struc- 
ture, and  which  was  the  first  of  the  many  handsome  school 
buildings  that  now  beautify  our  city.  It  was  Greenhalge  too 
who  insisted  that  the  Common  Council  might  adjourn  at  will, 
and  not  await  the  pleasure  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  —  which 
action  made  a  precedent  for  all  time. 

From  the  time  that  he  became  a  lawyer  he  spoke  in  all  suc- 
ceeding political  campaigns  with  increasing  frequency  until 
he  became  one  of  the  most  active  speakers  on  the  stump.  In 
all  these  contests  he  gained  the  reputation  of  a  fair  and  con- 
sistent adversary.  His  power  of  sarcasm  and  invective  made 
him  a  dangerous  opponent ;  but  his  character  was  respected  by 
the  opposite  party,  and  he  made  few  enemies.  The  Demo- 
cratic citizens  of  his  native  city  admired  his  brilliant  talents, 
and  always  manifested  a  liking  for  him  personally.  They 
knew  that  in  private  his  tastes  and  habits  were  Democratic, 
that  he  himself  cherished  no  enmity. 

When  Disraeli  addressed  the  electors  of  High  Wycombe  at 
the  hustings  from  the  porch  of  the  Eed  Lion  Tavern,  a  keen 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  159 

observer  might  have  been  able  to  prophesy  with  confidence  all 
the  future  successes  of  the  youthful  orator  on  the  grand  stage 
of  Parliament.  So  one  who  heard  the  young  Greenhalge  speak 
to  the  electors  of  Lowell  could  have  foretold  his  after  career 
with  full  assurance. 

His  talents,  indeed,  were  incontestable  when  he  stood  at  the 
threshold  of  his  career ;  he  was  a  bright  boy,  a  brilliant  youth, 
a  man  of  indefatigable  intellect.  It  would  be  interesting  to 
trace  his  political  life  from  the  beginning  and  in  detail.  The 
record,  however,  of  those  early  years  is  difficult  to  recover,  even 
though  so  few  years  have  intervened.  Prior  to  his  election  as 
Mayor  of  Lowell,  comparatively  few  of  his  speeches  have  been 
preserved. 

His  reputation  was,  however,  already  high  in  his  own  city. 
He  was  known  as  an  able  lawyer  and  eloquent  speaker ;  he  had 
served  in  the  Common  Council  and  School  Board.  His  char- 
acter was  much  respected,  and  it  was  natural  that  he  should 
be  selected  as  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  Mayor  of  the  city. 
In  the  convention,  Dec.  3,  1879,  he  was  nominated  by  the 
Eepublicans  for  that  position  by  a  majority  of  forty  votes,  and 
was  elected,  December  9,  by  a  majority  of  856  votes. 

In  American  history  the  office  of  mayor  has  often  been  the 
first  step  in  the  ladder  of  high  political  preferment.  Executive 
ability  displayed  in  that  field  of  effort  has  always  been  highly 
prized  by  the  American  people.  The  government  of  our  cities 
is  indeed  one  of  the  crucial  questions  of  the  time ;  presenting 
a  dilemma  which  the  people  are  called  upon  to  solve.  It  is 
the  rift  in  the  armor  of  Britomart,  —  a  flaw  which  endangers 
the  safety  and  honor  of  Republican  institutions. 

As  Mayor  of  Lowell,  Greenhalge  won  a  large  increase  of 
popularity.  His  administration  gave  satisfaction  to  both 
political  parties;  on  all  the  occasions  when  he  was  called 
upon  to  represent  the  city,  he  acquitted  himself  well.  People 
felt  that  he  was  able  to  act  as  their  representative  with  credit 
His  eloquence,  often  called  into  request  outside  of  the  city, 
flattered  their  civic  pride.  His  character  was  respected,  and 
his  ability  and  firmness  became  better  known.  On  Dec.  11, 
1880,  he  was  renominated  by  acclamation.  At  this  election 
he  received  the  unusual  honor  of  being  nominated  also  by  the 


160  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Democratic  party,  — a  rare  distinction  in  political  annals.  It 
was  an  honor  that  came  to  him  justly,  and  shows  the  personal 
popularity  that  he  enjoyed  among  all  classes  of  the  com- 
munity, the  general  appreciation  of  his  unusual  ability,  and 
the  respect  that  his  character  evoked. 

He  was  re-elected  by  a  majority  of  3,675  votes  over  his  only 
opponent,  put  in  nomination  by  the  Anti-License  party. 

At  his  inauguration,  Jan.  3,  1881,  Mayor  Greenhalge  in  his 
address  advocated  the  erection  of  a  new  High  School,  of  a  new 
City  Hall,  and  the  introduction  of  free  text-books  into  the 
public  schools ;  all  of  which  ideas  have  since  been  carried  into 
execution.  During  his  term  of  office,  also,  military  drill  was 
introduced  into  the  High  School. 

The  City  Government  of  Lowell  has  not  heretofore  been  in 
the  same  predicament  with  some  others  in  the  country.  It 
has  been  comparatively  pure  and  free  from  political  scandals 
and  rings.  In  its  early  history  a  very  high  tone  prevailed  in 
the  politics  of  the  city.  The  character  of  the  officials  was 
singularly  estimable.  It  has  changed  since  for  the  worse,  yet 
Mayor  Greenhalge  found  no  great  evils  to  reform,  no  very 
dark  corners  to  clean.  He  could  not  distinguish  himself  very 
much  in  such  ways ;  but  he  enhanced  his  reputation  in  others, 
and  when  he  left  office,  the  chance  of  further  political  prefer- 
ment was  greater  than  ever  before.  As  to  his  career  as  mayor, 
a  friend  of  his  said :  — 

"  In  1879,  without  his  own  desire,  and  in  spite  of  the  per- 
sistent opposition  of  the  local  managers,  with  a  very  popular 
and  capable  opposing  candidate,  he  was  nominated,  and  by  a 
large  majority  elected,  Mayor  of  Lowell.  He  served  two  years. 
It  can  hardly  be  said  that  there  was  an  organized  opposition 
to  his  second  election.  In  this  service,  when  he  was  thirty- 
seven  and  thirty-eight  years  of  age,  he  showed,  beyond  all 
question,  that  he  was  'practical.'  It  surprised  some  of  the 
little  burgesses  that  a  '  literary  feller '  could  comprehend  the 
mystery  of  the  city  debt  of  two  or  three  millions  and  the 
sinking  funds  to  pay  it  off.  Through  his  enterprise  and  per- 
sistency, and  to  their  amazement,  the  city  borrowed  money  at 
a  lower  rate  than  ever  before.  Some  of  them  were  frank  enough 
to  own  up  to  their  surprise.  Others  still  clung  to  the  view 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  161 

that  a  man  could  not  excel  in  so  many  directions ;  it  seemed 
safer  to  intrust  business  to  men  who  were  a  little  dull. " 

The  inaugural  addresses  which  he  delivered  as  Mayor  are 
models  of  concise  statement,  and  contain  the  evidence  of 
much  foresight,  and  a  wise  consideration  of  public  affairs. 
The  following  are  quotations  from  his  speeches  upon  his  first 
and  second  inaugurations  :  — 

"  Efficiency  and  character  are  the  only  tests  to  be  applied  to 
appointments,  and  a  fearless  fidelity  to  the  highest  interest  of 
the  whole  city  the  only  principle  by  which  your  official  con- 
duct should  be  tried.  That  man  among  you  who  shall  square 
his  conduct,  not  by  these  principles,  but  by  some  theory  of 
future  political  preferment,  betrays  the  trust  reposed  in  him 
by  his  fellow-citizens,  and  violates  the  solemn  obligation  he 
has  first  taken. " 

"  As  with  everything  else,  a  good  government  commands  a 
good  price,  and  the  best  is  the  cheapest.  But  before  making 
any  expenditure,  you  must  be  satisfied  that  the  public  good 
really  requires  it,  and  then  be  sure  that  for  every  dollar  of  the 
public  money  there  shall  be  a  proportionate  return  of  public 
benefit. " 

"  The  instruction  of  our  youth  gives  us  a  security  and  peace 
beyond  anything  that  law  or  police  can  give.  These  are  the 
external  armor  of  the  body  politic.  Education  is  the  very 
breath  of  life. " 

"  The  education  of  the  people,  then,  must  be  the  first  object 
of  public  concern ;  herein  lies  the  very  safety  of  the  Common- 
wealth. '  Salus  civitatis  est  suprema  lex. ' ' 

"  Our  coming  here  does  not  mean  the  proscription  of  any 
class  of  our  fellow-citizens.  If  we  may  not  win  enthusiastic 
praise,  at  least  let  it  be  said  of  us  that,  during  our  adminis- 
tration, no  man  was  abridged  of  his  rights,  and  no  harm  came 
to  the  city  which  we  might  have  averted. " 

Dec.  30,  1881,  he  delivered  a  closing  address  before  the 
Board  of  Aldermen.  In  regard  to  harmony,  he  said  he  would 
not  give  a  straw  for  a  man  who,  having  any  convictions,  is 
afraid  to  stand  up  for  them.  He  believed  in  differences,  and 

11 


162  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

did  not  think  there  was  a  man  in  either  board  with  which  he 
had  served  with  whom  he  had  not  had  differences. 

It  was  during  his  mayoralty  that  the  death  of  President 
Garfield  occurred.  This  event  called  forth  the  following 
letter  to  the  pupils  of  the  public  schools,  a  copy  of  which  was 
presented  to  every  child  :  — 

MAYOK'S  OFFICE,  LOWELL,  MASS.,  Sept.  21,  1881. 
To  the  Pupils  of  the  Schools  of  Lowell : 

James  Abram  Garfield,  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  departed  this  life  on  Monday,  the  nineteenth  day  of 
September,  1881.  At  the  time  of  his  death  he  held  the  highest 
office  in  the  republic,  —  the  most  honored  position  in  the 
world.  He  was  gifted  with  powers  and  graces  seldom  bestowed 
upon  the  sons  of  men;  and  his  brief  but  brilliant  life  was 
illustrated  by  his  truth,  his  intelligent  strength,  and  his  love 
for  mankind.  To  the  heart  of  youth  and  early  manhood  the 
story  of  the  life  just  brought  to  an  untimely  close  must  forever 
be  an  example  and  an  inspiration.  In  whatever  station  of 
life  it  pleased  God  to  place  him,  he  walked  clothed  with  the 
majesty  of  a  true  man. 

Courage  and  honor  brightened  the  dark  ways  of  poverty; 
modesty  and  simplicity  gave  a  new  grace  to  prosperity  and 
greatness. 

In  the  humblest  paths  trodden  in  the  days  of  his  toilsome 
youth,  in  the  heroic  struggle  for  the  worthy  and  ennobling 
prizes  of  life,  and  in  the  full  splendor  of  achievement,  he 
leaned  upon  the  Almighty  Arm.  Yes,  in  the  valley  of  the 
shadow  of  death,  he  walked  with  God. 

Scholars,  in  James  Abram  Garfield  you  have  a  product  of 
our  institutions,  of  our  education,  our  civilization,  —  a  perfect 
type  of  the  citizen  of  the  American  Republic. 

In  the  hall  of  statues  built  in  the  people's  heart,  Garfield 
stands  a  fit  compeer  with  Lincoln,  Sumner,  and  Andrew. 

I  have  said  these  brief  words  to  you,  because  it  seemed  very 
fitting  that  the  memory  of  so  grand  and  childlike  a  man  should 
be  enshrined  in  the  loving  hearts  of  youth  and  childhood. 

May  he  rest  in  peace  1 

Sincerely,        FREDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE,  Mayor. 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  163 

The  following  speech  I  insert  entire ;  it  was  spoken  on 
Decoration  Day  before  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Eepublic  during 
his  mayoralty :  — 

"  MR.  COMMANDER,  SOLDIERS  OF  POST  42,  LADIES  AND 
GENTLEMEN,  —  The  rude  tablet  erected  on  the  graves  of  the 
Spartans  who  fell  at  Thermopylae  bore  this  inscription: 
'  Stranger,  tell  the  Lacedaemonians  that  we  lie  here  in  obedi- 
ence to  their  command. '  Simple,  stern,  yet  pathetic  words ! 
The  Spartan  knew  the  cold,  relentless  nature  of  his  country- 
men, and  felt  that  the  testimony  of  some  cold  and  impartial 
stranger  was  needed  to  wake  their  gratitude.  But  our  heroic 
dead,  whom  we  commemorate  to-day,  need  not  appeal  to  any 
stranger  to  remind  us  of  their  patriotic  deeds.  The  memory 
of  their  services,  like  the  flowers  strewn  over  their  graves, 
blooms  with  added  freshness  year  by  year ;  and  faithful  com- 
rades, preserved  through  the  storm  of  battle,  loving  children, 
and  grateful  fellow-citizens,  make  this  annual  pilgrimage  to 
deck  with  flowers  of  May  the  consecrated  earth  where 

'  Sleep  the  brave  who  sink  to  rest, 
By  all  their  country's  wishes  blest.' 

"  To-day,  in  pursuance  of  time-honored  custom,  the  city  of  the 
dead  has  been  made  to  shine  with  a  glory  that  the  summer 
cannot  give;  for  over  every  soldier's  grave,  rising  above  the 
flowers  scattered  by  loving  hands,  we  have  seen  what  we  may 
regard  as  the  richest  of  flowers,  nourished  and  strengthened  as  it 
is  by  patriotic  blood,  —  the  banner  of  our  redeemed  republic. 
And  we  know,  my  friends,  that  were  it  not  for  these  graves 
and  the  deeds  of  the  dead  who  lie  there,  that  banner  would  not, 
as  it  does  to-day,  '  shine  like  a  meteor  streaming  to  the  wind, ' 
telling  in  every  land  and  upon  every  sea  a  story  of  the  free- 
dom, the  equality,  and  the  brotherhood  of  man. 

"  But  there  are  other  graves  than  those  you  have  honored 
and  wept  over  to-day.  It  is  something  to  the  stricken  mourner 
—  to  the  mother,  the  widow,  the  orphan  —  that  their  beloved 
ones  are  resting  here,  —  here,  where  our  two  bright  rivers,  our 
Merrimac  and  Concord,  unite  their  murmurs  in  a  requiem  to 
these  sleeping  warriors,  —  here,  where  love  and  gratitude  may 
offer  their  frequent  tribute.  Let  us  not  forget  to-day  the  true- 


164  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

hearted  men  who  gave  up  their  lives  for  their  country  to  lie 
down  in  nameless  and  unknown  graves. 

"  Is  this  a  day  of  festival  or  a  day  of  mourning  ?  Does  it 
not  partake  of  the  nature  of  each  ?  We  lament  the  husband, 
the  father,  the  brother  on  the  field ;  but  the  angel  of  love  and 
patriotism  blows  a  blast  of  resurrection,  heard  all  over  the 
broad  land,  and  our  lost  warriors  rise  from  their  graves  to 
mingle  with  us  and  to  receive  the  wreaths  of  honor  prepared 
for  them  by  a  grateful  country. 

"  A  soldier  broken  in  body,  mind,  and  fortune,  applied  for 
aid.  '  What  is  your  disability  ? '  He  rolled  up  his  sleeve  and 
showed  a  terrible  scar  upon  an  arm  shrunk  and  twisted  out  of 
shape.  '  Chancellorsville, '  he  said  simply.  He  displayed  a 
great  wound  upon  the  breast,  saying,  '  Mechanicsville. '  Each 
wound  was  an  indelible  record,  —  he  carried  about  with  him 
his  history  in  a  form  shorter  and  clearer  than  any  book. 

"  It  is  pleasing  to  think  that  the  humblest  soldier,  with  the 
history  of  his  battles  written  upon  his  body  in  scars  and 
wounds,  can  lie  down  to  his  eternal  sleep  and  know  that  with 
every  recurring  anniversary  of  this  day  the  muffled  drum  will 
beat  above  him,  and  grateful  hands  will  make  his  last  resting- 
place  beautiful  with  flowers  and  with  the  flag  for  which  he 
fought. " 

Mayor  Greenhalge  spoke,  March  3,  1881,  at  the  Y.  M.  C.  A. 
Trade  Eeception.  The  following  fragment  is  taken  from  his 
speech  on  that  occasion :  "  If  religion  should  tell  anywhere,  it 
should  tell  in  the  every-day  life  of  the  individual ;  and  as  it 
is  good  to  have  the  spirit  of  religion  in  business,  so  it  is  good 
to  have  the  method,  the  scientific  arrangement,  the  character 
and  judgment  of  business  in  matters  of  religion." 

One  thing  that  Greenhalge  always  insisted  upon  in  his 
speeches  as  the  chief  part  of  the  statesman's  duty  was  the 
necessity  of  maintaining  the  character  of  the  people  in  its 
integrity  and  strength.  Few  statesmen  have  seemingly  seen 
and  insisted  on  this  truth.  It  has  been  overlooked  and  put 
aside  by  many.  To  some  politicians  the  people  are  but  figures 
to  be  manipulated,  pawns  upon  the  political  chessboard  to  be 
manoeuvred,  means  by  which  victory  can  be  organized  and 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  165 

party  success  assured.  Material  prosperity  is  in  their  eyes  the 
chief  factor  in  civilization,  —  to  be  maintained  at  any  cost. 
This  question  strikes  at  the  root  of  our  economic  theories  and 
ideas  of  government. 

There  is  an  interesting  passage  in  Froude's  Life  of  Lord 
Beaconsfield,  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  necessity  of  maintain- 
ing the  character  of  the  English  people.  Disraeli  he  claims 
was  the  only  statesman  of  his  time  whose  constant  aim  it  was 
to  uphold  and  develop  it ;  and  he  quotes  a  curious  remark  of 
Aristotle,  that  while  aristocracies  have  always  fostered  the 
national  character,  it  has  been  neglected  by  democracies,  the 
latter  seeming  to  think  that  character  will  grow  by  itself. 
Many  statesmen  and  politicans  seem  incapable  of  grasping 
any  save  abstract  ideas. 

Cheapness  is  not  the  chief  desideratum.  It  is  first  necessary 
that  the  work  done  should  be  good ;  not  scrimped  and  scanted, 
but  performed  under  the  sense  of  responsibility  and  conscien- 
tiously. This  is  a  primary  and  elemental  truth;  yet  it  is 
often  forgotten.  Success  is  to  be  won,  but  never  by  unfair 
methods.  National  prosperity  should  be  the  just  reward  of 
the  people,  and  advance  hand  in  hand  with  the  character  of 
the  people.  Whatever  tends  to  undermine  that  character  is 
not  to  be  endured  or  tolerated,  even  though  wealth  flows  in  its 
train,  and  power  and  dominion.  The  politician  may  neglect 
this  quantity,  but  the  statesman  cannot.  Greenhalge  always 
appreciated  and  upheld  the  necessity  of  character;  it  was  a 
basic  principle  with  him,  —  the  foundation  of  all  good  govern- 
ment, the  source  of  strength,  the  nucleus  round  which  all  the 
attributes  of  power  cluster. 

Napoleon  understood  the  volatile  nature  of  the  French,  and 
undermined  their  character  still  more  to  suit  his  own  selfish 
ends.  By  his  victories  he  overcame  the  conscience  of  his  sub- 
jects, until  he  rendered  them  incapable  of  self-government. 
He  made  them  the  tools  of  his  ambition,  and  the  mighty  fabric 
he  reared  fell  into  the  dust.  The  character  of  the  British 
people,  on  the  contrary,  during  all  their  immense  struggle  with 
the  Imperial  Corsican,  continued  to  develop  and  strengthen. 
It  emerged  from  the  conflict  with  glorious  pride  and  power. 

Greenhalge  said,   in  a  quotation  already  given,   that   the 


166  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

standard  of  public  men  should  be  raised  to  correspond  with 
the  higher  standards  of  the  people.  He  himself  will  always 
be  found  supporting  the  men  of  highest  character  as  he  under- 
stood them.  If  other  men  than  those  whose  claims  he  advo- 
cated prevailed  in  the  political  conventions  of  his  party,  he 
bowed  to  the  popular  will,  —  and  it  is  right  to  do  so,  except 
in  extreme  cases,  for  it  will  often  be  found  that  the  decision 
of  the  people  vindicates  itself,  and  the  course  of  events  justi- 
fies their  action ;  even  if  the  choice  of  the  people  or  party  is 
not  the  best  that  it  would  have  been  possible  to  make,  a  middle 
course  must  often  be  taken  in  public  affairs. 

Greenhalge,  however,  was  of  the  opinion  that  civilization, 
good  government,  and  the  true  grandeur  of  nations  were  not 
merely  questions  of  statistics  and  numbers,  nor  of  political 
tactics  and  strategy,  nor  even  of  cheap  production,  national 
expansion,  and  party  triumph,  but  matters  chiefly  of  bone, 
sinew,  and  brains,  of  blood  and  iron  in  the  human  character, 
and  the  light  of  a  free  intelligence  shining  in  the  spirit  of 
man. 

He  always  joined  himself  with  the  best  element  of  his  party ; 
their  candidate  was  primarily  his  candidate.  In  1876  he 
supported  Benjamin  Bristow  as  candidate  for  President,  and 
formed  a  Bristow  Club  in  Lowell.  At  a  meeting  in  Lowell 
held  for  the  formation  of  the  club,  he  said :  "  We  want  men 
in  position  and  as  party  representatives  who  will  give  their 
highest  and  best  thoughts  alike  for  the  interest  of  country  and 
of  party.  Bristow  commands  the  respect  of  all  for  his  honesty, 
ability,  dauntlessness,  and  incorruptibility. " 

In  1884  he  was  an  Edmunds  delegate  at  the  Chicago  con- 
vention when  Blaine  was  nominated  on  the  fourth  ballot. 
Blaine,  the  popular  candidate,  carried  all  before  him  at  the 
convention;  but  the  election  of  Cleveland  justified  the  opposi- 
tion of  those  who  held  that  success  could  not  be  achieved  under 
the  standard  of  Blaine, — that,  notwithstanding  his  great 
ability,  he  would  not  carry  the  people  with  him.  Elaine's 
political  escutcheon  was  tarnished  in  the  opinion  of  many; 
suspicion  was  attached  to  his  name,  and  his  defeat  was  assured. 
Nothing  of  this  appeared,  however,  at  the  convention,  and  the 
utmost  enthusiasm  prevailed  for  the  plumed  knight  of  Maine. 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  167 

Greenhalge's  private  feelings  during  the  time  the  meetings 
were  being  held  are  apparent  from  the  following  letters  written 
home  to  his  family.  They  express  the  dislike  he  felt  for  some 
of  the  conditions  of  political  life,  for  its  noisy  and  vulgar 
side. 

CHICAGO,  June  4,  1884. 

I  got  through  the  first  day  of  the  convention  tolerably.  I 
don't  like  the  business  at  all.  A  pandemonium  without  the 
least  necessity,  — all  for  show  and  humbug.  We  carried  our 
vote,  defeating  Clayton  for  temporary  chairman.  The  Elaine 
men  were  surprised.  I  shall  take  no  part  —  that  is,  public 
part  —  in  the  convention ;  it  is  not  in  my  line.  If  I  were 
directed  to  present  somebody,  I  could  do  it ;  but  Governor  Long 
and  Senator  Hoar  are  to  do  that  sort  of  thing.  I  yearn  for  my 
dear  ones,  —  we  never  fully  value  our  home  when  there.  I 
am  not  made  for  a  politician ;  I  don't  fancy  Chicago,  and  don't 
see  how  anybody  can  —  except  the  people  who  like  to  go  to 

sleep  to  brass  bands. 

CHICAGO,  June  6,  1884. 

I  hope  and  trust  I  shall  not  be  under  the  necessity  of  com- 
municating by  letter  more  than  once  again.  We  are  going  in 
the  morning  to  begin  balloting.  I  went  to  bed  this  morning 
at  about  three,  the  convention  holding  till  about  two  A.  M. 
The  speeches  were  made  last  night,  Long  making  an  incompa- 
rable speech  for  Edmunds,  and  Curtis  a  fine  one,  but  not  equal 
to  Long's.  The  people  about  here  were  silenced  and  charmed 
by  the  Edmunds  oratory,  and  are  compelled  to  respect  our 
position.  But  of  all  ridiculous  performances  the  "  demonstra- 
tions "  for  Elaine  and  Arthur  were  entitled  to  the  palm.  Grown- 
up men  acting  like  lunatics,  carrying  about  a  helmet,  a  "  floral 
tribute, "  to  Elaine,  —  and  men,  women,  and  boys  screeching  in 
a  maniacal  manner  during  the  progress.  And  these  are  the 
kind  of  people  who  are  to  name  the  Chief  Magistrate !  God 

save  the  republic!     I  offered  A ,  one  of  the  Elaine  men 

of  our  delegation,  $2  to  put  on  the  helmet  and  march  round  the 
hall,  but  he  declined.  Well,  well !  I  am  anxious  to  finish 
and  get  home. 

A  friend  of  Greenhalge's  relates  the  following  incident, 
which  occurred  in  the  early  days  of  his  political  career. 


168  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Show  and  pretence  were  always  odious  to  him ;  he  was  no  moral 
babbler,  but  of  incorruptible  integrity.  The  story  shows, 
moreover,  that  his  power  of  oratory  and  sarcasm  made  him 
feared  at  an  early  date  by  political  makeshifts,  and  that  he 
was  already  a  person  to  be  conciliated. 

"  A  trait  in  Greenhalge's  character  which  has  fixed  itself  in 
my  mind  was  an  almost  morbid  dread  of  seeming  to  be  better 
than  he  was.  He  had  no  religion,  no  goodness,  to  speak  of. 
His  ideal  of  what  a  good  man  ought  to  be  was  so  very  high, 
his  consciousness  that  he  was  far  below  his  ideal  was  so  very 
keen,  that  his  attainments  seemed  to  him  not  worth  the  men- 
tioning; he  felt  he  had  nothing  to  boast  of;  that  he  had  an 
honest  and  sincere  love  of  goodness,  and  an  earnest  desire  to 
be  a  good  man  shows  itself  in  his  whole  life,  is  written  into 
every  line  of  poetry  and  into  almost  every  letter  he  ever  wrote. 
Such  a  spirit  as  he  had  was  the  spirit  of  true  Christian 
humility.  It  was  the  same  which  led  St.  Paul  to  class 
himself  among  the  chief  of  sinners.  It  is  the  feeling  that  has 
been  at  the  foundation  of  the  character  of  every  sincere  and 
honest  man  the  world  over;  this  trait  of  character  is  well 
illustrated  by  an  incident  that  I  have  retained  in  my  memory 
since  the  days  when  we  were  both  practising  law  in  the  old 
Mansur  Block.  A  certain  prominent  citizen  of  Lowell  was 
before  the  public  as  a  candidate  for  a  high  office.  He  was  an 
unscrupulous  man,  and  through  his  agents  was  subsidizing 
votes  right  and  left.  Greenhalge  opposed  his  candidacy,  and 
issued  a  pamphlet  which  was  in  the  richest  vein  of  that  satire 
and  sarcasm  which  no  one  knew  better  how  to  use  than  Green- 
halge did  when  occasion  presented.  This  pamphlet  did  much 
harm  to  the  cause  of  our  candidate.  It  became  necessary  to 
silence  this  battery.  Greenhalge  was  approached,  and  the  bribe 
was  offered.  In  telling  me  the  circumstances  afterwards,  I 
said  to  him,  '  Well,  what  did  you  say  to  him  ?  Did  you  not 
kick  him  out  of  your  office  ? '  '  Oh,  no, '  he  said ;  '  I  told  him 
his  bribe  was  not  big  enough. '  '  Why, '  I  replied  indignantly, 
'  did  you  say  that  ?  You  know  perfectly  well  that  no  bribe 
could  buy  you. '  '  Yes, '  he  said,  '  I  know  that,  but  that 
answer  was  the  only  one  that  man  could  understand. '  This 
was  always  his  way ;  he  was  no  man  for  moral  heroics.  He 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  169 

did  the  right  thing.  He  stood  on  the  highest  platform  of 
righteousness,  but  he  did  not  care  to  cry  aloud  to  the  populace, 
'  Look,  see  me  here ! '  He  was  no  man  to  pose.  " 

In  1884  Greenhalge  was  elected  to  the  Massachusetts  House 
of  Representatives.  He  distinguished  himself  there  as  much 
as  he  afterwards  did  in  Congress,  though  in  a  narrower  sphere. 
He  soon  acquired  the  reputation  of  being  the  best  debater  in 
the  House,  and  gained  the  respect  and  consideration  of  its 
members  by  his  judgment  and  the  sterling  nature  of  his  mind. 
He  supported  the  bill  in  favor  of  Biennial  Election,  introduced 
in  that  session  of  the  Legislature,  Feb.  18,  1885 ;  in  a  speech 
in  support  of  the  bill,  he  said :  "  I  am  sorry  to  see  gentlemen 
here  who  have  fallen  under  the  ban  of  the  antiquarian  feelings, 
who  cherish  and  cling  to  anything  old,  and  can't  bear  to  give 
it  up  because  it  is  old.  The  traditions  of  Massachusetts  are 
sacred,  but  they  do  not  apply  to  the  future ;  that  calls  for  prog- 
ress, and  in  progress  in  this  direction  Massachusetts  is  far 
behind  the  rest  of  the  States.  " 

He  also  opposed  the  granting  of  pensions  to  the  judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court  In  his  speech  in  opposition  to  the  bill,  he 
said  that  he  opposed  the  amendment  and  the  bill  itself  as  con- 
trary to  the  principles  of  our  government,  that  it  would  be 
better  to  pay  them  larger  salaries  while  in  office,  and  that  he 
believed  the  bill  was  hostile  to  the  spirit  of  our  institutions. 

He  also,  while  in  the  Legislature,  favored  the  abolition  of 
the  poll-tax  prerequisite  for  suffrage.  He  would  retain,  he 
said,  all  the  safeguards  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the 
ballot-box,  the  educational  qualifications  should  be  insisted  on ; 
he  would  trust  the  people,  and  believed  that  as  a  measure  of 
justice  and  expediency  the  resolve  should  pass. 

A  committee  to  investigate  the  finances  of  the  House  being 
appointed,  Greenhalge  was  made  chairman  of  it,  because  "  he 
is  a  strong,  able  man,  and  has  the  confidence  of  the  House. " 
He  was  also  chairman  of  the  committee  on  mercantile  affairs. 

Upon  a  discussion  by  the  House  of  the  bill  to  reduce  the 
rentals  of  telephones,  Greenhalge  spoke  and  characterized  the 
bill  as  careless  and  reckless.  He  considered  it  was  more  dan- 
gerous to  the  right  of  self-government  than  any  other  bill  of 


170  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

the  session.  The  House  afterwards  rejected  the  bill  by  a  large 
majority. 

A  bill  to  exempt  sailors  and  soldiers  from  the  operation  of 
the  civil-service  laws  was  defeated  in  the  Legislature  during 
this  session. 

The  Legislature  remained  in  session  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
two  days,  at  that  time  the  longest  term  with  one  exception 
since  1874.  Though  a  new  member,  Greenhalge  rapidly  came 
to  the  front  In  many  points  the  resemblance  is  striking  to  his 
term  in  Congress.  In  both  cases  it  was  remarkable  that  a  new 
member  should  acquire  such  influence  and  renown.  In  both 
cases  defeat  came  to  cut  short  a  brilliant  career,  —  defeat  most 
unmerited  and  most  unexpected.  The  reason  was  in  both 
nearly  the  same.  Greenhalge  did  not  make  selfish  and  personal 
efforts  to  gain  his  re-election.  He  did  not  seek  the  office,  and 
the  office  which  should  have  sought  him  fell  to  other  hands. 
In  a  letter  to  the  "  Lowell  Mail,"  dated  Oct.  31,  1885,  Green- 
halge said,  in  response  to  an  item  in  the  local  column  :  "  You 
say  Greenhalge  refuses  to  lift  a  finger  for  himself.  In  a  certain 
sense  this  is  true.  A  free,  spontaneous  election  by  the  people 
is  the  noblest  tribute  a  man  can  receive.  An  election  obtained 
by  purchase,  by  bargaining,  by  log-rolling,  is  not  worth  hav- 
ing. I  desire  an  election  by  the  people,  fairly  obtained,  and 
not  otherwise. " 

After  his  defeat  the  "  Boston  Advertiser  "  said :  "  Green- 
halge's  course  was  very  dignified;  he  showed  little  interest 
in  his  election,  having  been  in  Boston  nearly  all  day  and  not 
making  any  efforts  to  get  votes. " 

In  Greenhalge 's  ward  there  was  a  tie  vote ;  but  upon  a  re- 
count Mr.  Shaw  proved  to  be  elected  by  one  vote.  As  usual, 
Greenhalge  bore  his  defeat  with  equanimity ;  he  was  no  poli- 
tician, and  could  not  feel  as  one.  The  disappointment  was 
general,  however. 

The  "  Boston  Herald  "  said  at  the  time :  "  It  is  not  an  encour- 
aging symptom  when  so  good  a  legislator  as  Greenhalge  is 
defeated  because  he  declined  to  work  for  his  own  re-election. 
Greenhalge  made  an  admirable  record  in  the  last  House.  He 
was  a  man  of  sound  judgment,  gave  close  attention  to  his 
duties,  was  active  in  aiding  good  legislation,  and  was  the  best 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  171 

debater  in  that  body.  These  qualities  should  have  secured 
him  a  support  that  would  have  been  an  honor  to  the  people  he 
represented.  Conscious  that  he  had  done  his  duty,  he  relied 
upon  his  constituency  to  do  him  justice  by  showing  their 
appreciation  of  his  services.  There  are  people  who  believe 
that  the  office  should  seek  the  man  rather  than  the  man  the 
office.  They  are  old-fashioned  people  in  our  days. " 

The  "  Lowell  Courier  "  said :  "  The  result  is  to  be  regretted. 
Mr.  Greenhalge  would  have  been  a  leading  man  on  the  floor  of 
the  House.  His  remarkable  talents  and  his  experience  would 
have  been  invaluable,  both  to  his  local  constituency  and  to 
the  Commonwealth. " 

The  "  Fall  JRiver  News  "  said :  "  Honest,  considerate,  and 
fearless,  he  won  the  respect  of  both  parties,  and  acquired  an 
influence  second  to  none  in  that  body.  To  set  aside  such  men 
for  others  of  no  particular  qualifications  reflects  little  credit 
on  the  intelligence  and  good  judgment  of  any  constituency. 
The  State  will  suffer  rather  than  Mr.  Greenhalge;  he  has  a 
future,  and  will  be  heard  from. " 

These  opinions  the  people  and  the  press  everywhere  seconded. 
A  prophet  is  sometimes  without  honor  in  his  own  country, 
and  at  this  time  small  justice  was  done  to  Greenhalge  by  the 
voters  of  Lowell. 

The  following  lines  formed  part  of  a  poem  read  before  the 
House  by  a  member,  on  the  closing  day  of  the  session,  June 
19,  1885,  which  was  printed  by  request  of  the  House:  — 

"  When  Greenhalge  mingles  in  debate 

Which  others  oft  prolong, 
His  logic,  like  a  mighty  stream, 

Flows  calm  and  deep  and  strong. 
To  listening  ears  his  eloquence 

Gives  ever  fresh  delight, 
While  keenest  wit  illumes  his  theme 

As  lightning's  flash  the  night. 

"  O  statesman,  blest  with  rarest  powers 

To  move  the  listening  throng, 
Be  thine  the  work  to  aid  the  right, 

And  aye  condemn  the  wrong. 
Defend  the  weak,  the  fallen  raise, 

The  bold  oppressor  smite ; 
And  e'er  contend,  like  knights  of  old, 

For  justice,  truth,  and  right." 


172  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

These  verses  were  an  exceptional  tribute  to  Greenhalge, 
and  well  express  the  position  to  which  he  had  risen  in  the 
estimation  of  the  House. 

After  his  defeat,  it  was  said  that  his  friends  would  seek 
revenge,  and  that  the  party  might  suffer.  This  rumor  called 
forth  the  following  letter  from  Greenhalge :  — 

SATURDAY,  Dec.  5,  1885. 

EDITOR  OF  THE  "  MAIL,"  — I  do  not  believe  that  any  friend 
of  mine  will  oppose,  or  in  any  way  abate,  his  efforts  for  the 
Republican  party,  from  any  feeling  of  bitterness  on  my  account. 
The  coming  election  I  consider  of  the  most  vital  importance  to 
the  people  of  Lowell,  and  the  continuance  of  the  present  gov- 
ernment in  office  is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  every  lover  of 
honest  and  economical  administration.  I  write  this  on  account 
of  a  paragraph  in  the  "  Boston  Advertiser  "  of  to-day,  referring 
to  the  possible  action  of  my  friends,  which  I  think  without 
foundation.  I  certainly  have  not  the  slightest  sympathy  with 
such  sentiments,  nor  have  any  of  my  friends  that  I  know  of. 

Feb.  8,  1886,  Greenhalge  spoke  at  the  Middlesex  Club  in 
Boston  upon  the  question,  "  Shall  the  poll-tax  be  a  condition 
of  suffrage  ?  "  He  said :  "  The  theory  of  our  government  rests 
upon  the  equality  of  man.  Each  man,  by  virtue  of  his  man- 
hood, is  to  contribute  to  the  maintenance  of  the  government, 
and  to  receive  his  just  share  of  its  benefits.  The  property 
qualification  is  an  incongruity.  .  .  .  Let  us  have  the  courage 
to  put  in  practice  the  theory  of  popular  government  in  every 
way  and  under  all  circumstances.  The  theory  has  been  tried 
by  the  fire  of  rebellion,  by  the  most  appalling  political  crises, 
and  it  stands  to-day  more  beautiful  than  ever.  Let  us  erase 
from  our  book  of  laws  a  principle  which  is  unjust,  unwise, 
unstatesmanlike,  and  unrepublican. " 

After  the  speech  there  was  much  talk  of  Greenhalge  as  a 
candidate  for  the  office  of  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Massachu- 
setts. It  was  a  premonition  of  what  was  to  be  later.  The 
talk  called  forth  many  expressions  of  approval.  The  "  Lowell 
Weekly  Sun, "  a  Democratic  paper,  said :  "  Mr.  Greenhalge 
would  be  a  good  man  for  the  Republicans  to  have  on  their 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  173 

ticket,  and  a  bad  opponent  for  the  Democratic  nominee.  The 
democratic  and  honorable  doings  of  Mr.  Greenhalge  while 
Mayor  of  Lowell,  and  also  while  in  the  State  Legislature,  have 
been  gratefully  remembered  by  Democrats  all  over  the  State, 
and  many  of  them  would  be  glad  to  vote  for  him  for  any  office 
to  which  he  might  aspire. "  Many  Democrats  afterwards  did 
vote  for  him  for  the  higher  office  of  Governor  of  the  State. 
There  was  always  a  predilection  for  Greenhalge  in  the  Demo- 
cratic party. 

Urged  to  be  a  candidate  at  this  time  in  opposition  to  Con- 
gressman Allen,  Greenhalge  replied :  "  I  decline  to  entertain 
the  idea  for  two  reasons  :  the  first,  that  I  should  be  disloyal  to 
my  party  and  to  the  principle  of  fairness  if  I  entered  the  field 
against  Mr.  Allen;  and  the  second,  for  considerations  of  a 
purely  personal  nature.  I  say  now,  what  I  said  two  years  ago, 
that  I  am  not  prepared,  no  matter  what  my  ambition  may  be, 
to  abandon  entirely  my  profession  for  a  political  life. " 

Oct.  20,  1886,  Greenhalge  wrote  to  the  chairman  of  the 
Republican  City  Committee  the  following  letter,  after  receiving 
some  votes  in  the  Middlesex  County  Senatorial  Convention : 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  supposed  that  I  had  made  it  clear  that  I 
could  not,  under  any  circumstances,  become  a  candidate  for  any 
political  office  at  this  time.  I  owe  a  duty  to  those  who  have 
confided  their  interests  to  me,  and  that  duty  has  too  long  been 
subordinated  to  public  duties.  .  .  . 

I  consider  Mr.  entitled  to  hearty  support  in  his  can- 
didature for  the  Senate,  and  I  trust  that  his  election  will  be  a 
further  proof  that  the  Eepublican  party  in  Lowell  is  once  more 
a  unit,  and  that  while 

"  Their  ranks  may  be  thousands, 
Their  hearts  are  as  one." 

Speaking,  April  28,  1887,  before  the  Catholic  Union  on 
*  Government  by  the  People, "  Greenhalge  said :  "  You  can 
have  no  national  virtue  without  individual  virtue.  It  mat- 
ters little  if  the  Legislature  is  bribed,  or  the  City  Council 
corrupted,  if  the  masses  of  the  people  remain  true  to  vir- 
tue, honesty,  and  religion. " 


174  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Sept  28,  1887,  at  the  Eepublican  State  Convention,  Mr. 
Greenhalge  was  pushed  by  his  friends  as  a  candidate  for 
Attorney-General.  The  "  Lowell  Citizen "  said,  next  day : 
"  That  Mr.  Greenhalge  should  receive  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
two  votes  on  the  informal  ballot,  and  mainly  due  to  the  esteem 
of  many  personal  and  political  friends,  is  an  outcome  of  the 
short  Lowell  campaign  for  the  Attorney-Generalship  that 
should  be  appreciated  at  its  full  worth;  and  the  reception 
accorded  Greenhalge  at  the  Tremont  House  during  forenoon 
hours  preceding  the  session  of  the  convention  was  specially 
significant,  as  it  bears  upon  the  future.  " 

This  vote  was  almost  purely  a  personal  compliment.  The 
work  done  by  his  friends  was  little,  and  covered  a  brief  inter- 
val. The  movement  was  not  in  the  nature  of  a  machine  boom, 
and  the  result  was  very  gratifying.  Greenhalge  considered 
it  a  mark  of  personal  esteem.  He  had  not  sought  the  position 
himself,  as  indeed  all  through  his  career  it  is  clear  that  he  did^ 
not  seek  political  preferment.  His  popularity,  however,  was 
steadily  growing,  and  his  friends  were  many  and  irrepressible. 

His  name  was  prominently  mentioned  at  this  time  also  for 
Overseer  of  Harvard  College,  and  as  the  successor  of  Judge 
Bacon  on  the  Bench. 

Oct.  8,  1887,  he  delivered  an  address  at  Melrose  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Melrose  Eepublican  Club.  Speaking  of  the 
party,  he  said  :  "  We  may  say  further,  it  is  a  progressive  party. 
But  the  spirit  of  progress  is  tempered  and  controlled  by  a 
warm  conservatism.  Conservatism  is  the  foundation;  prog- 
ress is  the  superstructure.  We  do  not  want  a  building  to  be 
all  foundation,  we  do  not  want  it  to  be  all  superstructure ;  we 
require  a  just  proportion  of  each. " 

There  had  long  been  an  earnest  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
Republicans  of  the  Eighth  Massachustts  District,  in  which  the 
city  of  Lowell  is  comprised,  to  send  Greenhalge  to  Congress. 
His  candidature  had  been  sought  in  former  elections,  but,  as 
we  have  seen,  he  had  refused  to  allow  his  name  to  be  used  as  a 
candidate.  Colonel  Allen,  who  had  served  two  terms  in 
Congress,  declined  at  this  time  to  enter  the  campaign  for  re- 
election. The  Republican  party  at  once  turned  to  Green- 
halge, and  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  him  was  very 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  175 

great.  He  had  always  been  indifferent  to  public  office,  and 
foreboded  the  change  in  the  habits  of  his  life  that  would  come 
should  he  be  elected  to  Congress. 

The  following  letter  well  illustrates  the  state  of  his  mind  at 
this  time  in  regard  to  his  candidature :  — 

LOWELL,  Sept.  3,  1888. 

I  send  you  a  paper  to  show  the  "  movements  "  in  political 
fields.  I  hardly  know  what  to  say  or  to  do.  I  drift,  as  it 
were.  Yet,  upon  the  whole,  I  am  inclined  to  think  it  may  be 
an  opportunity.  It  has  danced  before  my  eyes  for  four  years, 
and  has  found  me  adamant.  It  comes  again;  must  I  reject  it 
the  third  time  ?  You  know  how  much  I  care  for  you  and 
the  darlings,  but  must  I  show  lack  of  courage,  of  hope,  of 
ambition  ?  It  is  a  trial  to  me.  I  know  what  it  means,  — the 
hardships,  the  cares,  the  worries ;  but  for  Heaven's  sake 
what  are  we  made  of,  and  what  are  we  made  for? 

This  time,  however,  there  was  to  be  no  refusal.  The 
demand  for  his  services  was  too  great  to  be  resisted.  The 
following  petition  was  circulated  throughout  the  district,  and 
obtained  the  signatures  of  a  very  large  number  of  voters,  repre- 
senting many  of  the  most  prominent  citizens  and  politicians : 

LOWELL,  Sept.  1,  1888. 
Hon.  F.  T.  GREENHALGE. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  A  declination  by  the  Hon.  Charles  H.  Allen, 
Congressman  from  this  district,  to  longer  remain  in  public 
life  after  the  completion  of  his  present  term,  leaves  a  vacancy 
in  our  Congressional  seat  for  the  Fifty-first  Congress,  which 
the  interests  of  this  industrial  constituency  demand  shall  be 
filled  by  a  successor  who  will  maintain  the  high  reputation 
of  its  representation  in  past  years,  and  who  can  render 
such  services  as  the  importance  of  so  large  a  manufacturing 
community  must  of  necessity  require  in  the  halls  of  national 
legislation. 

While  conceding  to  Congressman  Allen  a  measure  of  suc- 
cess which  is  not  surpassed  by  his  predecessors,  we  are  mindful 
of  the  fact  that  the  district  is  constantly  growing,  its  varied 
enterprises  are  constantly  multiplying,  and  the  duties  and 


176  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

responsibilities  of  the  office  of  its  representative  at  Washington 
are  likewise  increasing  in  the  same  ratio,  calling  for  a  higher 
degree  of  effort  on  the  part  of  its  incumbent,  and  necessitating 
closer  attention  to  all  the  innumerable  details  that  comprise 
the  round  of  a  Congressman's  vocation.  In  this  emergency 
the  undersigned,  Eepublicans  of  the  district,  respectfully  ask 
that  you  will  permit  the  use  of  your  name  for  the  succession 
to  Colonel  Allen  in  the  approaching  convention,  assuring  you 
of  our  hearty  and  unremitting  support  in  the  canvass,  and  of 
a  complete  and  gratifying  success  at  the  polls. 

Greenhalge  replied  to  the  letter  as  follows :  — 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  am  not  regarded  as  an  eager  or  inveterate 
seeker  of  public  office.  I  am  told  that  it  is  folly,  in  these 
busy,  practical  times,  to  expect  the  office  to  seek  the  man. 
Yet  my  purpose  is,  and  has  been  for  many  years,  to  wait  until 
the  voice  of  the  people  calls  me  to  public  duty ;  if  that  voice 
is  not  raised  in  my  behalf,  I  am,  and  always  shall  be,  content. 
I  have  plenty  of  opportunity  for  labor  in  many  fields,  and  I 
have  never  been  out  of  employment  Still  maintaining  these 
opinions,  I  am  required  to  answer  your  request.  I  cannot  be 
insensible  to  the  honor  which  you  do  me.  A  nomination,  an 
office,  tendered  in  such  a  manner,  is  the  true  gold  of  political 
life.  Coming,  my  friends,  from  the  heart,  I  shall  accept  your 
kindness  from  and  with  the  heart.  If  the  Eepublicans  of 
the  Eighth  Congressional  District  desire  me  to  take  up  (as  well 
as  I  may)  the  brilliant  record  of  Allen  (too  suddenly  inter- 
rupted), they  shall  have  my  name,  my  hand,  my  voice,  my 
heart.  I  rejoice  at  the  prospect  of  defending  our  State,  our 
district,  our  industrial  system,  our  people,  before  the  country. 
If  I  am  nominated,  gentlemen,  the  cause  and  the  campaign  of 
Harrison  and  Morton,  protection  and  prosperity,  shall  have  an 
earnest  laborer  in  myself. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  your  faithful  servant, 

FBEDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE. 

LOWELL,  Sept.  7,  1888. 

The  satisfaction  his  acceptance  gave  was  general,  and  many 
expressions  of  approval  appeared  in  the  daily  press.  The 


MAYOR  OF  LOWELL.  177 

following  is  from  the  "  Lowell  Mail  "  :  "  His  personal  character 
and  his  splendid  abilities  will  make  him  at  once  an  influence 
in  the  Massachusetts  delegation,  and  his  election  will  therefore 
not  only  maintain  the  reputation  at  Washington  of  the  Eighth 
District,  but  it  will  also  serve  to  perpetuate  the  influence  in 
Congress  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation. " 

To  a  letter  inquiring  his  view  on  the  tariff,  he  replied :  "  I 
stand  firmly  upon  the  Kepublican  platform  on  each  and  every 
issue  before  the  country  to-day. " 

The  Kepublican  State  Convention  was  held  that  year  in 
Tremont  Temple,  Boston,  on  September  12.  Greenhalge  pre- 
sented the  name  of  William  F.  Draper,  of  Hopedale,  as  a  can- 
didate for  Governor.  In  his  speech  before  the  convention  he 
said,  in  regard  to  the  qualifications  which  the  Republican  party 
demand  should  be  possessed  by  their  candidate  for  Governor : 
"  They  require  that,  in  the  first  place,  he  should  be  a  typical 
Kepublican.  They  desire,  in  the  second  place,  that  he  should 
be  a  man  of  high,  clear,  moral  purity,  for  Massachusetts  de- 
mands high  moral  character  in  her  public  men.  They  desire, 
also,  that  he  should  be  of  scholarly  tastes,  with  nothing  of  the 
schoolroom  or  the  pedant  about  him.  They  desire,  further- 
more, that  he  should  have  a  worthy  political  record. " 

The  Eighth  District  Republican  Congressional  Convention 
was  held  in  Jackson  Hall,  Lowell,  Sept  26,  1888.  Green- 
halge was  nominated  by  acclamation.  He  began  his  speech  of 
acceptance  as  follows :  "  I  thank  the  people  of  my  own  city 
of  Lowell  for  their  cordial,  I  may  say  enthusiastic,  support. 
Their  approval  is  a  mark  of  honor  beyond  the  glittering  dis- 
tinctions of  office.  May  I  live  and  die  in  such  a  way  that 
I  may  keep  their  regard." 

During  the  ensuing  campaign  Greenhalge  devoted  his  ener- 
gies entirely  to  the  interest  of  the  party  and  the  duties  of  his 
position.  He  spoke  nearly  every  night  with  good  effect. 

In  an  address  before  the  Boys  in  Blue  in  Lowell,  he  said : 
"  We  prefer  to  sell  our  goods  to  our  own  people,  and  we  should 
strive  to  perfect  our  own  local  industries,  so  that,  were  it 
required,  we  could  build  a  locomotive  or  rig  an  80-ton  gun  and 
not  have  to  send  away  anywhere  for  any  of  the  appliances. 
We  should  strive  to  forward  and  help  our  own  people  and 

12 


178  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE.     . 

industries,  so  that  in  time  we  could  in  every  respect  challenge 
the  world. " 

In  a  speech  at  Lowell,  October  4,  he  said :  "  We  have  what 
may  be  called,  and  what  seems  to  us,  an  unexampled  pros- 
perity. As  we  hear  the  song  of  the  mills,  the  sound  of  the 
engine,  the  ringing  of  the  anvils,  it  seems  that  we  have  the 
right  to  believe,  and  I  believe  it  right  to  believe,  that  Lowell 
is  one  of  the  richest  jewels  in  that  diadem  of  prosperous  cities 
with  which  the  genius  of  our  industrial  system  has  crowned 
the  brow  of  America. " 

The  result  of  the  canvass  was  the  election  of  Greenhalge  by 
a  plurality  of  three  thousand.  A  Kepublican  jubilee  meeting 
was  held  in  Lowell,  at  which  Greenhalge  spoke ;  he  referred  to 
his  prediction,  at  the  first  meeting  to  ratify  the  nomination  of 
Harrison  and  Morton,  that  the  country  would  make  a  President 
of  "  Ben  Harrison. "  The  prediction  had  been  verified.  He  re- 
turned thanks  not  for  a  personal  victory,  but  for  a  Eepublican 
triumph  all  over  the  country. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CONGRESSIONAL   CAREEE. 

DURING  the  months  that  intervened  between  the  election  of 
Greenhalge  and  his  taking  his  seat  in  Congress,  he  delivered 
several  speeches  of  note. 

November  22  a  joint  debate  took  place  at  Harvard  College 
between  Greenhalge  and  Col.  T.  W.  Higginson,  the  subject  of 
which  was  "  Lessons  of  the  Campaign. " 

November  27,  at  the  Eepublican  City  Convention  to  nomi- 
nate a  candidate  for  Mayor,  he  spoke  at  length.  He  said: 
"  The  great  national  contest  which  has  just  ended,  and  the 
glorious  and  shining  results  spread  before  us,  is  of  no  conse- 
quence to  us  unless  our  local  self-government  is  attended  to. 
The  government  of  your  own  fireside,  your  own  home,  and  your 
own  city  is  of  as  much  importance  as  the  government  of  your 
State  and  nation ;  for  it  is  here  you  are  to  build  up  the  nation.  " 

Feb.  15,  1889,  Greenhalge  spoke  at  the  annual  meeting 
of  the  Garfield  Club  at  Pawtucket,  Ehode  Island.  His  subject 
was,  "  The  Position  of  the  Political  Parties. "  In  his  speech  he 
said :  "  You  remember  it  was  the  little  mound  and  rail  fence 
built  upon  Bunker  Hill  by  Prescott  and  Putnam  that  enabled 
them  to  protect  their  freedom  and  liberties  against  the  attacks 
of  the  British.  So  it  is  this  little  rail  of  protection  that  en- 
ables you  to  guard  your  industrial  freedom  against  the  attacks 
of  the  world. " 

June  28  he  was  made  chairman  of  a  meeting  in  Boston  the 
purpose  of  which  was  to  advance  the  interests  of  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Brackett  in  regard  to  the  Governorship.  Mr.  Brackett 
was  finally  nominated  by  the  Republicans ;  and  in  the  ensuing 
campaign  Greenhalge,  as  usual,  took  a  very  prominent  part 


180  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

October  15  he  spoke  at  a  ratification  meeting  in  Music  Hall. 
In  the  course  of  his  speech  he  said :  "  The  Republican  party  is 
a  party  of  practical  purposes.  It  is  not  a  party  of  chimera  or 
of  theories ;  it  is  a  party  of  action,  of  achievement  Never  in 
peace  or  war,  in  adversity  or  prosperity,  in  defeat  or  victory, 
never  under  any  circumstances  did  that  party  despair  of  the 
republic.  .  .  .  That  same  invincible  courage  and  spirit,  that 
same  practical  purpose,  will  still  guide  us  on  to  grander  tri- 
umphs than  we  ever  won  in  the  past.  " 

October  24,  at  Fall  Eiver,  he  said :  "  Scientific  school  men 
tell  us  we  are  not  philanthropists,  but  I  say  that  we  have 
taught  the  world,  from  our  men  in  Fall  Eiver  and  Lowell, 
what  the  true  standard  of  living  is.  Every  workingman  in 
Germany,  France,  Belgium,  and  Great  Britain  is  watching  the 
American  workingman,  and  the  result  is  that  every  steamer 
coming  to  our  shores  brings  hundreds  of  working-people  who 
come  to  us  and  ask  for  a  share  of  the  blessings  to  be  had  under 
the  Stars  and  Stripes. " 

Demosthenes  used  to  compare  eloquence  to  a  weapon.  It  is 
necessary  to  possess  also  the  skill  to  use  it  The  partisan 
speeches  of  Greenhalge  show  with  what  art  he  employed  it. 
They  always  told;  they  never  failed  to  produce  the  effect 
intended.  Greenhalge  did  not  belong  to  a  class  of  orators  of 
which  *  Single-Speech  Hamilton  "  is  a  type.  The  stream  of 
his  oratory  was  abundant.  Bolingbroke  has  said :  "  Eloquence 
has  charms  to  lead  mankind,  and  gives  nobler  superiority  than 
power,  that  every  dunce  may  use,  or  fraud,  that  every  knave 
may  employ.  But  eloquence  must  flow  like  a  stream  that  is 
fed  from  an  abundant  spring,  and  not  spout  forth  like  a  frothy 
water  on  some  gaudy  day  and  remain  dry  the  rest  of  the  year. " 

The  oratory  of  Greenhalge  was  indeed  a  weapon  that  shone  in 
almost  constant  use.  He  almost  carried  out  the  precept  of 
Correggio,  —  "  No  day  without  a  line. "  This  was  especially 
so  in  later  years.  It  became  a  matter  for  expostulation  and 
grief  on  the  part  of  his  friends  that  he  should  feel  himself 
bound  to  respond  to  so  many  demands  upon  his  strength.  To 
Greenhalge,  on  the  contrary,  the  exercise  of  his  talent  gave 
delight  He  enjoyed  his  work.  In  the  opinion  of  the  author 
it  never  was  a  labor  that  he  could  not  have  supported  easily  as 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  181 

long  as  his  health  remained  unimpaired  by  disease.  After 
all,  it  is  considered  shameful  in  a  captain  to  spare  himself  in 
the  prosecution  of  his  tasks.  If  life  is  a  battle,  should  the 
contest  be  shirked  by  any  one  ?  Should  not  all  our  energies 
be  used  to  the  utmost,  —  whether  the  instrument  we  use  is 
tongue,  or  sword,  or  pen  ? 

The  voice  of  Greenhalge  was  now  to  be  heard  in  the  halls 
of  Congress.  He  soon  acquired  a  brilliant  reputation  at  the 
Capitol. 

It  is  not  the  intention  of  the  author  to  write  the  history  of 
the  Fifty-first  Congress.  Its  record  is  written  in  the  memory 
of  the  American  people.  Only  a  few  years  have  elapsed  since 
it  was  in  session.  Though  it  has  passed  from  the  stage  of 
public  affairs,  it  is  still  a  powerful  factor  in  the  politics  of 
our  country.  The  full  results  of  its  deliberations  have  not  yet 
been  reached.  It  is  still  living  and  vital  in  the  spirit  that 
animated  it,  —  the  spirit  of  Republicanism  that  has  survived 
defeat  and  opprobrium,  which  is  dominant  and  triumphant 
to-day,  and  seems  destined  to  rule  the  people  and  government 
of  our  country  for  years  to  come. 

It  was  a  great  Congress,  aggressive  and  determined.  Even 
its  enemies  will  confess  as  much.  It  was  also  patriotic  and 
American,  and  adopted  no  half  measures  where  the  interest  and 
prosperity  of  the  nation  were  concerned.  It  was  rewarded  by 
obloquy  and  defeat;  it  was  misunderstood,  reviled,  and  for- 
saken. The  support  it  should  have  had  from  the  people  was 
withdrawn,  and  it  saw  itself  supplanted  by  a  party  eager  to 
undo  the  work  it  had  accomplished. 

The  power  and  effect  of  a  shibboleth  were  never  before  so 
plainly  disclosed  in  the  political  world  as  they  were  in  the  case 
of  the  Fifty-first  Congress.  The  Tariff  Bill,  not  then  put  to 
proof,  which  events  have  seemed  to  justify,  became  a  term  of  re- 
proach and  reproof  in  the  mouths  of  the  people  for  whose  benefit 
it  was  framed.  It  came  to  have  the  sound  of  a  condemnation. 
In  reality  it  lost  all  meaning,  and  became  a  mere  shibboleth. 
It  resulted  in  a  stampede,  a  blind  movement  of  the  people  in 
opposition.  A  campaign  of  exaggeration  and  abuse  was  inau- 
gurated. The  Democratic  politicians  were  skilful,  and  the  result 
was  a  conjurer's  trick  in  which  the  people  played  the  part  of 


182  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

gulls.  Such  at  least  is  the  stalwart  Republican  view,  in 
which,  no  doubt,  Greenhalge  shared,  as  his  Republicanism 
needed  no  brace.  In  reality  these  destructive  and  overwhelm- 
ing movements  of  the  people  are  common  enough  in  politics. 
Public  opinion,  like  a  vast  pendulum,  vibrates  between  ex- 
tremes when  unstable  conditions  exist,  and  settles  at  last 
usually  in  some  middle  place.  The  Republican  party  to-day 
is  reaping  the  full  benefit  of  the  reaction,  and  it  rests  with  that 
party  to  keep  the  public  favor  it  has  recovered. 

The  Democratic  party,  like  the  old  classic  race  of  fable, 
seemed  to  hasten  on  its  own  destruction.  It  encountered  its 
share  of  very  stormy  financial  weather,  and  the  disturbance  in 
the  business  world  reacted  on  the  party  itself.  Yet  by  its 
own  acts  it  lost  the  confidence  of  the  people  with  unexampled 
rapidity.  The  country,  sunk  in  the  depths  of  despondency  over 
the  business  depression,  —  a  depression  unexampled  in  modern 
times,  —  distraught  with  financial  panic  and  long-continued 
distress,  sought  in  vain  for  any  help  from  the  Democratic 
party.  In  Congress  it  undid  all  the  work  of  its  predecessor  in 
power,  but  it  built  nothing  on  its  own  account.  It  justified 
to  some  extent  its  reputation  as  the  party  of  destruction,  but 
not  of  construction.  It  tore  down,  but  it  could  not  rebuild. 
It  showed  incompetency,  schism,  and  heterodoxy  in  its  own 
councils.  It  showed  that  the  strange  jumble  of  ignorance  and 
quack  nostrums,  financial  heresies  and  political  juggleries 
which  prevail  to  some  extent  in  all  parties,  formed  a  much 
larger  share  of  the  Democratic  organization.  These  develop 
with  astonishing  rapidity  in  the  untutored  American  mind, 
fertile  and  full  of  devices,  inventive  as  the  American  mind  is 
ever. 

There  are  labor  heresies  and  silver  heresies  and  political 
nostrums  of  all  sorts.  They  spring  up  in  the  political  world 
without  number,  just  as  creeds  do  in  the  world  of  religion. 

America  has  become  the  great  mother  of  creeds  and  forms  of 
worship.  So  it  has  of  political  creeds  and  propaganda.  The 
large  hopefulness  of  the  American  character  has  made  it  credu- 
lous, as  if  with  all  these  large  results  of  time,  with  all  these 
accomplished  marvels  of  science  and  commerce,  there  was 
nothing  impossible.  This  credulity  is  a  spirit  of  mischief 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  183 

continually  attacking  the  established  order  and  ancient 
methods.  "  Lath-swords  and  scissors  of  destiny,  Pickle  her- 
ring and  the  three  Parcse  alike  busy  in  it " 

Human  development  moves  along  old  and  established  lines 
of  thought  Its  great  current  continues  for  ages  in  the  same 
channel.  Such  credulous  theories  are  the  mere  froth  upon  its 
surface;  being  surface  aspects,  they  are  very  evident,  and 
conceal  to  some  extent  the  great  tides  below. 

They  are  not  perhaps  as  serious  in  their  import  as  they  seem 
to  be.  They  cannot  prevail  against  natural  laws,  yet  they 
are  the  source  of  continual  disturbance.  The  Republican 
party  seems  at  the  present  time  to  be  most  free  from  their 
influence.  It  is  less  bewildered  by  the  disturbance  in  the 
political  magnetic  needle  which  is  due  to  their  action.  It 
keeps  a  steadier  course.  The  American  people,  it  is  evident, 
desire  its  guidance  in  the  immediate  future. 

The  great  leaders  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress,  Eeed  and 
McKinley,  are  to-day  the  foremost  men  in  the  country.  They 
have  heard  their  names  reviled  by  the  people ;  they  have  seen 
their  far-reaching  plans  overturned,  and  have  suffered  the 
spurns  of  fortune ;  yet  in  so  short  a  time  the  people  have  come 
to  stand  with  them  and  for  them  in  the  great  conflict  of  parties. 
These  two  men  have  come  to  be  almost  like  an  embodiment  of 
the  Fifty-first  Congress.  It  has  passed  from  the  stage  of  the 
world,  yet  it  still  lives  in  the  minds  of  the  people  in  the  per- 
sons of  these  two  men.  They  are  its  great  representatives  as 
they  were  its  great  actors.  Eound  them  its  memories  cluster, 
and  on  them,  in  some  measure,  its  power  devolves. 

Of  these  two,  Eeed  seems  to  possess  the  most  powerful  na- 
ture, and  McKinley  the  most  ingratiating  personality.  Eeed 
is  sturdy  and  honest,  and  possesses  a  virile  intellect  He  is 
the  favorite  son  of  New  England,  and  his  character  and  intel- 
lectual force  aroused  the  admiration  of  Greenhalge.  There  was 
an  affinity  between  them,  —  the  bond  of  character  and  force. 
The  strength  of  Eeed  expresses  itself  visibly  in  his  face  and 
form ;  he  is  the  picture  of  concentrated  force.  As  Speaker  of 
the  House,  he  exhibited  to  the  world  the  power  of  his  indi- 
viduality. He  is  indomitable,  intrepid,  and  inflexible.  To 
Greenhalge  he  represented  more  than  any  other  the  Fifty-first 


184  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Congress,  —  that  Congress  which  he  admired,  and  in  the  con- 
flicts of  which  he  shared.  "  All  of  which  he  saw,  and  part  of 
which  he  was. " 

Greenhalge  took  his  seat  in  Congress  on  the  second  day  of 
December,  1889.  He  occupied  a  seat  in  the  second  row  on 
the  right  of  the  Speaker,  and  next  to  the  venerable  General 
Banks.  He  was  fortunate  in  being  appointed  a  member  of 
three  influential  committees,  —  the  Civil  Service  Committee, 
the  Committee  on  Elections,  and  the  Committee  on  Eevision  of 
the  Laws. 

It  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  sketch  slightly  and  generally 
the  task  that  lay  before  the  Congress,  and  the  work  accom- 
plished by  it.  That  body  was  almost  immediately  involved  in 
a  bitter  conflict  over  the  new  code  introduced  by  the  Committee 
on  Rules.  It  was  designed  to  carry  out  the  policy  of  the 
Speaker  in  refusing  to  entertain  dilatory  motions,  and  in 
counting  a  quorum  by  recording  members  present  but  not 
voting. 

The  minority  were  indignant  over  the  innovations  and  there 
were  many  disorderly  scenes. 

The  Republicans  claimed  that  the  constitutional  convention 
had  clearly  in  mind  the  idea  that  the  presence  only  of  a  ma- 
jority was  necessary  to  make  a  quorum,  and  quoted  as  a  prece- 
dent the  English  Parliament. 

The  Democrats  retorted  by  citing  the  action  of  Elaine  while 
Speaker,  when  solicited  to  enforce  the  view  contemplated  by 
this  rule  for  counting  a  quorum.  February  14  the  new  rules 
were,  however,  adopted  by  the  House.  Their  enforcement 
drew  down  much  animadversion  upon  the  Speaker,  and  he 
came  to  be  designated  as  dictator  by  the  Democrats.  His 
calmness  and  determination  made  him  famous  in  the  Repub- 
lican party,  and  he  stands  to-day  in  that  party  as  a  type  of 
force. 

April  16,  1890,  the  renowned  Tariff  Bill  was  introduced  by 
William  McKinley,  of  Ohio.  This  bill,  which  came  to  be 
known  as  the  McKinley  Bill,  made  McKinley  the  best-known 
man  in  the  country,  —  the  most  denounced  person  in  America 
by  the  Democrats  and  Mugwumps,  and  the  most  honored  by 
the  Republicans.  It  became  the  war-cry  of  the  Democrats,  — 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  185 

a  cry  which  caused  the  defeat  of  the  Republican  party.  Per- 
haps the  Republicans  themselves  would  not  adopt  so  strong  a 
measure  to-day,  yet  events  have  fully  justified  the  principle  of 
protection  which  it  carried  into  effect;  it  made  McKinley 
President  of  the  United  States.  After  long  debates  and  con- 
ferences with  the  Senate,  many  amendments  and  revisions,  the 
bill  was  adopted  July  12,  1890,  and  approved  by  the  Presi- 
dent July  14.  Unreason  and  misrepresentation  did  their  work 
in  the  end,  and  the  revulsion  of  feeling  that  followed  reversed 
the  action  of  Congress,  and  the  country  reverted  to  the  Demo- 
cratic party  and  its  policy  of  free  trade.  The  result  was  disas- 
trous to  the  business  of  the  nation.  The  period  of  depression 
that  followed  was  unprecedented.  Ultimately  the  sun  of 
Republicanism,  which  seemed  to  be  for  a  time  eclipsed  or 
extinguished,  shone  out  with  increased  brilliancy,  and  became 
the  guiding  star  of  the  nation.  There  never  was  before  such 
a  swift  repentance  on  the  part  of  the  people,  —  so  complete  a 
justification  of  any  party  by  the  stern  logic  of  events. 

Two  new  States  were  admitted  to  the  Union  during  this 
Congress,  —  Idaho  and  Wyoming. 

A  bill  was  passed  controlling  Trusts  and  Combinations. 
The  "  Original  Package  Bill  "  became  a  law  August  8 ;  the 
Federal  Election  Bill  was  introduced  in  the  first  session  of 
Congress,  and  finally  defeated  in  the  second  session ;  this  bill 
rivalled  the  Tariff  Bill  in  the  bitter  party  strife  it  evoked. 
Congress  passed  the  International  Copyright  Bill  December 
3,  1890. 

One  of  the  most  discussed  measures  was  that  "  to  provide 
against  a  contraction  of  the  currency, "  or  free-coinage  bill.  It 
was  brought  up  in  the  Senate,  December  20,  1890 ;  after  being 
amended  in  various  ways  in  the  Senate,  it  was  finally  defeated 
in  the  House. 

No  question  before  the  country  to-day  is  as  ominous  as  the 
silver  question.  Selfish  considerations  and  crude  and  faulty 
logic  are  at  the  bottom  of  it  It  strikes  at  the  root  of  the 
financial  credit  of  the  country.  The  mercantile  and  business 
world  is  shaken  by  its  continued  discussion.  In  this  question 
"  Pickle  herring  and  the  three  Parcse  "  are  indeed  busy.  These 
will-o'-the-wisp  theories  have  a  strange  fascination  for  the 


186  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENE ALGE. 

American  people,  many  of  whom  seem  to  be,  even  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  Fifth-Monarchy  men  and  Millennium 
seekers,  particularly  in  the  West,  which  has  seen  so  many 
marvels  that  the  marvellous  passes  current  with  ease. 

The  epitaph  of  all  these  silver  bills,  as  they  come  up  to 
meet,  let  us  hope,  speedy  defeat,  should  be  always  the 
same.  Cupidity,  credulity,  and  incompetency  express  all 
there  is  in  them.  The  one  in  question  was  sent  down  from 
the  "  crazy  Senate, "  as  Greenhalge  described  it  In  the  discus- 
sion of  these  bills,  Greenhalge  took  but  small  part.  He  gained 
his  reputation  in  Congress  during  the  debates  on  the  election 
cases.  His  selection  as  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Elec- 
tions was  a  fortunate  choice,  both  for  himself  and  the  Eepub- 
licans.  It  was  an  important  committee,  more  important  than 
usual  in  this  Congress ;  it  immediately  entered  upon  a  wide 
sphere  of  action.  There  was  a  large  number  of  contested  elec- 
tion cases  before  the  House. 

In  the  debates  that  ensued,  Greenhalge  drew  the  attention  of 
the  whole  assembly  upon  himself  at  a  time  of  intense  interest 
and  in  the  midst  of  a  fierce  party  struggle.  It  was  perhaps 
the  acme  of  his  career ;  he  proved  himself  to  be  the  right  man 
in  the  right  place ;  could  he  have  continued  in  Congress  for  a 
few  years  longer,  what  might  he  not  have  become  ?  He  was 
pre-eminently  fitted  for  the  place  he  held.  He  had  not  been 
taught  politics  at  his  father's  knee,  as  Pitt  was  said  to  have 
been,  but  nature  had  given  him  the  talent  of  a  great  debater. 
He  made,  perhaps,  as  great  a  success  as  any  new  member  that 
ever  sat  in  Congress.  New  members  are  usually  silent 
Congress  is  a  formidable  audience  for  any  speaker  who  is  not 
accustomed  to  address  it  To  gain  its  favor  is  usually  a  task 
of  years ;  by  his  first  speech  Greenhalge  succeeded  in  winning 
its  applause.  His  power  of  sarcasm  and  keen  wit  captivated 
his  hearers ;  his  logic  and  legal  lore  gave  weight  to  his  words ; 
his  invective  made  him  formidable,  and  his  eloquence  found 
an  appreciative  audience  in  that  House,  which  is  frequently 
bored  with  tedious  displays  of  oratory. 

His  readiness  was  equal  to  the  swift  emergencies  of  public 
debates.  He  made  himself  famous  in  the  Congress,  and  mem- 
bers flocked  to  hear  him.  His  success  was  no  surprise  to  his 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  187 

friends.  It  was  exactly  what  they  expected;  all  who  knew 
him  well  were  certain  that  he  would  take  a  distinguished 
place  in  any  legislative  body  to  which  he  might  be  called. 
Success  came  easily  to  him,  and  he  must  have  enjoyed  it  in- 
tensely. Yet  all  through  his  career  in  Congress,  when  con- 
gratulations were  heard  on  all  sides,  in  the  midst  of  his  success, 
while  Congress  sat  delighted  to  listen  to  him,  the  slight  tinge 
of  melancholy  in  his  character  is  strangely  manifest.  He  did 
not  feel  at  home  among  the  eager  politicians  who  surrounded 
him. 

He  was  overcome  at  times  with  his  old  distaste  for  a  politi- 
cal life,  of  which  the  sordid  part  was  often  manifested  in  the 
struggle  that  went  on  around  him.  His  letters  show  that  he 
was  dissatisfied  with  much  of  his  Washington  life.  One  can- 
not fancy  them  the  letters  of  a  politician  written  in  the  midst 
of  political  successes;  they  breathe  a  sort  of  spirit  of  exile, 
and  a  tone  of  revolt  runs  through  them ;  yet,  in  a  way,  too,  he 
loved  his  life.  He  did  not  desire  a  life  of  inglorious  ease  ;  he 
felt  the  duty  that  is  laid  upon  men  to  enter  into  the  battle  of 
life,  to  give  themselves  freely  and  without  reserve  to  the  task 
that  lies  before  them,  even  though  it  be  to  fight  with  beasts 
at  Ephesus.  His  letters  show  the  inner  consciousness  of  his 
mind,  the  deep  undercurrent  of  his  thought  that  set  steadily 
toward  the  goal  to  which  he  was  insensibly  drawn ;  the  haven 
of  peace  he  was  to  find  in  so  short  a  time,  after  a  life  of  singu- 
lar stress  and  unselfish  consecration  to  the  duty  of  the  hour. 

In  December,  1889,  Greenhalge  went  to  Washington,  and 
was  present  at  the  organization  of  Congress.  He  returned  to 
Lowell  for  the  Christmas  recess,  and  then  removed  his  family 
to  Washington  for  the  winter.  He  lived  at  825  Vermont 
Avenue.  The  family  life  was  quiet  and  domestic  in  the  midst 
of  the  political  and  social  hurly-burly  of  Washington. 

The  first  session  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress  continued  through 
the  entire  summer  of  1890,  —  a  period  of  exile  to  Greenhalge, 
who  regretted  the  absence  of  his  family,  which  had  returned 
to  Lowell  in  the  spring,  who  missed  his  quiet  home  life,  and 
sighed  for  the  sea-breezes  and  out-of-door  life  he  enjoyed  at 
Kennebunkport.  The  disorderly  scenes  enacted  in  Congress 
filled  him  with  disgust.  It  was  under  the  influence  of  these 


188  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

feelings  that  the  letters  that  follow  were  composed.  The  later 
ones  were  written  during  his  second  winter  in  Washington, 
while  his  family  were  at  home  in  Lowell.  They  did  not  spend 
the  second  winter  with  him  at  Washington,  and  their  absence 
made  his  life  there  lonely,  and  in  a  sense  solitary. 

WASHINGTON. 

I  miss  the  beautiful  mornings,  noons,  and  nights  of  K-port. 
I  miss  my  life,  my  calm  summer  life,  fountain  of  strength  and 
hope.  The  organ  man  outside  has  played  "  Home,  sweet 
Home, "  and  the  prison  song  from  II  Trovatore,  and  the  tears 
are  in  my  eyes.  Good-by.  I  look  at  the  picture  of  my  cot- 
tage; I  see  you  all  on  the  rock  at  the  door,  or  in  the  open 
parlor.  Adieu.  God  bless  and  keep  you  all. 

WASHINGTON,  Sept.  22,  1890. 

No,  there  is  no  truth  in  the  "  Herald  "  article,  though  I 
have  not  seen  it  Of  course  there  are  suggestions  of  rivalry 
from  outsiders ;  but  "  I  will  none  of  it "  I  am  planning  for 
nothing.  I  am  not  a  politician,  and  I  know  it 

WASHINGTON,  Dec.  15. 

I  want  to  settle  down  into  a  regular  way  of  life.  The 
experience  I  get  here  is  valuable,  and  gives  me  much  light  on 
men  and  affairs;  but  I  do  not  regard  it  as  my  real  life.  I 
miss  my  family,  my  beloved  wife,  and  the  regular  order  of 

existence. 

WASHINGTON,  Jan.  19,  1890. 

A  cool,  bright  morning.     I  did  not  speak  on  the  Indian 

Bill  because  it  went  along.     Professor  L and  I  sit  at  our 

table  and  comfort  each  other  as  well  as  we  can.  We  shall 
have  a  grand  row  over  the  Silver  Bill,  which  came  from  the 
crazy  Senate  yesterday.  Our  only  hope  is  to  stave  it  off  until 
we  can  get  a  reasonable  bill.  I  get  sick  of  all  the  small  and 
large  jealousies  of  this  life,  —  the  competition  is  so  much 
keener  than  anywhere  else.  The  most  trivial  things  are 
seized  upon,  —  to  exalt  one  man,  and  to  lower  another ;  but  I 
think  my  conscience  is  clear  of  envy,  hatred,  or  malice  to  any- 
body. I  want  only  justice,  and  am  willing  to  give  justice  to 
everybody  else. 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  189 

WASHINGTON,  Dec.,  1891. 

There  are  several  pleasant  people  here :  Professor and 

wife  from  Cambridge;  he  a  member  of  the  faculty,  and, 
"  mirabile  dictu, "  a  Kepublican.  He  said  he  expected  to  find 
me  hoofed,  horned,  and  tailed.  It  is  better  than  election  to 
meet  such  a  case.  I  am  counting  the  days  till  I  can  come  to 
you.  How  I  wish  my  way  of  life  were  settled,  and  I  were 
going  on  quietly  and  easily  and  regularly.  But  even  in  the 
old,  quiet  days,  I  remember  I  was  not  always  quiet  I  used 
to  get  very  blue  and  dismal,  and  I  thought  that  action  of  any 
sort  —  good,  bad,  or  indifferent  —  was  better  than  quiet,  and 
that  a  man  should  be  fighting,  defying,  seeking  obstacles  for 
the  sake  of  overthrowing  them.  Upon  the  whole,  I  am  not 
dissatisfied  with  myself.  Strange,  is  it  not  ?  I  am  only  dis- 
satisfied with  a  base  and  mean-spirited  community,  and  the 
odd  turn  of  affairs. 

WASHINGTON,  Feb.  5,  1891. 

My  life  here  seems  aimless  and  listless.  I  do  not  feel  any 
interest  in  anything.  I  am  compelled  to  go  through  a  deal  of 
routine  work,  —  offices,  patronage,  influence,  favors,  docu- 
ments, information,  —  and  I  am  told  that  is  the  true  business 
of  life,  and  real  greatness.  As  if  everybody  were  grasping, 
—  grasping  for  himself,  and  in  a  mean,  sordid  way.  I  am  a 
dreamer,  an  impractical  man,  because  I  do  not  wallow  in  the 
slough  of  personal  gain  and  "  swap  "  favors  with  office-seekers. 
I  sometimes  wonder  if,  after  all,  these  folks  are  not  right  and 
I  all  wrong.  The  meanness  of  men  has  no  limit  I  find  no 
real  pride,  no  self-respect,  but  fawning,  threatening,  lying 
men,  where  offices  are  in  question. 

WASHINGTON,  Jan.  21,  1891. 

A  rather  gray  morning  and  chilly.  The  hurly-burly  still 
continues,  and  even  grows  worse;  as  you  have  seen  in  the 
papers,  there  was  a  disgraceful  scene  in  the  House  yesterday 
morning.  I  had  just  taken  Mr.  Bachelor  into  the  gallery ;  he 

must  have  been  much  edified  by  Mr.  M 's  demonstration. 

Of  course  it  all  indirectly  grows  out  of  the  election  bill,  and 
my  view  is,  that  the  country  is  not  behind  us  on  this  (appar- 
ently). The  Senate  should  not  have  forced  it  at  this  time. 


190  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

The  Bill  is  right  —  a  good  many  things  are;  but  you  can't 
do  them.  But  the  brutality  and  idiocy  of are  unjusti- 
fiable on  any  ground.  The  A Post  Office  contest  annoys 

me  extremely.  I  am  more  and  more  anxious  to  close  up  this 
business,  and  I  will  reform  and  "  be  happy  forever  after. " 

WASHINGTON,  Jan.  14,  1891. 

A  bright,   cheerful  morning.     I  have   just  received  your 

Monday's   letter.      Yes,    the   W s  are   here.      I  played 

whist  with  them  last  night,  with  my  usual  bad  luck.  Lodge 
made  a  reply  to  the  attack  on  him  yesterday,  which  was 
really  very  fine.  .  .  .  What  ferocious  partisans  independent 
and  pure-minded  people  become !  .  .  .  I  wish  I  were  at  home 
now.  This  business  is  not  at  all  to  my  liking.  It  is  "  fighting 
with  beasts  at  Ephesus. "  Senator said  to  me  yester- 
day :  "  You  will  always  be  before  the  people ;  no  man  can  have 
more  opportunities  for  high  public  duties  than  you.  Continue 
to  study  the  great  questions  of  the  day.  Your  voice  will 
always  be  one  of  authority. "  I  replied  that  I  had  no  "  politi- 
cal future,"  had  never  had  one,  or  wanted  one.  I  took  things 
as  they  came,  etc.  And  I  mean  every  word  of  it.  I  propose 
to  allow  others  to  share  in  the  glory  and  in  the  labor. 

It  is  a  contrast  to  turn  from  the  letters  of  Greenhalge  to  his 
speeches  in  Congress ;  the  latter  reveal  the  man  in  action,  en- 
gaged in  actual  duties  and  the  earnest  struggle  of  a  political 
life.  They  are  keen-witted  in  the  extreme,  virile  and  forcible. 
There  is  an  abrupt  change  from  the  slightly  melancholy  tone 
of  his  letters.  All  is  vigorous  and  vivacious ;  they  show  the 
power  of  action  to  invigorate  the  mind  and  raise  it  to  the 
heights  of  cheerfulness. 

Greenhalge  first  addressed  the  House  February  3,  at  a  moment 
of  intense  excitement.  The  House  was  crowded,  and  by  rising 
to  make  his  first  speech  at  such  a  time  he  challenged  the 
attention  of  Congress  in  a  manner  that  assured  him  either  a 
brilliant  success  or  a  disastrous  failure.  It  was  his  oppor- 
tunity, and  in  a  masterly  way  did  he  avail  himself  of  it.  The 
attention  of  all  was  riveted  upon  him  at  once.  He  did  not 
shrink  from  the  ordeal,  and  his  talent  carried  him  triumphantly 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  191 

through  it  The  attention  of  the  House  changed  to  admira- 
tion. His  speech  was  an  exhibition  of  wit  and  sarcasm,  and 
also  showed  the  higher  qualities  of  logic  and  legal  knowledge. 
It  revealed  a  power  of  invective  and  aroused  the  enthusiasm  of 
his  own  party.  The  Democrats  felt  that  they  had  encountered 
a  powerful  enemy,  yet  could  not  help  being  pleased  with  his 
display  of  oratory.  The  case  upon  which  he  spoke  was  that  of 
Smith  versus  Jackson.  Greenhalge  said  :  — 

"  MR.  SPEAKER,  —  After  the  diatribe  of  the  gentleman  from 
Virginia,  every  word  of  which  we  have  heard  a  thousand  times 
before,  it  may  be  well  to  consider  gravely  the  nature  of  the 
question  now  pending  before  this  House.  The  question  before 
us  to-day,  sir,  is  one  of  the  highest  privilege.  It  is  a  primal 
duty  on  the  part  of  this  House  to  organize  itself,  and  to  deter- 
mine under  the  Constitution  who  are  the  members  duly  elected 
to  hold  seats  as  members  of  the  House.  It  is  a  duty,  Mr 
Speaker,  which  precedes  the  adoption  of  any  specific  rules  or 
by-laws  or  regulations  designed  to  govern  the  conduct  of  the 
House  in  regard  to  matters  of  ordinary  business  which  come 
before  it.  Given  us  the  Constitution  and  the  parliamentary 
law,  which  is  the  governing  principle  of  every  assembly  of 
American  freemen,  the  principles  of  which  are  'familiar  in 
men's  mouths  as  household  words,'  and  we  need  no  other  rule 
of  procedure. 

"  I  have  heard  questions  upon  the  floor  of  this  House  time 
and  time  again  as  to  what  this  parliamentary  law  is,  and 
whither  we  are  going  to  find  it.  I  say  that  the  body  of  the 
parliamentary  law  is  as  well  defined,  as  strictly  limited,  is  as 
easily  ascertained,  and  as  readily  applied  as  the  common  law ; 
and  in  its  history,  its  origin,  development,  and  application  it 
bears  a  close  analogy  to  the  great  body  of  the  law  which  we 
know  as  the  common  law. 

"  Gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  of  the  House  admire  per- 
haps this  system  of  parliamentary  law  so  much  that  they  have 
come  to  admire  its  appurtenances,  its  incidents,  and  even  its 
defects,  more  than  the  system  itself. 

"  Why,  they  talk  about  these  forty-seven  rules  of  the  last 
House  of  Eepresentatives,  some  of  which  prescribe  the  duties 
of  the  officers  of  the  House,  —  one  that  the  Chaplain  shall  open 


192  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

the  session  of  the  House  with  a  prayer  each  morning,  rules 
which  govern  the  use  of  the  Hall,  granting  it  for  certain  pur- 
poses and  denying  it  for  others,  rules  with  regard  to  the  right 
of  admission  to  the  galleries,  and  so  on,  —  I  say  they  talk  of 
these  forty-seven  rules  in  a  spirit  of  adoration,  very  similar  to 
that  which  inspired  Mrs.  Gamp  whenever  she  spoke  of  the 
angelic  '  Mrs.  Harris.'  Why,  you  remember  that  Mrs.  Gamp 
used  to  say  of  Mrs.  Harris  that  she  had  '  the  countenance  of 
an  angel  —  which  it  would  be  if  it  were  n't  for  the  pimples.' 
[Laughter.]  I  do  not  like  to  compare  the  Democratic  party 
to  Mrs.  Gamp,  though  the  points  of  similarity,  perhaps,  are 
somewhat  obvious. 

"  A  MEMBER.  Especially  the  pimples.     [Laughter.] 

"Mr.  GREENHALGE.  Yes.  And  I  do  not  want  the  Demo- 
cratic side  of  the  House  to  go  beyond  Mrs.  Gamp  in  admiration 
of  these  rules.  I  do  not  want  them  to  admire  the  pimples 
more  than  the  countenance  itself.  [Laughter.] 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  I  like  to  speak  well  of  the  other  side  whenever 
I  have  an  opportunity.  I  desire  to  say  of  the  minority  report 
that  it  does  great  credit  to  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  [Mr. 
Crisp]  who  prepared  it.  I  think  the  language  of  the  report  is 
in  admirable  tone  and  in  Machiavelian  form.  [Laughter.]  I 
cannot  say  it  is  a  good  report  absolutely,  but  I  will  pay  it  as 
much  of  a  compliment  as  I  can. 

"  Kalph  Waldo  Emerson,  who,  if  he  had  been  so  fortunate  as 
to  live  long  enough,  would  have  been  a  constituent  of  mine, 
once  received  a  prize  at  a  horticultural  exhibition.  He  was 
very  much  surprised,  however ;  but  his  surprise  turned  to  dis- 
appointment when  he  found  that  the  first  prize  was  for  the 
very  worst  specimens  of  the  best  varieties  on  exhibition.  I  will 
pay  my  friend  from  Georgia  the  compliment  of  saying  that  this 
minority  report  is  the  best  report  on  the  worst  case  that  has 
been  presented  to  this  House  for  fifty  years.  [Laughter  and 
applause  on  the  Republican  side.] 

"  There  is  such  an  air  of  graceful  concession  about  it  [laugh- 
ter], such  an  assumption  of  judicial  spirit.  The  gentleman 
would  not  ask  for  anything  that  is  not  backed  up  by  the  read- 
ing of  nine  hundred  pages  of  printed  testimony.  Oh,  no ;  but 
when  you  find  the  actual  points  and  facts  in  this  case,  you  will 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  193 

see  that  wisdom  and  art  were  shown  by  my  friend  from  Georgia 
in  his  peculiar  treatment  of  this  case,  and  were  not  shown  by 
the  gentleman  from  Virginia  who  has  just  taken  his  seat. 

"  Let  us  look  at  this  question  broadly  for  a  few  moments.  It 
appears  from  the  discussion  already  that  the  subject  before  the 
House  embraces  a  great  variety  of  questions.  We  have  ques- 
tions of  law  and  questions  of  fact ;  and  these  questions  take  a 
wide  range.  Upon  the  one  side  we  have  a  question  as  to  the 
construction  of  a  statute,  and  upon  the  other  a  question  as  to 
whether  John  Diggs  and  a  number  of  other  railroad  laborers 
were  residents  of  Putnam  County,  West  Virginia.  We  have 
upon  the  one  hand  a  question  involving  the  conduct  of  the 
chief  magistrate  of  a  sovereign  commonwealth,  and  upon  the 
other  a  question  as  to  whether  a  payment  by  the  authorities 
of  a  bill  for  a  child's  coffin  brands  the  father  as  a  pauper,  and 
deprives  him  of  the  dearest  right  of  an  American  freeman. 
Such  are  some  of  the  questions  presented  in  this  case ;  but  the 
whole  case  divides  itself  naturally  into  two  great  branches. 

"  First,  was  not  the  contestant  elected  duly  and  fairly,  and 
was  he  not  entitled  to  the  certificate  of  election ;  and  was  he 
not  deprived  of  his  right  by  the  governor  of  West  Virginia  by 
a  prostitution  of  power  which  would  be  farcical  if  it  were  not 
shameful?  The  second  branch  of  the  case  is  the  charge  of 
illegal  votes  alleged  to  have  been  cast  upon  the  one  side  and 
upon  the  other. 

"I  will  briefly  take  up  the  question  of  illegal  votes  first. 
One  hundred  and  two  votes  are  charged  by  the  contestant  to 
have  been  illegally  cast  for  the  contestee.  The  contestee  alleges 
that  127  votes  were  cast  illegally  for  the  contestant.  Let  us 
see  how  these  illegal  votes  divide  themselves.  They  divide 
themselves  into  four  principal  groups,  —  non-residents,  minors, 
paupers,  and  persons  of  unsound  mind ;  and  mark  the  numbers 
of  those  votes  upon  each  side  claimed  as  illegal.  The  con- 
testant says  (and  he  is  the  first  person  to  give  the  count  upon 
his  side,  the  contestee  replying),  'Sixty-eight  non-residents 
voted  for  you  whose  votes  were  illegal.'  The  contestee  replies, 
'  Sixty-nine  non-residents  voted  for  you.'  '  Fifteen  minors,'  says 
the  contestant,  'voted  for  you.'  'Eighteen  minors,'  says  the 
contestee, '  voted  for  you.'  '  Eleven  persons  of  unsound  mind 

13 


194  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

voted  for  you,'  says  the  contestant.  'Fifteen  persons  of  un- 
sound mind,'  says  the  contestee, '  voted  for  you.'  'Five  paupers 
voted  for  you,'  says  the  contestant.  '  Twenty  paupers  voted  for 
you,'  says  the  contestee.  'One  convict  voted  for  the  contestee,' 
says  the  contestant.  'Two  convicts  voted  for  you,'  says  the 
contestee,  and  so  on. 

"  Each  time  and  in  each  class  the  contestee,  in  his  innocent 
and  candid  way,  always  goes  a  little  beyond  the  figures  stated 
by  the  contestant.  Now,  when  we  come  to  throwing  out  votes 
for  unsoundness  of  mind  in  political  matters  we  are  treading 
upon  very  delicate  ground.  [Laughter.]  We  know  what  un- 
soundness of  mind  is  in  a  man  making  a  testamentary  docu- 
ment, or  in  a  matter  of  criminal  responsibility;  but  I  am 
afraid  that  the  first  test  made  by  a  political  party  of  unsound- 
ness  of  mind  would  be  that  the  man  voted  the  opposite  ticket. 
[Laughter.] 

"  I  am  afraid  that  some  gentleman  might  have  thought  that 
unless  a  man  believed  that  the  appointment  of  tellers  in  a 
division  of  this  House  was  the  palladium  of  American  liberty 
he  was  a  person  of  unsound  mind.  [Laughter.]  Why,  we  find 
in  some  of  these  cases  to  which  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  has 
adverted  —  we  find  men  charged  with  being  of  unsound  mind 
who  are  able,  according  to  the  testimony  in  the  matter  of  Pard 
Eobinson,  to  discuss  constitutional  amendments  intelligently, 
perhaps  not  as  eloquently  as  some  of  the  silver-tongued  gentle- 
men on  the  other  side  discuss  constitutional  amendments ;  but 
we  do  not  want  too  many  silver-tongued  orators,  Mr.  Speaker, 
in  the  country.  I  think,  after  the  experience  of  this  session, 
the  House  would  vote  by  a  large  majority  against  an  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver-tongued  orators.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 
And  I  think  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Bland]  would 
be  found  voting  with  the  majority  upon  that  point.  [Kenewed 
laughter.]  But,  I  say,  we  have  adopted  a  rule,  and  we  will 
stand  by  it ;  and  here  is  the  recorded  testimony,  that  where  a 
man  has  intelligence  enough  and  energy  enough  to  interest 
himself  about  a  political  question,  to  stand  up  and  to  vote,  it 
does  not  lie  within  the  mouth  of  any  member  of  any  political 
party  to  say  that  he  shall  be  disfranchised  on  the  ground  of 
unsoundness  of  mind. 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  195 

"Take  the  question  of  what  constitutes  a  pauper.  This 
question  is  raised  in  the  case  of  William  Lee.  I  was  surprised 
to  hear  again  my  impulsive  and  impetuous  friend  from  Virginia 
go  so  far  beyond  that  acute  and  astute  gentleman  from  Georgia, 
in  claiming  that  the  vote  of  William  Lee  ought  to  be  rejected 
on  the  ground  of  pauperism.  Why,  the  record  shows,  on  page 
741,  that  William  Lee,  a  man  pursued  by  disaster,  had  on  one 
or  two  occasions  been  obliged  to  ask  for  help  of  the  public 
authorities ;  and  that  on  a  certain  occasion,  when  death  had 
taken  a  child  from  his  house,  he  went  to  a  man  named  Fowler, 
who  happened  to  be  the  overseer  of  the  poor,  but  who  was  a 
friend  of  William  Lee,  and  for  whom  William  Lee  had  worked, 
and  asked  that  he  furnish  him  with  a  coffin  for  his  child ;  and 
Lee  testifies  in  the  record  here  that  he  went  to  this  man  Fowler 
as  an  individual  and  as  a  friend,  and  not  as  to  an  official,  ex- 
pecting to  pay  the  bill  himself ;  and  Fowler's  testimony  shows 
that  if  Lee  had  voted  the  Democratic  ticket  the  question  of 
pauperism  would  never  have  been  raised. 

"  MR.  COOPER,  of  Ohio.  He  asked  him  to  vote  the  Demo- 
cratic ticket. 

"MR.  GREENHALGE.  Yes,  sir.  I  am  reminded  that  this 
very  overseer  of  the  poor  asked  William  Lee  to  vote  the 
Democratic  ticket ;  and  the  fact  that  he  did  not  vote  it  was 
made  a  sufficient  reason  for  this  challenge  of  his  vote  at  the 
polls. 

"  Now,  my  wise  and  astute  friend  from  Georgia  [Mr.  Crisp] 
says  —  I  have  no  doubt  he  said  this  in  their  private  gathering, 
the  caucus  of  the  minority  of  the  committee.  I  have  not  the 
'Baltimore  Sun'  or  the  'St.  Louis  Globe-Democrat,'  as  the 
gentleman  had,  to  tell  me  what  took  place  in  that  caucus,  but 
at  least  I  am  allowed  to  imagine  and  to  infer  how  this  matter 
was  discussed.  The  gentleman  from  Georgia  probably  said, 
'It  won't  do  to  go  before  the  country  on  this  pauperism 
matter ;  we  must  go  slowly ;  I  would  not  say  too  much  about 
that  child's  coffin  being  paid  for;  drop  it  out'  Because  he 
knew,  with  his  political  sense,  which  I  imagine  is  pretty  keen 
and  pretty  strong,  that  the  political  party  which  should  insist 
for  such  a  reason  upon  depriving  of  his  franchise  a  man  whom 
'disaster  follows  fast  and  follows  faster'  until  death  stands 


196  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

within  his  door,  taking  away  a  beloved  child  or  a  beloved  wife, 
and  poverty  stands  outside  denying  a  decent  burial  to  the 
dead,  will  find  that  child's  coffin  wide  enough  and  deep  enough 
to  bury  that  political  party  beyond  all  chance  of  resurrection. 
[Applause  on  the  Eepublican  side.]  So,  of  the  twenty  paupers 
he  drops  out  eighteen,  and  if  he  had  examined  the  record,  as 
he  pretends  to  have  done,  he  would  have  had  his  right  hand 
burned  off  rather  than  have  left  the  name  of  William  Lee  upon 
the  list  of  illegal  votes  to  be  charged  against  the  contestant. 

"Now  we  come  to  the  question  of  non-residents.  I  do 
not  care  to  discuss  what  has  been  so  exhaustively  and  so 
thoroughly  and  so  ably  discussed  by  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Dalzell]  and  the  gentleman  from  Illinois 
[Mr.  Eowell].  We  come  now  to  what  I  consider  the  key- 
note of  this  whole  case,  another  point  where  the  wisdom  and 
acuteness  of  my  friend  from  Georgia  come  in.  He  does  not 
want  much  said  about  that  proclamation  of  the  governor  of 
West  Virginia.  He  says,  'Oh,  that  matter  has  been  practi- 
cally settled;  we  make  no  contest  about  that.'  And  here 
comes  in  the  judicial  tone,  the  air  of  utter  fairness  and  impar- 
tiality. The  governor,  he  says,  perhaps  was  right,  upon  the 
record  which  he  had  before  him ;  but  we,  with  the  light  that 
we  have  received  in  the  committee,  must  say  that  in  two  or 
three  of  his  conclusions  he  was  not  accurate. 

"My  chivalrous  friend  from  Virginia  [Mr.  O'Ferrall], 
however,  takes  no  warning  from  the  cautious  and  prudent 
tone  of  the  minority  report.  He  plunges  in  recklessly  and 
impulsively  to  the  defence  of  the  chief  magistrate  of  West 
Virginia.  Now,  I  want  to  speak  in  terms  of  great  respect 
of  this  remarkable  State  document,  and  the  only  question  in 
my  mind  at  this  moment  is  whether  the  minority  report  of 
our  committee  or  this  proclamation  of  the  governor  of  West 
Virginia  should  stand  highest  in  political  literature.  I  ought 
not  to  speak  in  simple  words  about  this  proclamation.  It  is 
a  monument  of  massive  and  majestic  constitutional  learning. 
[Laughter  on  the  Republican  side.]  I  think  it  ought  to  be 
treated  of  in  .sesquipedalian  words,  and  I  apologize  beforehand 
if,  in  speaking  of  it,  I  happen  to  use  a  word  of  less  than  three 
or  four  or  five  syllables. 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  197 

"Now  we  come  to  the  remarkable  reasoning  of  the  gov- 
ernor of  West  Virginia  upon  this  'eight  hundred  and  twe.' 
I  do  not  think  that  in  this  debate  sufficient  importance  has 
been  assigned  to  that  great  question.  I  know  that  my  friend 
from  Georgia  [Mr.  Crisp]  will  not  give  it  much  importance. 
He  is  too  wise  and  too  keen  for  that.  Even  the  gentleman 
from  Virginia  [Mr.  O'Ferrall]  takes  a  mild,  apologetic  tone, 
and  what  my  friend  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Outhwaite]  will  do 
afterwards  about  it  I  do  not  know,  but  I  venture  to  say  he 
will  go  over  it  in  a  very  tender  and  gingerly  manner.  Listen 
to  the  magnificent  reasoning  of  the  governor.  He  says, '  J.  M. 
Jackson  received  eight  hundred  and  twe  votes,'  and  I  sub- 
mit, Mr.  Speaker,  that  the  real  question  in  this  case  is  con- 
tained in  the  construction  which  you  will  put  upon  that  one 
sentence,  and  that  all  this  talk  of  illegal  votes  is  something 
superadded  and  something  thrown  in  as  a  make-weight  to 
confuse  the  real  issue  in  the  case.  Now,  what  does  the  gov- 
ernor say  about  these  wonderful  hieroglyphics  ?  He  says : 

" '  The  words  and  letters  — '  mark  you,  this  is  a  Democratic 
governor  who  is  talking,  and  I  want  proper  respect  to  be  paid 
to  his  manifesto  — '  the  words  and  letters  are  too  plain  for 
any  mistake.  For  the  reasons  heretofore  given,  there  is  no  au- 
thority to  go  behind  the  returns.  The  vote  certified  must  be 
counted  if  enough  appears  to  ascertain  the  meaning.  In  an 
action  upon  a  note  it  was  held  — '  I  presume  this  governor 
is  a  lawyer  — 

"A  MEMBER.    No. 

"MR.  GREENHALGE.  Well,  I  mean  a  member  of  the  bar. 
The  governor  says  further:  — 

" '  In  an  action  upon  a  note  it  was  held :  "  There  was  no  error 
in  admitting  the  note  sued  on  in  evidence,  because  the  amount 
thereof  is  written  four  hund."  (Glen  vs.  Porter,  72  Ind.,  525.)' 

"  How  convincing  it  seems,  when  you  make  a  citation  of 
a  law  report  in  that  manner!  [Laughter.]  The  governor 
proceeds : — 

" '  So  it  has  been  held  that  the  abbreviation  in  a  declaration, 
"  damage  one  thous.  dollars,"  is  not  an  error.' 

"MR.  NIEDRINGHATJS.  Does  the  gentleman  know  that  'twe' 
is  the  original  Anglo-Saxon  way  of  spelling  the  word  '  two '  ? 


198  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  MR.  GREENHALGE.  Oh,  yes ;  I  am  familiar  with  the  whole 
language  from  its  very  beginning  [laughter] ;  but  I  thank  my 
friend  for  the  suggestion,  because  that  corroborates  our  position. 

"Now,  I  want  gentlemen  to  listen  to  this  Pickwickian 
reasoning,  which  certainly  is  the  richest  piece  of  political 
reasoning  that  I  ever  read  in  my  life.  I  want  my  friend 
from  Georgia  to  give  us  a  little  more  debate  upon  this  point. 
He  has  two  or  three  hours  left,  and  I  want  his  best  opinion 
upon  this,  and  none  of  that  suppression  of  the  truth  which 
appears  to  be  the  governing  policy  of  our  friends  on  the  other 
side  in  this  case.  I  read  :  — 

"'If  enough  appear  to  make  the  returns  intelligible,  it 
should  be  made  so.  This  cannot  be  done  without  striking  out 
one  letter  and  inserting  another,  or  by  supplying  the  seemingly 
omitted  letters.  Acting  upon  the  face  of  the  paper,  the  latter 
appears  more  in  consonance  with  adjudged  cases.  (1  W.  L.  J., 
Mich.,  395.)' 

"  You  remember,  my  brethren  of  the  bar,  how  glibly  that 
comes  from  our  lips  at  times,  —  that  beautiful  phrase, '  in  con- 
sonance with  adjudged  cases.'  Why,  we  roll  it  under  our 
tongue  as  a  sweet  morsel;  and  the  governor  has  culled  that 
choice  phrase  from  some  library  in  West  Virginia. 

" '  The  least  number  would  give  to  said  Jackson  812  votes. 
It  will  be  so  entered.' 

"  This  is  a  decree  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  '  It  will  be  so 
entered.'  Yes,  he  takes  credit  to  himself  —  a  credit  probably 
claimed  also  by  the  contestee  and  the  gentlemen  supporting 
him — for  extreme  moderation,  because  the  same  reasoning 
which  would  enable  them  to  claim  twelve  votes  on  that 
return  would  enable  them  to  claim  twelve  hundred  or  twelve 
thousand.  I  am  willing  to  give  them  credit  for  moderation. 
I  am  surprised  that  they  stopped  at  twelve,  and  did  not  say 
that  it  was  more  '  in  consonance  with  adjudged  cases '  to  make 
the  number  twelve  thousand. 

"But  there  is  another  word,  Mr.  Speaker,  which  I  think 
will  suit  this  abbreviation  which  my  friend  says  is  the  original 
Saxon  spelling  of  the  word  '  two '  —  about  which  I  have  no 
doubt  in  the  world  —  a  fact  which  I  have  always  been  ac- 
quainted with.  [Laughter.]  I  say  there  is  another  word; 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  199 

and  reasoning  as  the  governor  does  by  parity  of  reasoning  — 
gubernatorial  reasoning,  I  mean — I  can  show  that  my  word 
has  a  better  right  to  a  place  in  that  return  than  the  governor's 
substitute.  I  say  the  word  '  tweedledee '  exactly  fits  the 
requirements  of  this  case  and  stamps  its  spirit  upon  the  whole 
case.  Now,  by  parity  of  reasoning,  you  will  observe  that  the 
word  to  be  supplied  could  not  be  the  word  'tweedledum,' 
because  the  terminate  letter  '  m '  is  not  suited  to  the  '  adjudged 
cases.'  [Laughter.]  We  need  a  terminate  letter 'e.'  'Twee- 
dledee' entirely  fills  the  bill. 

'  "Tis  strange  such  difference  there  should  be 
'Twixt  tweedledum  and  tweedledee.' 

"But  so  it  is.  I  remember  a  good  deal  of  talk  about  a 
gubernatorial  proclamation  in  my  State  once,  where  the  sar- 
castic clerk,  being  required  to  read  a  proclamation  on  Thanks- 
giving Day,  read :  '  Blank,  blank,  governor  of  Massachusetts ; 
God  save  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts.'  [Laughter.] 
I  say,  Mr.  Speaker, '  E.  M.  Wilson,  governor  of  West  Virginia ; 
God  save  the  State  of  West  Virginia.'  [Laughter  and  ap- 
plause.] And  I  think,  Mr.  Speaker,  God  will  save  the  State 
of  West  Virginia  before  long.  [Kenewed  laughter  and  ap- 
plause on  the  Eepublican  side.] 

"  It  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  discuss  these  individual 
votes,  but  I  ask  the  attention  of  the  House,  not  to  a  reading  of 
this  record,  but  to  a  simple  statement  of  the  kind  of  vote 
which  has  been  given  under  each  one  of  these  four  classes. 

"  I  ask  you  to  take  the  case  of  William  Lee  as  branding  the 
kind  of  vote  which  they  ask  you  to  find  illegal  under  the 
category  of  paupers.  I  ask  you  to  take  the  case  of  Israel 
Cullen,  page  741  of  the  record,  as  stamping  the  kind  of  votes 
they  want  excluded  under  the  head  of  non-residence.  I  ask 
you  to  take  the  case  of  Pard  Robinson  and  William  Britton 
as  the  kind  of  persons  they  want  excluded  on  the  ground  of 
unsoundness  of  mind.  Take  those  cases  and  '  ex  uno  disce  omnes' 
You  will  find  that  from  the  beginning  they  have  taken  up 
these  individual  cases,  not  for  the  sake  of  explaining  to  the 
House  or  to  the  country  their  reasons  for  disputing  the  seat  of 
this  contestant,  but  simply  to  cloud  the  issue  and  to  give  them 


200  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

a  right  to  say  that  we  have  proceeded  unfairly  and  not  in  a 
judicial  way. 

"  My  time,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  short.  I  say  if  ever  there  was  a 
case  where  the  voice  of  the  people  was  the  voice  of  God  it  is 
the  voice  of  the  people  of  the  Fourth  Congressional  District  of 
West  Virginia,  speaking  to  you,  to  this  House,  and  to  the 
country  to-day.  I  say  you  are  bound  to  hearken  to  that 
voice,  to  obey  it,  and  to  give  to  the  contestant  his  rightful 
seat  in  the  House.  [Long-continued  applause  on  the  Eepub- 
lican  side.]  " 

His  next  speech  was  delivered  February  26,  in  the  contested 
election  case  of  Atkinson  versus  Pendleton.  Most  of  these 
election  cases  were  of  the  same  origin.  The  Eepublicans 
believed  that  the  members  seated  in  the  first  place  obtained 
their  places  by  means  of  fraud,  and  often  of  intimidation. 
They  thought  that  a  free  vote  by  all  the  people  of  their  dis- 
tricts had  not  been  permitted,  that  party  manipulations  and 
fraudulent  returns  had  given  them  their  seats.  The  Federal 
Elections  Bill  grew  out  of  this  belief  of  the  Eepublican  party. 
A  free  ballot,  the  privilege  of  freemen,  the  ground-stone  of 
Eepublican  institutions,  was  denied  to  many  citizens  of  the 
South.  This  was  to  violate  the  Constitution  and  undo  the 
results  of  the  war.  In  these  cases  the  Eepublicans  were 
determined  to  vindicate  the  principles  which  they  thought 
involved,  and  the  Democrats  in  Congress  were  equally  fixed 
in  purpose  to  maintain  their  individual  rights.  Therefore 
the  contests  were  bitter  and  hard-fought. 

The  following  speech  was  delivered  by  Greenhalge  during 
the  debates  over  this  case  of  Atkinson  versus  Pendleton :  — 

"  The  question  before  the  House  has  about  it,  sir,  a  special 
and  peculiar  interest.  The  election  in  the  First  Congressional 
District  of  West  Virginia  in  1888  was  a  close  one,  and  it  was 
hotly  contested.  It  was  known  beforehand  that  the  impending 
contest  was  likely  to  be  doubtful  in  its  issue,  and  each  party 
strained  every  nerve  and  put  forth  every  effort  to  attain  success. 
By  each  party  the  ranks  of  the  opposing  forces  were  carefully 
scanned  to  detect  illegal  voters,  and  the  vote  of  every  person 
presented  was  subjected  to  a  rigid  examination.  Voters  who 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  201 

had  deposited  their  ballots  for  years  and  years  without  question 
were  challenged,  and  required  to  prove  their  right. 

"  The  situation,  Mr.  Speaker,  in  West  Virginia,  and  particu- 
larly in  this  first  district,  was  peculiar.  The  circumstances 
were  most  interesting.  There  seemed  to  be  a  new  impulse  in 
the  political  life  of  the  people,  which  pervaded  the  whole  State. 
A  whisper  of  the  doctrine  of  protection  had  floated  down  across 
the  hills.  That  whisper  had  been  heard  in  every  coal-mine,  in 
every  workshop,  in  every  household,  in  every  farm  and  family. 
More  than  that,  there  was  another  influence  at  work.  Labor, 
springing  to  his  feet,  like  Samson  with  the  cry  of  the  Philistines 
in  his  ears,  stood  forth,  and,  bursting  his  bonds  of  iron,  stood 
prepared  to  meet  his  enemies. 

"  Then  there  was  another  influence.  A  new  political  watch- 
word had  been  given  out  in  that  section  of  the  country,  'A 
free  ballot  and  a  fair  count ; '  and  there  seemed  to  be  a  kind  of 
music,  a  kind  of  rhythm  about  that  watchword,  'A  free  ballot 
and  a  fair  count ; '  and  thousands  of  men,  hitherto  totally  in- 
different in  political  matters,  were  stepping  to  the  rhythm  of 
that  watchword  as  men  step  to  the  beat  of  the  drum,  —  'A  free 
ballot  and  a  fair  count.'  Such  were  some  of  the  influences 
which  arrayed  the  forces  under  the  Republican  banner ;  and  the 
old  Democracy,  confident  in  a  hundred  victories,  buckled  on  its 
armor  and  prepared  to  meet  the  new  challenger. 

"  The  contest,  I  say,  was  close.  It  was  some  days  before  the 
result  was  at  all  understood,  but  finally  a  rumor  pervaded  the 
State  that  somehow,  not  merely  in  the  contested  congressional 
districts  but  throughout  the  whole  State,  the  Republican  party 
had  been  victorious  all  along  the  line,  and  that  in  this  par- 
ticular district  Atkinson  was  elected  by  seven  votes.  Then  it 
was  that  the  mysteries  of  the  recounting  process  came  into 
active  operation.  Then  it  was  that  Lee  Snodgrass  and  Judge 
Earnshaw,  whom  my  friends  on  the  other  side  defend  with  so 
much  vigor  and  enthusiasm,  pirouetted  down  to  the  front  of  the 
stage  and  said,  '  Behold  the  saviors  of  the  First  Congressional 
District ! ' 

"  I  think  it  important,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  examine  a  little  into 
the  character  and  conduct  of  these  alleged  saviors.  I  think, 
however,  that  this  House  ought  to  pay  a  tribute  to  Judge  Earn- 


202  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

shaw  on  one  account,  —  on  account  of  his  display  of  conjugal 
affection,  which  will  carry  his  name  down  to  the  remotest  ages. 
[Laughter.]  Perhaps  we  admire  conjugal  affection,  Mr.  Speaker, 
on  account  of  its  exceeding  rarity,  but  I  am  always  willing  to 
do  justice  to  such  an  exhibition  of  it  as  this  judge  of  elections 
manifested  on  this  particular  occasion. 

"  Oh,  they  tell  us  that  the  beloved  Mrs.  Earnshaw  was  not  actu- 
ally ill,  although  her  alleged  illness,  communicated  by  telegram, 
was  the  cause  of  postponing  the  recount  in  Wetzel  County.  She 
was,  according  to  page  415  of  the  record,  at  a  merry-making; 
but  still  I  desire  the  House  to  pay  a  proper  tribute  to  Judge 
Earnshaw  on  this  principle :  that  if  his  grief  at  an  unreal  sick- 
ness of  his  wife  was  so  great,  how  extreme  would  his  grief  have 
been  at  a  genuine  illness.  [Laughter.]  Do  not  let  us  forget  this 
exquisite  proportion.  I  remember  that  once  an  ostentatious 
showman  (and  my  colleague  from  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Morse, 
would  probably  assure  me  that  all  showmen  are  ostentatious) 
exhibited  a  sword,  and  said,  '  This  is  the  sword  that  Balaam 
had.'  Then  some  strict  constructionist  of  Biblical  literature 
said,  'But,  my  friend,  you  make  a  mistake;  Balaam  had  no 
sword ;  he  only  wished  for  one.'  '  Well,'  said  the  ready  show- 
man, '  this  is  the  sword  he  wished  for.'  [Laughter.] 

"  Now,  I  say  that  if  we  are  inclined  to  underrate  the  grief 
of  Judge  Earnshaw,  if  we  are  inclined  to  undervalue  the  tears 
which  saturate  page  414  of  the  record  in  this  case,  we  must 
remember  that  those  tears  are  what  he  would  have  shed 
in  case  the  calamity  which  was  imaginary  had  been  real. 
[Laughter.]  There  was  a  telegram  which  my  ingenuous  friend 
who  prepared  the  minority  report  speaks  of  in  tender  and  com- 
passionate terms.  He  cannot  believe  that  a  judge  of  elections 
in  West  Virginia  could  exhibit  any  bad  faith.  Of  course  not. 
And  the  gentleman  [Mr.  OTerrall]  has  prepared  a  mild  and 
somewhat  apologetic  report  upon  those  telegrams,  which  are 
confessedly  insincere,  false,  and  fraudulent ;  but  perhaps  they 
pass  over  that  as  a  trivial  incident  in  the  Democracy  of  West 
Virginia. 

"  When  I  compare  the  tone  of  this  report  with  the  careful 
and  diplomatic  tone  of  the  report  in  the  case  of  Smith  against 
Jackson,  I  seem  to  hear  in  this  report  the  rattle  and  clang  of 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  203 

cavalry  and  the  dash  of  hoofs,  and  to  see  the  shaking  of  plumes 
and  pennons.  Now,  I  spoke  very  tenderly,  and,  I  hope,  kindly, 
of  the  first  report  made  by  the  minority  of  the  committee, 
because,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  I  have  quite  a  liking  for  the 
majority  of  the  minority  of  the  committee.  [Laughter.]  But 
I  want  to  stigmatize  as  severely  as  I  can  this  report  of  my 
friend  from  Virginia, 

"I  wish  I  could,  in  a  rapid  anqi  hasty  generalization,  dis- 
tinguish between  this  report  and  the  one  prepared  by  the 
gentleman  from  Georgia  [Mr.  Crisp]  in  the  case  of  Smith 
against  Jackson ;  and  when  I  considered  the  topics  taken  up 
and  defended  by  the  gentleman  who  prepared  this  report,  it 
occurred  to  me  that  I  wanted  to  say  that '  fools  rush  in  where 
angels  fear  to  tread.'  But,  I  said,  there  are  two  objections  to 
making  a  quotation  of  that  sort :  In  the  first  place,  the  gentle- 
man from  Virginia  is  not  in  the  least  like  a  fool,  and,  in  the 
next  place,  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  is  not  in  the  least  like 
an  angel.  [Laughter.]  So  I  had  to  abandon  that  method  of 
rapid  generalization. 

"We  come  now  to  the  testimony  as  to  the  behavior  of 
another  one  of  this  precious  pair,  Mr.  Lee  Snodgrass ;  and  the 
tender  and  compassionate  treatment  given  to  him  by  the  mi- 
nority report  is  worthy  the  admiration  of  all  philanthropists 
and  the  imitation  of  all  eleemosynary  institutions.  [Laughter.] 

"Why,  Mr.  Speaker,  when  the  record  in  all  its  enormity 
shows  forth  the  character  of  Mr.  Lee  Snodgrass,  who,  it  is  con- 
fessed, dickered  and  haggled  for  the  sum  of  $3,000  as  a  price 
for  making  a  clean  breast  of  his  conduct  in  this  case ;  when 
it  is  perfectly  evident,  by  every  word  relating  to  Snodgrass 
in  this  report,  that  he  was  conniving  with  Earnshaw  and  with 
other  conspirators  to  obtain  possession  of  these  ballot-boxes 
and  to  tamper  with  these  votes ;  when  we  hear  the  story  of 
these  trumped-up  telegrams,  these  false  and  fraudulent  sick- 
nesses, —  we  find  it  impossible  to  understand  the  mild  tone  in 
which  the  minority  speak  of  this  inestimable  benefactor  of  the 
democracy  of  West  Virginia, 

"  I  read  from  the  minority  report :  '  From  all  the  testimony 
it  appears  that  however  censurable  Snodgrass's  proposition  may 
have  been,  he  had  the  moral  courage  (God  save  the  mark !)  to 


204  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

resist  the  strong  temptation  held  out  to  perjure  himself  — 
That  is,  they  offered  $1,000  and  he  desired  $3,000.  [Laughter.] 
—  'that  though  inducements  of  the  strongest  character  were 
presented,  he  came  forth  from  the  interviews'  —  and  I  can 
hear  my  friend  from  Virginia  as  he  declaimed  that  sentence  in 
his  quiet  room  — '  he  came  forth  from  the  interviews  without 
perjury  on  his  soul  and  without  ill-gotten  gains  polluting  his 
pocket.  His  perhaps  unguarded  remark  and  immature  propo- 
sition '  —  Immature  proposition !  I  like  that  term  !  —  seem 
to  have  reached  the  ears  of  men  who  were  as  willing  to  buy  as 
he  was  to  sell,  but  they  were  unwilling  to  pay  unless  they  got 
full  value. 

"  Why,  Mr.  Speaker,  what  was  their  part  in  the  transaction  ? 
The  Eepublican  State  Committee  had  offered  openly  a  reward 
of  $1,000  to  discover  the  villains  who  had  tampered  with  these 
ballots.  That  was  their  part  in  the  transaction.  And  Siiod- 
grass  would  not  sell  his  guilty  knowledge  for  less  than  $3,000. 
That  was  his  part  of  the  transaction. 

"I  call  Snodgrass  and  Earnshaw  —  the  House  will  notice 
that  I  treat  Earnshaw  with  a  little  more  indulgence  on  account 
of  his  conjugal  affection  —  I  call  them  par  nobile  fratrum  in 
this  great  work  of  ballot  reform.  They  thought  they  were 
saving,  not  merely  the  First  Congressional  District  of  West  Vir- 
ginia ;  they  thought  they  were  saving  the  State,  and  in  a  pecu- 
liar manner,  —  perhaps  peculiar  to  the  party  to  which  they 
belonged. 

"  It  has  not  been  denied  here  that  the  main  facts  which  have 
been  represented  upon  the  floor  on  the  part  of  the  majority  of 
the  committee  are  true.  My  friend  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Wilson] 
says :  '  Why  all  this  hue  and  cry  about  the  recount  in  Wetzel 
County  ?  Did  they  not  recount  in  Ohio  County  also  ?  And 
there  Pendleton  lost  eight  votes.' 

"  Will  gentlemen  examine  the  record  and  see  why  there  was 
not  a  hue  and  cry  upon  their  side  ?  It  will  be  found  that  the 
net  gain  of  Pendleton,  even  in  that  recount,  was  some  twelve 
or  thirteen  votes.  Oh,  but  the  opportunity  being  given  to 
examine  into  this  dark  vault,  to  go  and  take  possession  of  these 
ballot-boxes,  is  no  evidence  that  any  crime  was  committed ! 

"  Can  anything  be  more  farcical,  more  amusing,  in  political 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  205 

history  than  that  midnight  march  down  into  that  vault  when 
three  men  went  ostensibly  to  search  for  one  bottle  of  beer? 
Why,  sir,  they  had  an  opportunity.  It  was  a  close  election. 
The  three  factors  were,  —  an  opportunity,  a  close  election,  and 
Snodgrass,  the  Democrat.  And  is  not  the  inference  inevitable 
that  the  ballot-boxes  were  tampered  with,  while  the  beer  was 
undiscovered  ? 

"  Let  me  do  justice  to  some  of  the  Democratic  members  of 
that  board  of  election  officers.  Under  the  strongest  pressure 
to  suppress  the  truth,  Mr.  Speaker,  those  men  testified  that  not 
a  scratch  was  made  upon  those  ballots  when  they  passed  under 
their  observation  at  the  first  examination.  When  we  know 
that  eighteen  days  elapsed  between  the  time  the  county  com- 
missioners began  their  examination  and  the  time  when  it 
closed,  when  we  have  these  mysterious  telegrams  from  Arnett 
and  Wells  and  from  the  mysterious  'McG.,'  and  when  we 
find  that  the  condition  of  the  ballots  was  materially  changed 
from  their  condition  as  testified  to  by  the  commissioners  of 
election,  I  confess  that  I  am  astounded  to  see  my  respectable, 
my  intelligent  friends  of  the  other  side  stand  forward  and 
claim  that  those  votes  in  Wetzel  County  had  not  been  tam- 
pered with ! 

"  When  we  consider,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  midnight  marauding 
party,  when  we  know  that  the  election  of  the  present  governor 
of  West  Virginia,  worthy,  I  should  say,  from  all  the  reports, 
to  be  successor  of  the  'tweedledee'  governor  of  that  State, 
depended  to  a  great  extent  upon  the  vote  in  this  county,  and 
that  he  was  perhaps  seated  by  reason  of  some  of  the  iniquities 
occurring  in  Wetzel  County,  it  seems  to  me  we  have  the  right 
to  say  that  a  great  moral  question  is  presented  to  the  Demo- 
cratic executive  of  West  Virginia,  and  that  great  moral  ques- 
tion is  this :  Ought  the  facilities  for  obtaining  access  to  beer 
bottles  to  be  increased,  and  the  facilities  for  obtaining  access  to 
ballot-boxes  to  be  diminished,  or  vice  versa  ?  I  say  that  is  a 
great  moral  question,  and  nothing  would  please  me  better  than 
to  see  the  Democratic  party  wrestling  with  a  great  moral 
question. 

"I  have  heard,  Mr.  Speaker,  of  the  proverbial  danger  of 
wrestling  with  a  chimney-sweep;  but  you  will  observe  that 


206  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

with  nice  delicacy  towards  my  friends  on  the  other  side,  I  do 
not  say  which  is  the  chimney-sweep,  —  the  great  moral  ques- 
tion or  the  Democracy.  [Laughter.]  I  leave  that  an  open 
question  for  the  House ;  and  I  do  not  doubt  that  the  Speaker, 
with  that  extreme  leniency  which  he  always  shows  to  the 
other  side,  would  preserve  to  them  their  constitutional  right 
of  demanding  the  yeas  and  nays  upon  the  question.  [Renewed 
laughter.] 

"  It  is  easy,  of  course,  in  all  these  election  cases  to  file  a 
number  of  charges  of  illegal  voting ;  but  how  empty  most  of 
these  are  —  I  speak  impartially ;  I  speak  for  one  side  and  for 
the  other  —  is  shown  by  the  promptness  with  which  great 
numbers  of  those  charges  are  instantly  abandoned  upon  an 
examination.  Now,  the  contestant  charged  there  were  223 
illegal  votes  cast  for  the  contestee,  and  the  contestee  charged 
that  174  illegal  votes  were  cast  for  the  contestant. 

"I  take  some  pride,  Mr.  Speaker,  in  the  fact  that  we  are 
laying  down  some  good  law  on  election  cases,  in  which  we 
have  even  the  concurrence  of  our  friends  on  the  other  side ; 
and  one  of  those  rules,  as  this  committee  has  unanimously 
decided,  is  that  where  a  voter  honestly  casts  his  ballot,  and 
where  the  only  question  is  some  technical  question  as  to  the 
boundaries  of  the  particular  district  where  he  ought  to  vote, 
votes  cast  under  an  honest  error  of  that  sort  shall  be  counted ; 
and  that  ruling  of  the  committee  disposes  at  once  of  73  votes 
charged  as  illegal  in  the  Wellsburgh  district.  And,  upon  the 
other  hand,  —  for  we  do  not  propose  to  be  outdone  in  magna- 
nimity and  fairness  by  the  other  side, — we  consigned  to  its 
proper  place  the  charge  that  at  Braxton  Court  House  35  votes 
were  cast  illegally  for  the  contestee,  and  that  in  certain  wards 
of  the  city  of  Wheeling  25  votes  were  cast  illegally  for  the 
contestee.  So  that  you  will  find  upon  examination  that  by 
one  honest  ruling  100  votes  are  stricken  from  the  number  of 
illegal  votes  charged  by  the  contestee,  and  almost  an  equal 
number  stricken  from  the  number  charged  by  the  contestant. 

"MR.  OTERRA.LL.  The  gentleman  will  permit  me  to  ask 
whether  the  majority  report  and  minority  report  do  not  agree 
on  that  point. 

"MR.  GREENHALGE.    I  say  that  we  have  agreed  upon  the 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER,  207 

rule ;  and  I  congratulate  the  House  and  the  country  upon  that 
one  point  of  agreement.  [Laughter.] 

"  MR.  O'FERRALL.  I  very  much  enjoy  listening  to  the  gentle- 
man while  he  draws  upon  his  memory  for  his  wit  and  upon  his 
imagination  for  his  facts.  [Laughter.] 

"  MR.  GREENHALGE.  I  have  heard  that  remark  before,  but  I 
am  not  so  cruel  as  to  say  so.  [Laughter.] 

"  Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  seems  to  me  the  whole  question,  after 
all,  centres  around  the  great  fact  of  the  conduct  in  relation  to 
these  ballots  in  Wetzel  County.  There  cannot  be  any  question, 
in  the  eighteen  days  Earnshaw  devoted  to  his  domestic  duties 
and  the  delay  of  the  count,  that  at  that  time  in  one  precinct 
ten  votes  were  stricken  from  the  ballot  in  favor  of  the  con- 
testant, and  in  another  case  fourteen  votes  were  taken  from 
him,  and  two  votes  illegally  given  to  the  contestee. 

"  I  say  that  here  centres  the  whole  story  of  this  case.  The 
flight  to  these  questions  of  illegal  votes  is  simply  a  flight  to 
the  underbrush,  an  attempt  to  evade  the  great  central  point  in 
the  case.  And  if  every  member  of  this  House  cared  to  take 
home  this  somewhat  voluminous  record,  should  take  it  to  their 
homes  and  to  their  beds,  if  they  have  double  beds  [laughter], 
and  familiarize  themselves  with  the  details  of  the  testimony 
contained  therein,  I  say  that  the  careful  examination  by  the 
majority  of  the  committee  of  these,  as  alleged,  illegal  votes 
will  stand  all  honest  and  fair  criticism.  And  I  believe  this 
House  will  conclude,  if  they  are  not  too  closely  bound  to  the 
other  side  by  party  ties,  that  the  contestee  has  no  right  to  sit 
in  the  seat  which  he  occupies ;  and  which  I  judge,  from  the 
argument  of  my  friend  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Wilson] ,  is  not  his 
seat,  but  the  seat  of  his  ancestors,  his  sisters,  his  cousins,  and 
his  aunts.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 

"  I  am  willing  to  go  any  length  in  eulogizing  my  friend  from 
West  Virginia  [Mr.  Pendleton].  I  am  willing  to  say  he  is 
superior  to  Grover  Cleveland,  following  out  the  comparison 
instituted  between  him  and  Mr.  Cleveland  by  my  friend  from 
Missouri  [laughter],  for  I  might  safely  go  that  length;  and 
while  justice  compels  me  to  say  that  my  friend  from  West 
Virginia  was  not  duly  elected  to  the  seat  he  occupies,  I  take 
pleasure  in  saying,  at  least,  that  not  a  bit  of  this  record  is 


208  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

stained  by  any  improper  conduct  on  his  part.  And  I  take  a 
greater  pleasure  in  saying  that  his  conduct  while  in  the  House 
has  been  that  of  dignity,  of  manhood,  and  of  courtesy. 

"  I  say,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  it  is  a  great  pleasure  if  the  bitter- 
ness of  political  warfare  can  be  ameliorated  by  finding  our  ene- 
mies,— the  men  we  have  to  contend  against,  —  to  find  them  of 
heroic  and  chivalric  mould.  Under  those  circumstances  we 
have  a  right  to  love  our  enemies ;  and  I  thank  my  friend  on 
the  other  side  he  has  at  least  permitted  me  to  know 

'  The  stern  joy  that  warriors  feel 
In  foemen  worthy  of  their  steel.' 

"  Why,  Mr.  Speaker,  when  the  other  day  under  our  very  eyes 
we  saw  a  number  of  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  undergoing 
the  horrible  transformation  effected  on  the  unhappy  followers 
of  Ulysses  by  the  art  of  Circe,  I  am  glad  to  say  that  one  of  the 
noble  exceptions  from  that  horrible  rout  was  the  gentleman 
from  West  Virginia.  No  billingsgate  polluted  his  lips.  He 
did  not  writhe  in  parliamentary  or  unparliamentary  convul- 
sions [laughter]  ;  he  did  not  froth  at  the  mouth  and  then  pro- 
test he  was  making  a  constitutional  argument.  [Renewed 
laughter.]  And  when  you,  Mr.  Speaker,  '  the  still,  strong  man 
in  a  blatant  crowd,'  were  controlling  this  House,  and  standing 
like  Gulliver  among  the  Liliputians,  with  shrieks  of  anger  and 
pain  following  his  every  movement,  the  gentleman  from  West 
Virginia  was  setting  an  example  which  many  of  his  colleagues 
would  have  done  well  to  follow. 

"  Therefore,  although  I  must  admit  that  the  contingency  of 
my  friend's  return  to  this  House  is  somewhat  remote,  despite 
the  gloomy  vaticinations  of  the  gentleman  from  Missouri, — 
and  I  notice  the  vaticinations  from  that  side  always  are  gloomy 
[laughter],  —  I  say  that  at  least  he  goes  back  to  the  people  of 
West  Virginia  with  the  assurance  of  one  Republican,  if  it  is 
worth  anything,  —  and  I  do  not  know  how  much  it  is  worth  in 
the  First  Congressional  District  of  West  Virginia,  —  that  he  has 
at  least  proved  to  the  House  and  the  country  that  the  good 
old  name  of  '  gentleman,'  with  the  nobility  and  manhood  and 
refinement  that  the  name  implies,  has  not  lost  all  honor  and 
respect  in  the  first  legislative  body  of  the  world, — the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  [Great  applause.]  " 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  209 

March  4,  in  the  case  of  Featherstone  versus  Gate,  the  oratory 
of  Greenhalge  was  again  heard  in  Congress.  The  occasion  of 
the  speech  was  the  declaration  of  Mr.  Breckinridge  that  no 
evidence  could  be  found  that  any  negroes  had  been  killed  in 
Arkansas  in  connection  with  politics,  and  that  no  evidence  had 
been  taken  by  the  Committee  on  Elections  to  prove  that  there 
was  any  unfairness  about  the  election  of  congressmen  in  the 
first  district  of  Arkansas. 

Greenhalge's  sense  of  justice  was  stirred  by  the  evidence  in 
this  case,  and  in  his  hatred  of  any  form  of  oppression  and 
political  fraud,  he  poured  forth  a  flood  of  denunciation  in  some 
passages  of  his  speech.  The  impression  he  made  upon  the 
House  was  deep.  His  reference  to  the  Clayton-Breckinridge 
contest  was  dramatic  in  its  tone  and  effect.  I  quote  the  fol- 
lowing sentences  from  his  speech :  — 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  the  recorded  testimony  in  this  case  is,  I 
believe,  briefer,  of  smaller  compass  than  the  testimony  filed 
with  the  Committee  on  Elections  in  any  other  case  before  that 
committee;  but  I  venture  to  say  that  the  question  raised  in 
these  281  or  282  pages  of  testimony  will  be  found  to  be  as 
important  as  those  raised  for  your  consideration  in  the  most 
voluminous  record  which  will  be  presented  to  you  in  any  case 
whatever. 

"  We  have  here,  Mr.  Speaker,  for  the  first  time,  the  neces- 
sity for  opening  the  door  and  seeing  the  skeleton  in  the  closet 
of  our  continental  republic.  We  have  here,  for  the  first  time, 
at  least  this  session,  the  stupendous  question  of  the  rights  of 
a  race,  — the  question  whether  one  race  has  the  justice  to  do 
justice  to  another  race.  I  said,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  this  case 
raises  the  most  important  questions  to  be  presented  for  the 
consideration  of  this  House.  I  forgot  the  notable  exception 
which  has  just  been  brought  to  my  mind  by  the  gentleman 
from  Arkansas  [Mr.  Breckinridge],  who  has  just  taken  his 
seat.  I  should  have  excepted  the  case  in  the  adjoining  district 
in  the  State  of  Arkansas,  I  mean  the  case  of  Clayton  versus 
Breckinridge,  where  the  House  will  be  called  upon  sooner  or 
later,  and  not  later,  if  I  have  anything  to  do  with  it,  to  sit  in 
the  somewhat  singular  position  of  judge  between  the  living 
and  the  dead.  .  .  . 

14 


210  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  And  then  this  peaceful,  intelligent,  respectable  gathering 
of  gentlemen,  armed  with  their  rifles,  or  whatever  name  you 
may  choose  to  give  them,  proceeded  to  evict  these  helpless 
citizens,  whose  crime  appeared  to  be  the  fact  that  the  sun  had 
burned  upon  them  a  deeper  color  than  upon  the  Caucasian 
race.  .  .  . 

"  Are  we  to  be  met  here,  Mr.  Speaker,  when  we  are  trying 
the  right  of  a  people,  of  a  race,  the  right  of  a  member  to  his 
seat  in  this  House,  the  greatest  and  most  honorable  right 
that  a  man  can  have,  —  are  we  to  be  met  by  tuppenny  techni- 
calities, such  as  I  should  not  dare  to  use  in  a  police  court  in 
Massachusetts?  .  .  . 

"  I  say  that  there  was  no  safety,  there  was  no  law,  there 
was  no  fairness  in  the  County  of  Crittenden  and  State  of 
Arkansas,  and  whether  we  are  required  to  count  up  a  certain 
number  of  votes,  whether  the  quibble  be  made  about  73  votes 
counted  here  or  224  allowed  there,  in  order  to  preserve  the 
purity  of  the  ballot,  we  have  a  right  to  require  a  reasonable 
interpretation  and  application  of  the  rigid  rule  which,  if 
enforced,  would  make  felony  and  violence  rampant  and  tri- 
umphant. We  are  bound  in  this  high  court,  not  limited  by 
petty  technical  restrictions,  to  throw  away  all  petty  technical- 
ities, and  to  say  that  the  general  spirit,  purpose,  and  character 
of  this  essay  [holding  up  the  record  of  testimony  in  the  case] 
on  political  assassination,  which  is  vastly  better  than  De 
Quincey's  essay  on  '  Murder  as  a  Fine  Art,'  as  found  here, 
shall  not  be  encouraged ;  and  that  be  this  contestant  Democrat 
or  Republican,  be  he  black  or  white,  as  he  comes  here  and 
demands  his  right,  the  justice  of  the  American  people,  which 
never  fails  and  never  sleeps,  requires  that  he  should  be  seated 
because  his  right  is  established.  " 

April  11  the  case  of  Waddill  versus  Wise  was  before  Con- 
gress. Senator  Lodge  characterizes  the  speech  of  Greenhalge 
on  this  occasion  as  his  most  eloquent  effort  in  Congress.  The 
speech  was  as  follows :  — 

"  MR.  SPEAKER,  —  I  have  been  at  a  loss  to  understand  the 
pertinency  or  relevancy  of  the  remarks  of  the  gentleman  from 
Virginia  [Mr.  OTerrall]  upon  this  case.  But  a  whisper  has 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  211 

come  to  my  ears  that  there  has  been  some  mistake  in  the  time 
of  delivering  it.  There  is,  I  understand,  at  a  not  distant  day, 
to  be  a  State  convention  in  Virginia  at  which  the  question  of  a 
gubernatorial  nomination  is  to  come  up ;  and  the  speech  of  the 
gentleman  relates  not  so  much  to  the  question  of  whether  the 
contestee  shall  retain  his  seat  or  the  contestant  take  it  as  to 
whether  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  OTerrall]  shall  be 
nominated  for  governor  of  Virginia. 

"  MR.  WISE.    Will  the  gentleman  yield  for  an  interruption  ? 

"  MR.  GREENHALGE.  Well,  my  time  is  exceedingly  limited. 

"  MR.  WISE.  Just  a  second. 

"  MR.  GREENHALGE.   Very  well. 

"MR.  WISE.  You  do  not  want  to  labor  under  a  misappre- 
hension or  to  make  a  mistake  ? 

"  MR.  GREENHALGE.  Certainly  not. 

"  MR.  WISE.  The  gubernatorial  convention  will  not  be  held 
in  Virginia  for  four  years. 

"  MR.  GREENHALGE.  Well,  you  cannot  tell  what  views  as  to 
the  future  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  O' Ferrall]  may 
entertain.  What  are  four  years  in  his  sight  ?  They  are  like 
a  watch  in  the  night.  [Laughter.]  And  the  speech  is  to  be 
taken,  Mr.  Speaker,  nunc  pro  tune.  [Laughter.] 

"  Now,  I  am  glad  to  inform  the  House  that  in  our  journey 
towards  some  important  conclusions  arrived  at  in  the  report  of 
the  committee  we  have  been  cheered  and  sustained  by  the 
always  welcome  company  and  sympathy  of  the  minority  of 
the  committee.  The  resolution  which  has  been  appended  at 
the  close  of  their  somewhat  illogical  remarks  seems  to  imply 
that  whatever  else  may  be  true  in  this  case,  whatever  other 
questions  may  arise  in  this  connection,  the  sitting  member, 
whose  position  in  the  case  seems  to  be  somewhat  in  dispute  at 
present  from  his  own  standpoint,  was  not  duly  elected  and  is 
not  entitled  to  the  seat,  which  candor  compels  me  to  say,  and 
which  I  am  perfectly  willing  to  say,  he  has  occupied  with  so 
much  grace  and  dignity  as  almost  to  tempt  me  to  forget  occa- 
sionally the  invalidity  of  his  title  thereto.  [Applause.] 

"  You  may  remember,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  at  the  opening  of  this 
session,  if  such  trifles  hold  place  in  your  recollection,  gentle- 
men upon  the  other  side  contended  that  the  liberties  of  the 


212  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

country  depended  upon  a  certain  doctrine,  to  wit,  that  physical 
presence  in  this  House  was  not  incompatible  with  constitu- 
tional or  constructive  absence  of  members.  That  opinion  was 
negatived  by  a  majority  of  the  House ;  but  in  the  interest  of 
good  feeling  and  from  a  desire  to  promote  the  era  of  good  feel- 
ing, I  desire  to  present  as  near  an  illustration  of  that  doctrine 
as  we  shall  ever  get  in  this  House  in  the  person  of  the  sitting 
member  concerned  in  this  investigation,  —  physically  present, 
but  according  to  the  dictum  of  the  minority  and  of  the  majority 
of  this  committee,  constructively  and  constitutionally  absent. 

"  MR.  LACEY.   Perspectively  absent. 

"  MR.  GREENHALGE.  Certainly.  Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  pleas- 
ant to  know  that  in  this  vast  volume  of  testimony,  the  most 
voluminous  record,  I  think,  presented  to  the  Committee  on 
Elections,  there  will  be  found  very  little  conflict  of  facts. 
Where,  according  to  the  excerpts,  the  choice  excerpts,  in  the 
minority  report,  and  the  extracts  presented  in  the  report  of 
the  majority  upon  one  great  set  of  facts,  it  appears  clearly  that 
in  three  precincts  of  what  they  call '  Jackson  ward,'  there  was 
a  long  line  in  each  of  these  precincts  of  colored  voters  endeavor- 
ing to  vote ;  that  they  remained  there,  some  from  the  night 
before,  showing  some  interest  in  their  rights  as  freemen,  some 
standing  there  '  from  the  rising  of  the  sun  to  the  going  down 
thereof,'  tendering,  as  we  claim,  their  votes  to  the  proper  elec- 
tion authorities.  There  seems  to  be  no  question  made  upon 
this  point,  upon  this  great  fact,  and  around  that  great  fact 
centres  the  only  dispute  which  is  presented  in  law  or  in  justice 
to  this  House  to  determine  now. 

"  The  number  of  those  men  who  stayed  in  line,  who  were  ex- 
amined in  the  taking  of  testimony  for  this  record,  is  sufficient 
to  overcome  the  majority  claimed  for  the  contestee ;  and  the 
only  question  is  whether  this  House  will  say  there  was  a  legal 
tender  of  votes  under  those  circumstances,  or  whether,  upon 
some  quibble  or  technicality,  those  votes  shall  be  cast  out  and 
not  counted. 

"Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  contended  in  the  report  of  the 
minority,  first,  that  the  judges  of  election  were  guilty  of  no 
wrong-doing  ;  that  all  they  did  was  strictly  in  the  line  of  their 
official  duty ;  second,  that  the  Democratic  challengers  were 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  213 

not  guilty  of  fraudulently,  unlawfully,  or  unnecessarily  hin- 
dering or  obstructing  the  voters  in  casting  their  ballots ;  and 
thirdly  (and  these  are  their  conclusions  solemnly  recorded  in 
this  report,  written  by  the  ablest  man  upon  their  side  of  the 
House),  that  while  there  was  some  unnecessary  delay,  some 
votes  were  probably  lost  to  the  contestant,  it  was  the  result 
of  the  tardiness  of  the  Kepublican  judge  at  the  first  precinct 
in  finding  the  names  of  the  voters  on  the  registration  book 
and  the  conduct  of  the  Kepublican  Federal  supervisors  at  the 
first  and  second  precincts. 

"  Then  mark  the  concluding  passages,  and  see  if  you  can  tell 
why  the  minority  have  come  to  the  conclusion  which  they 
record  in  their  resolution  :  — 

" '  In  the  case  before  us  we  have  before  said  we  do  not  believe 
there  was  any  considerable  obstruction  to  the  voters  in  their 
right  to  vote,  but  it  appears  that,  at  the  time  the  polls  were 
closed,  at  three  of  the  precincts  of  Jackson  ward  there  were  a 
number  of  voters  present  at  each  polling  place  desiring  and  in- 
tending to  vote  who  were  prevented  from  doing  so  by  no  fault 
of  their  own,  and  it  is  possible  that  the  number  of  such  voters 
was  sufficient  to  change  the  result  had  they  all  voted  for  the 
contestant. 

" '  As  we  have  shown,  under  such  a  state  of  facts,  the  courts 
determine  the  result  by  the  vote  actually  cast.  The  enforce- 
ment of  that  rule  in  this  case  would  give  the  seat  to  the  sitting 
member.' 

"  Now  mark  the  magnanimity  of  the  minority  :  — 

" '  But  we  are  not  satisfied  of  the  justice  of  such  rule.  While 
it  is  true  that  neither  the  contestee  nor  his  partisans  can  justly 
be  held  responsible  for  the  failure  of  any  of  the  voters  to  exer- 
cise their  right  of  suffrage,  yet  we  believe  that  some  were 
deprived  of  the  opportunity  to  vote,  and  that  the  number 
might  have  been  sufficient  to  change  the  result. 

" '  We  therefore  submit  the  following  resolution :  — 
"  '  Resolved,  That  the  seat  now  held  by  George  D.  Wise  as  the 
Eepresentative  in  the  Fifty-first  Congress  from  the  Third  Con- 
gressional District  of  Virginia  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby, 
declared  vacant.' 


214  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  I  say  that  this  is  the  most  preposterous  law  upon  elections 
ever  laid  down  in  cold  blood  in  this  House.  Do  the  gentlemen 
whose  names  are  signed  here  mean  to  put  forward  the  doctrine 
that  if,  without  any  fault  of  any  candidate  or  party,  without 
any  conspiracy,  without  any  fraud,  without  any  act  of  God  or 
of  the  public  enemy,  as  by  the  breaking  down  of  a  wagon,  by  the 
overthrow  of  a  railroad  train,  voters  are  prevented  from  being 
registered  or  from  having  their  votes  received  —  that  because 
it  is  no  fault  of  the  voter  these  votes  are  to  be  counted  as  lost 
and  a  new  election  ordered  ?  If  that  is  their  reasoning,  I  say 
their  law  is  abominable.  I  ask,  in  God's  name,  why,  if  they 
believe  these  facts  as  they  recite  them,  —  why  have  they  de- 
serted the  sitting  member  on  this  occasion  ?  If  the  facts  are  as 
they  state  them,  the  betrayal  and  abandonment  of  their  brother 
and  colleague  upon  this  floor  is  the  most  shameful  case  of  de- 
sertion that  has  ever  darkened  the  annals  of  this  House  since 
its  foundations  were  laid  by  the  fathers.  [Applause.] 

"  Why,  Mr.  Speaker,  there  is  no  man  whose  name  is  signed  to 
this  minority  report,  from  the  distinguished  name  of  the  gentle 
man  from  Georgia  [Mr.  Crisp]  to  that  of  my  excellent  friend, 
Judge  Moore,  of  Texas,  who  if  the  facts  proved  to  exist  would 
have  warranted  the  belief  that  neither  the  contestee  nor  his  par- 
tisans, agents,  or  his  party  were  implicated  in  the  obstruction  of 
these  voters  or  in  any  of  the  frauds  alleged,  would  not  have 
said,  '  May  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth,  and 
may  my  right  hand  forget  its  cunning,'  before  I  put  my  name 
to  any  such  report  as  that. 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  as  a  distinguished  predecessor  of  mine  from 
Massachusetts,  to  whom  I  think  I  was  compared  a  few  days 
ago,  one  Daniel  Webster  [laughter]  —  though  I  am  not  sure 
whether  I  was  compared  to  him  or  to  one  Mr.  Sullivan,  but 
Massachusetts  always  produces  the  best  type,  whether  it  is  a 
gladiator  or  a  statesman  [laughter  and  applause]  —  as  that 
distinguished  predecessor  of  mine  said  in  a  murder  case  when 
the  alleged  murderer  committed  suicide,  '  Suicide  is  confes- 
sion,' so  I  say  that  in  this  resolution  we  have  the  confession 
of  the  minority  of  the  committee  that  the  facts  are  not  as  they 
stated  them,  but  are  as  they  are  charged  in  the  report  of  the 
committee.  We  can  lead  the  Democratic  horse  to  the  waters 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  215 

of  truth  and  life  ;  we  cannot  make  him  drink.  [Laughter.]  He 
is  not  accustomed  to  that  sort  of  tipple.  [Laughter.] 

"  Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  when  the  distinguished  contestee  makes 
his  valedictory  remarks  here  —  and  I  hope  the  speech  will  be 
as  good  as  the  valedictory  speech  of  my  friend  Compton,  whom 
I  suppose  I  have  helped  to  the  post  of  State  treasurer  of  Mary- 
land [laughter]  ;  when  the  distinguished  contestee  makes  his 
valedictory  address  I  trust  he  will  ask  for  some  logical  explana- 
tion of  this  report  of  the  minority  of  the  committee.  With 
those  voters  in  line  in  the  '  act  of  voting,'  —  for  as  my  friend 
from  Iowa  [Mr.  Lacey]  puts  it  in  his  statesmanlike  and  phil- 
osophic report  put  forward  for  the  majority,  the  act  of  voting 
is  a  continuous  act  —  it  is  clear  that  that  long  line  of  colored 
voters  ought  to  be  counted  first,  last,  and  throughout. 

"  What,  then,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  the  remedy  ?  Is  it  to  declare  the 
seat  vacant  and  say  that  a  new  election  must  be  ordered  ?  Shall 
the  law  be  ineffectual  ?  Shall  the  white  majesty  of  the  law 
stand  silent,  powerless,  inactive  as  yonder  obelisk,  or  shall  that 
law  be  clothed  with  power  and  strength  enough  to  give  to  every 
man  in  that  colored  line  the  same  rights  that  the  white  million- 
aire has  ?  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  heard  and  read  with  admiration 
of  that  memorable  '  thin  red  line '  which  repelled  the  fiery 
onset  of  Napoleon  at  Waterloo,  but  I  say  that  this  '  thin  black 
line,'  standing  from  sunrise  to  sunset  in  Jackson  ward,  means 
as  much  for  human  freedom  and  civil  liberty  as  the  memorable 
'  thin  red  line '  at  Waterloo.  [Applause  on  the  Eepublican 
side.] 

"  I  go  farther,  Mr.  Speaker :  I  say  that  if  this  House  does  not 
do  justice  to  every  man  in  those  lines  in  the  first,  third,  and 
fourth  precincts  of  Jackson  ward  in  the  city  of  Eichmond, 
and  count  every  vote  there  legally  tendered,  then  the  flaming 
lines  of  Gettysburg  were  nothing  more  than  a  vain  and  empty 
show,  and  even  the  grand  words  of  Lincoln  spoken  over  the 
graves  of  Gettysburg  become  only  as  'sounding  brass  and  a 
tinkling  cymbal.'  What  remedy  shall  we  apply  in  this  House  ? 
Shall  we  give  a  half-hearted,  half-way  remedy  ?  When  the  two 
mothers,  or  rather  the  two  claimants  for  the  child,  came  before 
the  wisest  of  kings,  each  claiming  the  maternity  of  the  child, 
the  king  said  at  first :  '  Divide  the  living  child  in  two ;  give 


216  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

half  to  the  one  and  half  to  the  other.'  That  is  the  Democratic 
plan  as  proposed  in  this  report.  But  when  the  cry  of  anguish 
broke  from  the  lips  of  the  true  mother,  the  king  gave  the  living 
child  to  her,  the  true  mother.  That  is  the  Kepublican  plan  in 
the  majority  report  of  the  committee. 

"  Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  say  do  justice.  Do  not  slay  justice. 
Every  principle  of  law  and  equity,  of  justice  and  right,  every 
fact  in  this  case,  the  same  frauds,  the  same  double-dealing  which 
lead  the  minority  to  declare  this  seat  vacant,  must  compel  this 
House  to  declare  that  the  contestant  is  entitled  to  that  seat ; 
and  I  say,  in  the  name  of  justice  and  right,  of  law  and  equity, 
of  logic  and  common-sense,  the  seat  which  is  vacated  by  George 
D.  Wise  must  by  all  these  principles,  and  by  the  voices  of  six- 
teen thousand  free  men  of  Virginia,  be  given  to  Edmund  Wad- 
dill,  Jr.,  the  contestant.  [Prolonged  applause  on  the  Kepublican 
side.]  " 

One  of  the  strongest  speeches  delivered  by  Greenhalge  in 
Congress  was  on  the  Federal  Elections  Bill,  June  28,  1890. 
He  spoke  in  the  midst  of  an  exciting  debate.  He  did  not 
believe  that  the  country  was  behind  the  Eepublican  party  on 
this  question,  as  is  shown  by  a  letter  of  his,  but  he  did  believe 
in  the  bill  itself.  "  Tip  "  Wells  and  "  Hatch  "  Williams  et  ah. 
were  living  witnesses  of  the  necessity  of  some  control  at  the 
polls  in  the  South.  In  his  conduct  of  the  election  cases  he 
had  become  acquainted  with  their  shotgun  policy,  he  had 
learned  much  about  their  ways  in  his  sifting  of  the  evidence. 
He  believed  in  the  necessity  of  Federal  control.  His  spirit 
burned  within  his  heart  at  what  he  thought  an  "  ancient  tale  of 
wrong, "  and  the  feeling  gave  fire  to  his  words.  His  defence 
of  the  bill  was  eloquent  and  forcible,  and  made  him  the  focus 
of  all  eyes.  It  drew  the  intense  attention  of  the  whole  House 
and  aroused  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Republicans. 

"  MR.  GREENHALGE.  Whenever,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  in  doubt 
as  to  the  wisdom  or  expediency  of  any  proposed  legislation  in 
this  House,  I  have  a  certain  rule  which  enables  me  to  at  once 
resolve  any  such  doubt.  If  I  find  that  opposition  to  a  pending 
measure  is  coupled  with  a  virulent  attack  upon  Massachusetts 
or  upon  some  of  her  distinguished  thinkers  or  scholars,  like  my 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  217 

colleague  in  this  house  [Mr.  Lodge],  whose  ability,  integrity, 
and  high  purposes  are  a  glory  to  Massachusetts,  I  know  that 
the  measure  thus  opposed  is  one  in  the  interest  of  progress,  of 
order,  of  liberty,  and  of  equality. 

"  It  is  natural,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  these  attacks  upon  Massa- 
chusetts should  be  made.  As  her  flashing  ideas  march  out  like 
battalions  from  the  citadel  of  her  peerless  intellect,  it  is  only 
natural,  it  is  only  to  be  expected,  that  the  forces  of  vice  and 
corruption,  the  guerillas  of  political  society,  should  hang  upon 
the  flanks  of  her  forces  and  attempt  to  impede  and  interrupt 
their  onward  march.  This  is  as  natural  as  that  vice  should 
hate  virtue.  When  lago,  speaking  of  the  man  whose  honesty 
he  hated,  said,  '  There  is  a  daily  beauty  in  his  life  which  makes 
mine  ugly,'  he  only  repeated  the  sentiment  which  finds  voice 
whenever  the  ideas  of  Massachusetts  come  to  the  front.  Why, 
it  is  true  that  all  the  ideas  that  have  come  from  that  noble 
Commonwealth  are  not  perfect. 

"  It  must  be  remembered  that  from  the  alembic  of  her  glow- 
ing thought  thousands  of  new  opinions  and  new  theories  are 
brought  before  the  eyes  of  the  world.  Some  are  transmuted 
into  gold  and  abide  forever;  some  are  discovered  to  be  dross 
and  are  thrown  away.  But  what  we  complain  of,  and  what 
we  have  a  right  to  complain  of,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  that  we  find 
men  and  communities  to-day  using  as  their  daily  standard  diet, 
relishing  as  the  tid-bits  and  delicacies  of  their  table,  the  gar- 
bage which  was  flung  from  her  kitchen  a  hundred  years  ago ! 
This  is  the  fault  which  we  have  to  find  with  some  people,  with 
some  individuals,  and  with  some  communities  and  sections 
to-day. 

"  It  is  enough,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  be  assured  that  a  measure  is 
right,  to  find  coupled  to  the  opposition  this  feeling  in  regard  to 
the  old  Commonwealth. 

"  Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  listened  with  a  good  deal  of  in- 
terest to  the  objections  made  upon  the  floor  of  this  House  to  the 
pending  measure.  Those  objections  are  not  without  a  certain 
interest.  They  are  worthy  of  consideration.  When  Eip  Van 
Winkle,  awaking  from  his  sleep  of  twenty,  years,  came  down 
the  mountain  side,  old  and  gray,  and  with  flowing  locks,  to 
mingle  again  with  busy  men,  his  ideas  were  interesting, 


218  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENE ALGE. 

although  not  particularly  original  or  instructive.  [Laughter.] 
Now,  some  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  resemble  Eip  Van 
Winkle  in  one  particular,  —  they  have  slept  twenty  years ;  but, 
unlike  Eip  Van  Winkle,  they  have  not  yet  awaked,  nor  do  they 
show  signs  of  waking.  [Laughter.]  I  was  pleased,  Mr.  Speaker, 
to  hear  my  venerable  friend  from  Pennsylvania  yesterday  [Mr. 
Vaux],  I  have  now  dropped  the  subject  of  Eip  Van  Winkle. 
[Laughter.]  Comparisons  are  odious.  [Laughter.]  I  welcomed 
him  as  what  is  called  by  some  laudator  temporis  acti,  a  glow- 
ing and  genuine  eulogist  of  the  days  that  are  no  more. 

"  I  like  to  hear  that  expression  of  regard  for  what  we  shall 
probably  see  no  more  in  this  country,  or  upon  earth.  I  like  to 
hear  my  friend's  interpretation  of  the  clause  of  the  Constitu- 
tion now  under  consideration.  There  was  a  freshness  and 
na'ivett  about  his  interpretation  of  the  words  to  '  make  or  alter ' 
[laughter]  in  this  clause.  I  thought  perhaps  the  interpreta- 
tion was  characteristic.  I  am  not  very  familiar  with  the  sub- 
ject by  which  he  endeavored  to  illustrate  his  construction  of 
this  clause,  but  as  he  and  some  other  gentlemen  seemed  to 
speak  with  considerable  feeling  upon  the  subject,  I  may  be 
permitted  to  hope  there  was  no  sad  personal  experience  which 
led  them  to  take  that  somewhat  gloomy  view.  [Great  laughter.] 

"  I  only  know  this,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  when  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  Constitution  is  given  into  the  hands  of  a  strict  con- 
structionist, — and  I  gather  that  most  of  the  gentlemen  who 
have  spoken  on  the  other  side  are  strict  constructionists  of  the 
straitest  sect,  —  somehow  or  other,  by  fair  means  or  foul,  by 
logic  or  lack  of  logic,  their  interpretation  results  in  the  emas- 
culation of  the  Constitution.  [Laughter.]  Now,  I  say,  Mr. 
Speaker,  that  the  Constitution  gives  in  clear  and  unmistakable 
terms  authority  to  this  Congress  to  enact  the  legislation  pro- 
posed in  this  bill.  I  say  that  the  exigency  requiring  that  legis- 
lation exists  in  the  lawlessness,  in  the  illegal  proceedings  at 
numerous  election  precincts,  which  is  matter,  I  believe,  of  com- 
mon knowledge  and  common  shame,  and,  I  hope,  common 
regret.  This  is  not  so  much  denied,  as  it  is  justified  under  the 
circumstances. 

"  Now,  when  I  speak  of  the  Constitution,  and  in  its  praise 
and  support,  I  shall  not  use  '  vain  repetitions  as  the  heathen 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  219 

do.'  I  shall  not  do  it  rnouth  honor,  and  then,  by  my  conduct, 
prove  that  I  believe  it  to  be  an  instrument  which  ought  to  be 
'  more  honored  in  the  breach  than  in  the  observance.'  I  say 
that  the  terms  of  the  Constitution  upon  this  particular  matter 
are  susceptible  of  only  one  explanation,  and  no  other  explana- 
tion of  them  ever  was  given  until  this  afternoon  by  the  gentle- 
man who  has  just  sat  down  [Mr.  Buckalew].  '  Make  or  alter,' 
he  says,  means  only  that  Congress  may  intervene  where  the 
States  have  failed  to  make  regulations.  How,  then,  does  he 
dispose  of  the  word  '  alter '  ? 

"  Certainly  not  in  so  felicitous  a  manner  as  his  colleague  from 
Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Vaux].  If  it  means  only  to  supply  a  defect, 
—  to  do  something  for  the  State  which  has  not  been  done,  — 
how  can  anybody,  even  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
'  alter '  what  does  not  exist  and  what  never  existed  ? 

"  They  tell  us  upon  the  other  side  that  the  proposed  measure 
is  revolutionary.  I  should  say,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  when  you 
consider  the  causes,  the  events  which  brought  into  existence 
this  republic,  the  noblest  of  all  commonwealths,  ancient  or 
modern,  the  application  of  the  term  '  revolutionary '  is,  to  say 
the  least,  unfortunate.  It  must  have  been  devised  by  some 
consummate  master  of  infelicitous  expression  upon  that  side 
(and  I  know  there  are  many  there),  because  it  is  a  matter  of 
common  knowledge  that  the  people  of  this  country  are  accus- 
tomed to  associate  with  the  term  '  revolution '  the  idea  of  inde- 
pendence, of  political  equality,  of  civil  liberty. 

"  If  this  measure  is  revolutionary,  it  is  in  the  high  sense  in 
which  the  Declaration  of  Independence  is  revolutionary,  in  the 
same  sense  in  which  the  Virginia  Bill  of  Rights  is  revolu- 
tionary, in  the  same  sense  in  which  the  Constitution  itself  is 
revolutionary.  Why,  to  call  this  bill  revolutionary  is  a  contra- 
diction in  terms,  if  what  is  meant  is  that  in  its  relation  to  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws  it  is  revolutionary.  Its  whole  pur- 
pose, aim,  and  scope,  —  leaving  out  of  account  any  question  of 
imperfection,  of  detail,  of  this  or  that  feature  upon  which  honest 
men  may  differ  as  to  its  being  expedient  or  objectionable, — 
its  whole  aim  and  purpose  is  to  conserve,  to  defend,  to  save  the 
Constitution,  and  to  give  equal  political  rights  to  every  one  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States.  [Applause  on  the  Republican 
side.] 


220  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  when  we  consider  this  bill  in  these  aspects, 
from  this  standpoint,  I  think  we  have  a  right  to  repel  the 
accusations  and  insinuations  that  have  been  made  that  this  is 
a  bill  in  the  interest  of  partisan  aggrandizement.  I  say  here, 
upon  my  honor  as  a  representative,  if  I  believed  that,  I  would  not 
vote  for  this  bill,  nor  for  any  section,  clause,  or  line  contained 
in  it.  I  want  simply  fair  and  free  elections,  and  if  the  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania,  who  last  took  his  seat  [Mr.  Bucka- 
lew],  would  reason  for  one  moment,  he  would  be  slow  to  hurl 
at  the  Committee  on  Elections  of  this  House  these  charges  of 
unfairness  and  partisanship. 

"Why,  sir,  after  the  most  careful  scrutiny,  after  a  delay 
which  I  should  think  would  convince  any  fair-minded  man 
that  this  matter  does  not  proceed  with  undue  heat  or  partisan 
haste,  we  have  not  seated  half  the  contestants  who  have  come 
before  that  committee ;  and  the  fact  that  members  have  been 
left  in  their  seats  because  upon  our  conscientious  view  of  the 
evidence  in  their  cases  we  were  unable  to  come  to  a  different 
conclusion,  when,  if  we  acted  from  partisan  feeling,  if  all  we 
required  was  a  partisan  majority,  it  would  have  been  just  as 
easy  to  seat  A  as  to  seat  B,  the  whole  seventeen  contestants  as 
five  or  six,  —  that  fact,  I  think,  entitles  me  to  resent  these  in- 
sinuations upon  the  honor  and  the  conscience  of  this  most  re- 
sponsible and  honorable  committee.  Such  wild  and  reckless 
charges  savor  more  of  blind  partisan  frenzy  than  any  act  of 
that  committee.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  look  at  this  question  in  a 
widely  different  manner  from  that  of  a  partisan.  I  think  there 
is  a  deeper  and  broader  and  more  pregnant  meaning  than  that ; 
and  I  reason  in  this  way  :  The  theory  of  this  government  vests 
all  sovereignty  in  the  people.  The  only  way  in  which  the 
people  can  exercise  that  sovereignty  is  by  means  of  the  ballot. 
The  ballot  is  the  very  breath  of  life  of  the  body  politic. 

"Stifle  the  ballot  and  you  strangle  the  body  politic,  you 
strangle  the  people.  And  if  a  political  wrong  is  done  in  one 
State  of  this  Union,  that  wrong  causes  a  thrill,  a  vibration,  a 
shock  through  every  State  in  the  whole  Union.  So  perfect, 
Mr.  Speaker,  is  this  Union  to-day,  thank  God,  —  the  Union  of 
this  vast  republic,  across  which  '  deep  calleth  unto  deep,'  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  the  Gulf  to  Superior,  —  so  close,  so  sen- 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  221 

sitive,  yet  so  strong  is  this  fabric,  extending  over  this  vast  area, 
that  a  wrong  done  to  the  meanest  citizen  in  the  remotest  corner 
of  this  Union  is  felt  as  a  personal  wrong  to  every  citizen  in  the 
most  distant  part  of  our  land.  And  it  is  necessary  that  this 
feeling  should  exist,  that  it  should  be  cultivated. 

"  Why,  sir,  a  crime  against  the  ballot  is  a  crime  not  only 
against  the  man,  the  individual,  it  is  a  crime  against  the  majesty 
of  the  State ;  it  is  a  crime  against  the  majesty  of  the  United 
States  throned  here,  —  here,  in  this  noble  Capitol.  And  if  you 
permit  a  wrong  to  be  done  to  the  humblest  citizen,  white  or 
black,  —  a  political  wrong,  '  the  danger-light  upon  your  char- 
ter,' —  that  wrong  will  come  home  to  you  in  whatever  section 
of  the  country  you  may  live. 

"  They  tell  us,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  involved  in  the  question 
before  the  House  is  a  mighty  and  stupendous  problem ;  that 
there  is  in  effect  here  a  race  issue ;  that  we  are  attempting  by 
this  bill  to  establish  an  empire  of  ignorance  over  knowledge,  of 
barbarism  over  civilization,  of  an  inferior  race  over  a  superior. 
God  forbid !  I  would  be  no  party  to  any  movement  or  measure 
of  that  sort.  But  I  am  surprised  that  this  cry  of  distress 
comes  from  that  strong  race  which  has  trod  the  earth  for  a 
thousand  years  a  conqueror. 

"  Now,  I  do  not  believe  that  under  any  law,  in  any  system  of 
society,  the  brute  force  of  Caliban  can  ever  overcome  the  magic 
power  of  Prospero's  intellect.  Only  in  one  case,  Mr.  Speaker, 
can  that  result  ever  follow ;  that  case  is  when  the  master  in- 
tellect stoops  to  use  the  base  and  brutish  methods  of  the  slavish 
monster  at  his  feet.  It  is  only  then  that  any  community  is  in 
danger  from  what  are  called  its  lowest  and  its  worst  classes. 
The  kingly  power  of  one  man's  intellect  will  sway  by  the  arts 
of  justice  and  truth  scores  and  hundreds  and  thousands  of  in- 
ferior beings  ;  and  the  same  rule  is  true  where  one  race  has 
been  accustomed  to  hold  a  subordinate  position,  and  the  other 
race  has  always  held  the  position  of  the  superior. 

"  I  am  surprised  to  hear  some  of  the  objections  made  to  the 
constitutionality  of  this  measure.  Why,  sir,  this  question  is 
discussed  in  a  well-reasoned  article  in  the  Federalist,  No.  59, 
referring  to  this  very  clause,  that '  the  times,  places,  and  man- 
ner of  holding  elections  for  senators  and  representatives  shall 


222  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the  legislature  thereof ;  but  the 
Congress  may  at  any  time  by  law  make  or  alter  such  regula- 
tions, except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  senators.'  After 
stating  the  objections  which  were  made,  —  not  at  the  time 
when  the  provision  was  adopted,  but  after  it  was  adopted,  — 
it  is  said  :  — 

" '  In  answer  to  all  such  reasoning,  it  was  urged  that  there 
was  not  a  single  article  in  the  whole  system  more  completely 
defensible.  Its  propriety  rested  upon  this  plain  proposition, 
that  every  government  ought  to  contain  in  itself  the  means  of 
its  own  preservation.'  .  .  . 

" '  A  discretionary  power  over  elections  must  be  vested  some- 
where. There  seemed  but  three  ways  in  which  it  could  be 
reasonably  organized :  It  might  be  lodged  either  wholly  in  the 
national  legislature,  or  wholly  in  the  State  legislatures ;  or 
primarily  in  the  latter,  and  ultimately  in  the  former.  The  last 
was  the  mode  adopted  by  the  convention.  The  regulation  of 
elections  is  submitted,  in  the  first  instance,  to  the  local  govern- 
ments which,  in  ordinary  cases,  and  when  no  improper  views 
prevail,'  —  and  the  question  is,  whether  the  views  prevailing 
now  in  some  sections  are  proper  or  improper,  — '  may  both  con- 
veniently and  satisfactorily  be  by  them  exercised.  But  in  ex- 
traordinary circumstances  the  power  is  reserved  to  the  national 
government,  so  that  it  may  not  be  abused,  and  thus  hazard  the 
safety  and  permanence  of  the  Union.  .  .  . 

" '  Nothing  can  be  more  evident  than  that  an  exclusive  power 
in  the  State  legislatures  to  regulate  elections  for  the  national 
government  would  leave  the  existence  of  the  Union  entirely 
at  their  mercy.' 

"  These  sentiments  are  quoted  and  approved  in  the  great 
work  of  Mr.  Justice  Story  upon  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  chap.  xi.  sec.  814.  And  Mr.  Eawle,  a  constitutional 
lawyer  from  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  in  his  learned  work 
upon  the  Constitution,  takes  precisely  the  same  view,  and  ap. 
proves  the  principles  here  laid  down.  I  say,  then,  Mr.  Speaker, 
that  we  have  clearly,  unmistakably,  the  right  to  enact  this 
legislation. 

"  I  have  noticed  with  some  care  the  various  objections  made 
to  the  particular  plan  suggested  in  this  bill.  No  bill  is  entirely 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  223 

perfect.  There  are  some  provisions  here  which  even  now,  from 
my  standpoint,  might  be  amended  and  ameliorated.  But  the 
chief  objections  which  seem  to  come  to  these  features  of  the 
bill  from  the  other  side  relate  to  extravagance  or  economy,  and 
to  expediency. 

"The  proposition  of  the  gentleman  from  North  Carolina 
[Mr.  Ewart]  would  seem  to  be  that  if  he  is  well  off  in  his  dis- 
trict, if  I  am  well  off  in  my  district,  or  another  gentleman  in 
his,  our  view  should  extend  not  one  rod  beyond  the  limits  of 
our  districts ;  that  if  our  neighbor's  house  is  in  flames,  or  if 
robbers  and  murderers  are  assaulting  him,  we  should  shut  our 
doors  and  go  quietly  to  bed,  to  '  sleep  the  sleep  of  the  just.' 

"  Now,  I  admire  the  chivalrous,  noble,  public-spirited  position 
of  the  gentleman  from  Maryland ;  and  I  believe  it  is  more  im- 
pregnated and  more  inspired  by  the  fire  of  a  true  American 
citizenship  than  that  of  the  gentleman  from  North  Carolina. 
We  do  not  live  unto  ourselves  alone.  We  want  justice  and 
peace  to  prevail  from  one  end  of  the  Union  to  the  other. 

"Mr.  Speaker,  my  time  is  short,  and  I  am  not  permitted  to 
go  into  the  various  special  features  of  this  bill  as  I  should  be 
pleased  to  do.  But  I  say  to  my  friends  on  the  other  side  of 
the  House,  I  am  not  inclined  to  take  any  view  savoring  of 
levity  ;  I  am  not  inclined  to  speak  lightly  or  unfeelingly  of  the 
troubled  situation  of  affairs,  —  of  the  disturbed  condition  of 
political  society  in  their  section  of  the  republic.  No ;  I  say 
that  grave  and  appalling  problem  is  one  that  will  tax  all  the 
genius  and  all  the  strength  and  courage  of  this  invincible 
people  to  solve. 

"  But  I  take  this  ground,  that  Lincoln,  giving  gifts  to  men, 
and  he  gave  many,  gave  liberty  to  the  Afro-American.  When 
the  shackles  are  once  broken,  when  they  are  once  removed 
from  the  body  of  a  man,  —  and  all  history  and  law  concur  to 
establish  this  principle,  —  when  they  have  once  been  stricken 
off,  no  power  on  earth,  no  power  in  hell,  can  put  those  shackles 
upon  that  man  again  !  The  Afro-American  is  enfranchised. 
He  has  been  clothed  with  citizenship.  You  cannot  extirpate, 
you  cannot  destroy,  you  cannot  exile  him.  All  that  is  left  for 
us  to  do,  then,  is  to  humanize,  to  civilize,  to  educate,  to  elevate 
him.  That  is  the  only  path  of  safety.  The  freedman  has  now 


224  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

become  a  citizen,  a  unit  of  sovereignty,  an  integral  part  of  the 
great  people  of  this  republic. 

"  The  old  maxim  tells  us  to  do  justice  though  the  heavens 
fall.  The  heavens  never  fall  when  justice  is  done.  It  is  when 
injustice  is  done  that  the  heavens  fall,  —  in  thunderbolts,  in 
fire,  in  ashes,  in  '  plague,  pestilence,  and  famine,  in  battle, 
murder,  and  sudden  death.'  The  duty  of  our  people  towards 
the  republic  in  every  State,  in  every  congressional  district,  is 
clear.  There  is  only  one  path  which  can  be  travelled  with 
safety.  Let  justice  and  equity  prevail,  let  the  laws  be  obeyed, 
give  to  every  citizen  his  full  political  rights,  and  I  believe  that 
this  line  of  political  demarcation  between  the  races  will  be 
obliterated;  I  believe  that  every  great  obstacle,  keeping  one 
race  from  living  in  amity  with  the  other,  will  be  removed. 

"  I  remember  in  the  evidence  in  the  Alabama  case  of  Threet 
versus  Clarke  one  striking  and  vital  statement  was  made  in  the 
simple,  grand  language  of  one  of  the  colored  witnesses.  Speak- 
ing of  the  gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Clarke]  he  said : 
'  When  he  held  the  office  of  county  attorney,  he  did  not  know 
black  from  white.  He  treated  all  men  alike.'  He  did  justice ; 
and  if  you  judge  the  cause  of  the  poor  and  needy,  then  it  will 
be  well  with  you.  Then  there  will  be  amity,  —  not  necessarily 
social  equality ;  that  is  a  matter  of  individual  liberty  and 
choice ;  but  you  will  have,  I  think,  taken  the  right  course  to 
cut  the  Gordian  knot  now  entangling  the  vitals  of  the  republic. 
[Applause.]  You  will  have  done  something  towards  making 
this  country  a  land  — 

'  Where  the  common  sense  of  most  shall  hold  a  fretful  realm  in  awe, 
And  the  kindly  earth  shall  slumber  lapped  in  universal  law.' 

[Prolonged  applause  on  the  Republican  side.]  " 

The  ideas  of  Greenhalge  upon  the  tariff  were  firm  and  just. 
He  suffered  somewhat  in  his  own  district  because  he  felt 
obliged  to  consider  the  question  as  a  whole,  as  for  the  interest 
of  the  entire  country.  Many  of  his  constituents  wanted  free 
wool.  He  believed  it  necessary  to  yield  something  to  gain  the 
support  of  the  country ;  the  interests  of  no  section  were  para- 
mount To  ask  for  free  wool,  and  at  the  same  time  for  a 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  225 

high  tariff  on  textiles,  seemed  unwise.     The  West  also  should 
benefit  by  the  bill. 

His  re-election  was  said  to  be  endangered  by  his  action,  but 
he  was  moved  by  no  personal  consideration.  As  to  the  princi- 
ple of  free  trade,  he  thought  it  to  be  Utopian,  a  creed  of  the 
schools.  It  is  needless  to  discuss  the  question ;  in  this  he 
stood  with  his  party,  with  his  city,  with  his  neighbors.  Free 
trade,  even  if  just,  would  be  intolerable,  destructive  to  the 
interests  of  his  own  people.  He  spoke  in  the  debates  upon 
the  Tariff  Bill,  May  16,  in  part,  as  follows  :  — 

"  And,  therefore,  I  say  that  while  this  bill  may  in  this  par- 
ticular or  that  particular  bear  unfavorably  upon  the  interests 
of  Massachusetts  and  New  England,  yet,  speaking  in  that  spirit 
of  compromise  to  all  sections,  and  in  the  spirit  of  mutual 
concession,  I  believe  that  the  most  important  duty  of  this  com- 
mittee and  of  the  House  is  to  stand  by  the  provisions  of  the 
bill  with  such  amendments  as  I  understand  are  to  be  offered 
by  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means.  .  .  . 

"  But  after  all  the  discussion,  after  all  the  parade  of  the 
statistics  of  the  schoolmen,  after  all  the  declamations  about 
trusts  and  strikes  and  mortgages,  one  great  fact  remains  unal- 
terable, undeniable,  unmistakable.  The  net  result  of  a  day's 
labor  in  the  United  States  is  greater  than  in  any  other  country 
upon  which  the  sun  shines;  and  this  is  the  great  fact,  —  this 
is  the  very  foundation  and  bed  rock  upon  which  this  republic 
is  established.  Prosperity  may  shine  in  palaces,  in  temples, 
in  the  market,  in  the  factory,  in  forest  and  field,  but  is  a  delu- 
sive and  evanescent  light,  a  will-o'-the-wisp,  unless  it  shines 
first  of  all  and  brightest  of  all  in  the  humble  dwellings  of  the 
land,  occupied  by  the  self-respecting  citizens  of  America,  — 
the  millions  who  earn  their  bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brow. 
The  happiness  of  a  country  is  measured,  not  by  the  condition 
of  a  few  favored  by  chance,  by  birth,  by  genius,  but  by  the 
condition  of  the  great  army  of  workingmen  and  working- 
women.  " 

Greenhalge  was  devoted  to  the  ideas  of  Civil  Service  Kefonn. 
He  was  one  of  the  first  reformers.  His  broad  statesmanship 

made  it  to  him  a  fundamental  question ;  it  seemed  strange  to 

15 


226  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENE ALGE. 

him  that  it  should  need  defence,  that  there  could  be  two  ideas 
about  it.  He  believed  the  Eepublicans  to  be  pledged  to  sup- 
port the  principle.  To  attack  it  indirectly  through  the  appro- 
priations seemed  to  him  hypocritical.  The  principle  had  been 
written  upon  the  statutes  of  the  United  States.  He  believed 
it  to  be  a  poor  policy  to  skulk  and  to  stab  the  law,  as  it  were, 
in  the  dark.  The  dignity  of  Congress  demanded  that  it  should 
be  supported.  He  said  during  the  debates  in  the  House  :  — 

"  I  stand  here  as  a  civil-service  reformer,  if  I  arn  only  one 
of  a  dozen  in  this  House.  I  did  not  expect  to  be  called  upon 
to  defend  this  principle,  in  which  I  believe  there  is  life  and 
energy  and  immortality.  I  did  not  expect  to  be  called  upon 
by  my  ^Republican  associates  on  this  floor  to  defend  what  I  sup- 
posed had  been  written  into  the  political  law  of  the  Eepublican 
party.  I  did  not  expect  to  hear  these  attacks  from  the  other 
side  when  I  remembered  that  the  same  political  principle  had 
been  written  into  their  platform.  Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  are 
we  to  stand  here  as  mere  hypocrites  and  humbugs  ?  Are 
we  to  listen  quietly  to  these  statements,  that  when  we  write  a 
declaration  into  a  party  platform  we  do  not  mean  it,  but  that 
we  consider  it  is  put  in  for  '  buncombe, '  and  as  the  most  mean- 
ingless sentimental  declamation  ?  Mr.  Chairman,  in  my 
assignment  to  the  Committee  on  Elections,  I  have  been  placed 
in  a  position,  fortunately  or  unfortunately,  which  has  required 
my  action  in  this  House  to  be  such  as  could  not  fail  to  awaken 
violent  political  feeling  upon  one  side  and  the  other,  and 
necessarily  so ;  but,  speaking  in  the  spirit  of  some  of  the  noble 
and  high-minded  declarations  made  by  the  gentleman  from 
South  Carolina  [Mr.  Cothran]  yesterday  —  and  I  wish  to  God 
we  had  more  such  judicial  and  honest  expressions  of  opinions 
in  this  House  upon  both  sides  —  speaking  in  that  spirit,  I  say, 
I  do  not  believe  that  when  the  Democratic  party  wrote  that 
principle  into  their  platform  they  were  hypocrites  and  liars, 
or  wrote  it  simply  to  deceive  the  American  people. " 

After  the  close  of  the  first  session  of  Congress  Greenhalge 
returned  to  his  home  in  Lowell.  In  the  ensuing  campaign  he 
was  almost  immediately  engaged  in  an  unremitting  series  of 
political  duties.  There  was  to  be  no  rest  for  him ;  his  career 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  227 

in  Congress  had  made  him  famous ;  his  name  was  spread  far 
and  wide.  He  had  done  his  work  well,  and  it  was  admitted 
by  friend  and  foe  alike  that  he  had  displayed  eminent  abilities 
as  a  debater  and  achieved  a  success  almost  unparalleled  for  a 
new  member.  He  could  not  but  have  thought  that  he  had 
paved  the  way  for  further  success,  and  that  his  future  course 
in  politics  would  in  a  measure  be  easy  and  uninterrupted. 
He  came  home  crowned  with  success,  and  looked  forward  to 
a  triumphant  vindication  at  the  polls,  both  for  himself  and  the 
great  party  he  served  so  well.  But  while  this  great  Congress 
was  engrossed  in  the  performance  of  the  duties  which  devolved 
upon  it,  while  the  men  that  formed  it  were  busily  engaged  in 
the  service  of  their  country,  devoting  themselves  with  self- 
sacrificing  ardor  to  what  seemed  to  them  the  great  tasks  of 
patriotism  and  duty,  —  while  they  were  so  active  in  behalf  of 
what  seemed  to  them  the  best  interests  of  the  nation,  calumny 
and  misrepresentation  had  also  been  busy.  The  power  of  a 
shibboleth  had  made  proselytes  in  every  State.  The  political 
pendulum  had  oscillated  to  the  opposite  extreme ;  the  country 
had  deserted  them.  The  knowledge  of  this  change  in  public 
opinion  was  slow  in  coming  to  Greenhalge  and  to  his  peers  in 
Congress ;  they  could  not  reasonably  foresee  it,  nor  understand 
it  when  it  came ;  they  looked  to  receive  their  reward,  and  they 
found  only  contempt  They  had  fought  one  of  the  hardest 
fights  ever  fought  in  Congress,  as  they  thought,  for  the  good  of 
the  country,  and  returned  from  it  to  find  the  country  ranged 
upon  the  opposite  side ;  they  returned  home  crowned  with 
laurel  to  find  themselves  discredited  and  discarded.  It  was  a 
sudden  turn  of  Fortune's  wheel. 

It  must  have  come  with  peculiar  bitterness  to  Greenhalge, 
who  had  achieved  so  much  in  so  brief  a  time,  who  was  so 
thoroughly  convinced  of  the  greatness  and  true  intent  of  the 
Fifty-first  Congress,  who  so  firmly  believed  in  the  Republican 
party,  who  had  neglected  his  own  interests  during  the  cam- 
paign, speaking  only  once  in  his  own  district  while  devoting 
his  whole  time  to  the  party  and  addressing  audiences  in  every 
part  of  the  State,  leaving  his  own  election  entirely  to  the  good- 
will of  his  friends  and  to  the  justice  of  his  cause.  His  ser- 
vices were  unremitting  during  this  campaign.  He  spoke  in 


228  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

most  of  the  cities  of  the  Commonwealth;  he  gave  himself, 
heart  and  soul,  to  the  conflict,  and  awaited  the  invisible  event 
with  confidence.  Everywhere  his  speeches  were  received  with 
popular  applause ;  it  seemed  as  if  the  Eepublican  party  must 
triumph,  and  it  met  overwhelming  defeat.  Perhaps  active 
politicians  are  the  less  likely  to  foresee  the  defeat  of  their 
party,  because  the  same  enthusiasm  prevails  at  their  rallies  on 
the  eve  of  disaster  as  of  victory.  During  campaigns  their 
orbit  is  one  of  ovations  and  triumphs.  The  old  guard  is  always 
around  them,  but  they  see  nothing  of  the  hosts,  it  may  be, 
of  deserters. 

In  this  political  crisis  the  Mugwumps  played  a  conspicuous 
part,  —  if  they  were  not  as  important  as  they  seemed  to  be. 
Greenhalge  did  not  look  upon  this  party,  or  shred  of  a  party, 
with  much  bitterness.  He  had,  of  course,  respect  for  principle 
of  any  kind,  and  he  got  much  apparent  amusement  out  of  the 
Mugwumps.  He  had  much  to  say  about  them  in  his  speeches, 
and  received  some  hard  blows  from  their  political  organs. 

Greenhalge  was  perfectly  fearless  and  independent.  He 
himself  had  revolted  from  the  Eepublican  party.  He  pre- 
ferred to  see  a  good  Democrat  in  office  to  a  base  Republican. 
Yet  he  differed  entirely  in  his  views  from  those  held  by  the 
Independents,  so  called,  at  this  time;  he  could  not  see  the 
justice  of  their  course  of  action.  He  believed  the  Democratic 
party  to  be  more  corrupt  and  incompetent  than  the  Eepublican 
party,  yet  he  could  sympathize  with  a  good  and  stanch  Demo- 
crat. He  could  not  sympathize  with  the  Mugwumps  because, 
though  he  may  have  thought  them  sincere  patriots,  he  believed 
them  to  be  unjust,  prejudiced,  and  partial.  He  saw,  too,  the 
humorous  side  of  the  situation  in  any  apparent  league  between 
men  like  Eliot  and  Everett  and  politicians  like  Hill,  — between 
Harvard  and  Tammany. 

The  Mugwumps  were  undoubtedly  sincere  and  patriotic. 
There  always  have  been  Mugwumps;  they  represent  a  very 
old  party  indeed,  old  as  the  political  contests  in  the  ancient 
Greek  cities.  The  chief  fault  in  their  position  is  that  it  is  an 
impractical  one,  — like  the  Roman  patriots  who,  to  escape  the 
evils  of  the  senatorial  system  and  the  domination  of  Pompey, 
threw  themselves  into  the  arms  of  Caesar ;  they  gained  nothing, 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  229 

in  the  eyes  of  Greenhalge  at  least,  by  their  desertion  of  the 
institutions  of  their  fathers.  The  intentions  of  the  Indepen- 
dents were  strictly  honorable,  but  honest  wedlock  with  either 
party  was  not  their  desire ;  they  were  not  tired  of  unchartered 
liberties.  They  put  too  much  faith  in  the  promises  of  Caesar. 
Such  was  the  idea,  as  a  Eepublican,  of  Greenhalge. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  Lowell  he  was  selected  as  chairman 
of  the  Eepublican  State  Convention,  which  was  held  that  year 
in  Tremont  Temple,  Boston.  His  speech  before  the  conven- 
tion, September  17,  increased  his  reputation  as  an  orator. 
From  the  Eepublican  standpoint  it  was  a  masterly  effort  It 
reviewed  the  history  of  the  party's  legislation  in  Congress,  and 
touched  upon  the  points  of  the  coming  election.  His  appear- 
ance on  the  platform  was  the  signal  for  great  enthusiasm  on 
the  part  of  the  vast  audience,  and  his  reception  showed  how 
much  he  had  raised  himself  in  the  estimation  of  the  Eepubli- 
can party  in  Massachusetts  by  his  career  in  Congress.  He 
had  become  one  of  its  chief  representatives  in  the  State,  and 
the  convention  applauded  him  to  the  echo.  In  a  passage  of 
his  speech,  he  said :  "  I  never  say  harsh  things  of  my  Inde- 
pendent friends;  more  in  sorrow  than  in  anger,  I  note  their 
inconsistencies.  They  are  eloquent  in  denouncing  Quay  and 
Dudley,  but  how  much  more  eloquent  is  their  silence  as  to 
Hill  and  Gorman  and  Higgins  and  Brice  and  Croker  and 
Mayor  Grant !  "  In  closing,  he  spoke  in  elegant  and  eloquent 
language  of  the  Eepublican  party,  and  of  the  fair  prospects 
which  he  thought  lay  before  it :  "  Gentlemen,  the  Eepublican 
party  is  at  the  helm ;  the  ship  of  State  moves  gallantly  on ; 
everywhere  we  see  '  beauty  and  life  and  motions  as  of  joy. ' 
We  see  new  hope  and  strength  in  the  civil  service  of  the 
country,  now  daily  improving  in  efficiency  under  the  vigorous 
management  of  the  present  commission ;  there  is  new  life  in 
the  army  and  navy,  —  in  every  department  of  the  government 
Under  the  influence  of  this  vitality  the  gavel  of  Eeed  becomes 
as  the  hammer  of  Thor,  and  its  every  stroke  is  a  victory  for  the 
people,  for  business,  for  human  rights,  for  law.  Watch  the 
operations  of  the  new  vital  force  as  manifested  in  foreign 
affairs !  See  how  it  sparkles  on  the  rocks  of  Samoa,  as  if 
American  diplomacy  were  inspired  by  the  glory  won  there  by 


230  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

American  seamanship!  See  how  it  touches  and  warms  the 
chilly  waters  of  Bering  Sea !  ...  It  is  well  with  the  nation 
and  well  with  the  State ;  greater  prosperity  shines  before  us. " 

With  such  hopes  for  the  future  and  congratulations  for  the 
past,  Greenhalge  and  the  Republican  party  entered  upon  the 
campaign.  There  were  omens  and  signs  of  coming  disaster, 
but  they  were  not  visible  to  the  active  participants  in  the 
struggle.  October  1,  1890,  Greenhalge  was  unanimously  re- 
nominated  for  Congress.  The  delegates  received  him  with  the 
same  enthusiasm  as  did  the  convention,  and  his  speech  of 
acceptance  was  strong  and  hopeful,  like  his  oration  before  the 
State  delegates. 

As  usual,  Greenhalge  did  not  pursue  his  own  personal 
advantage  in  this  campaign ;  his  own  election  he  disregarded, 
and  made  no  personal  effort  to  obtain  it.  He  exerted  himself 
energetically  for  the  party,  and  delivered  speeches  all  over  the 
State;  but  only  once  did  he  speak  in  Lowell, —  on  the  eve  of 
the  election  he  addressed  a  large  audience  in  Huntington  Hall. 
Signs  were  not  wanting  that  all  was  not  going  prosperously  in 
his  district,  but  he  had  been  absent  and  far  too  busy  to  observe 
them.  He  evidently  thought  his  election  assured.  He  must 
have  felt  that  he  had  earned  it 

The  author  well  remembers  the  last  night  of  the  campaign. 
Greenhalge  was  fatigued  by  his  arduous  labors,  yet  he  spoke 
with  his  usual  vim.  He  referred  to  the  tone  which  had  pre- 
vailed during  the  campaign ;  with  some  feeling  he  said,  "  These 
contests  are  contests  between  friends  and  neighbors,  and  never 
in  any  political,  professional,  or  other  combat  have  I  struck  a 
man  a  foul  blow. "  When  he  retired  to  rest  that  night,  it  was 
probably  with  confidence  in  the  event  of  the  morrow ;  the 
morning,  however,  revealed  a  disaster.  His  own  defeat  he  bore, 
as  usual,  with  equanimity  if  not  nonchalance ;  he  could  be 
witty  as  usual  at  his  own  expense.  There  was  a  salve  in  the 
very  extent  of  the  defeat;  it  could  not  be  taken  in  a  personal 
sense. 

The  vote  for  Congress  in  his  own  district  resulted  in  a  plu- 
rality of  563  for  his  opponent.  The  ballots  cast  for  Green- 
halge were  11,205  in  number;  as  it  was,  he  ran  ahead  of  his 
party. 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  231 

Referring  to  his  defeat,  he  said,  "  I  expected  to  carry  my 
own  district  by  a  small  plurality.  If  I  had  thought  differently 
I  would  have  given  it  more  attention.  I  do  not  think  it  was 
anything  personal  against  me  that  caused  my  defeat,  for  I  ran 
ahead  of  my  ticket  in  Lowell  and  in  many  of  the  towns.  And 
you  will  observe, "  and  there  was  a  twinkle  in  his  eye,  "  that 
I  carried  Dunstable. " 

This  was  a  period  of  deep  gloom  in  the  Eepublican  party. 
Greenhalge  returned  to  Washington  and  found  the  party 
leaders  very  much  downcast  and  disheartened.  His  own 
standpoint  was  brighter,  and  he  still  looked  forward  with 
confidence. 

The  following  letter  expresses  his  own  feelings  and  those  of 

his  friends:  — 

December  11,  1890. 

Mr.  Andrew  and  other  Democrats  here  think  the  Republi- 
can party  has  gone  forever.  Cogswell  is  bluer  than  blazes,  and 
Lodge,  after  listening  to  Andrew  and  Cogswell,  was  bluer  than 
Cogswell.  I  do  not  agree  with  these  prophets.  I  think  the 
Republican  party  has  much  to  change  and  much  to  do,  but  it 
still  lives.  I  find  satisfaction  in  thinking  I  am  out  of  the 
press  at  such  a  time  as  this.  Some  people  will  begin  to  realize 
what  the  recent  elections  have  accomplished.  I  was  disap- 
pointed in  the  city  election.  But  let  the  disaster  be  as  com- 
plete as  possible  to  stir  the  people  to  action. 

The  regrets  for  Greenhalge 's  own  defeat  were  widespread. 
His  speech  before  the  Convention  of  Massachusetts  Republicans 
had  been  received  with  congratulations  by  people  of  the  highest 
standing  in  the  party,  and  by  men  noted  for  intellectual  power. 
The  letter  following  was  written  after  his  return  to  Washing- 
ton from  the  convention.  It  refers  to  some  of  the  praise  his 
speech  called  forth. 

"  Curtin  has  been  in,  fresh  from  Cambridge.  He  says  '  One 
of  the  great  ones  ' — who,  he  won't  say  — '  declares  that  for 
the  first  time  the  true  type  of  the  Sophist  or  Rhetor  has  entered 
into  American  politics. ' 

"  This,  Curtin  says,  is  the  grandest  compliment  that  could 
be  paid  me ;  and  he  says  that  I  have  now  a  standing  in  the 


232  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

Republican  party  and  the  country  which  would  make  anything 
possible ;  all  of  which  is  simply  an  emphatic  national  way  of 
declaring  that  the  speech  was  a  success. " 

After  his  return  to  Washington  Greenhalge  addressed  the 
House  only  twice.  The  first  time,  January  16,  he  made  a 
memorable  reply,  already  noted  in  these  pages,  to  Congressman 
Stone  of  Missouri,  after  his  speech  attacking  Massachusetts. 
His  second  speech  was  in  relation  to  the  Civil  Service  Bill  of 
that  year.  There  was  again  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  Con- 
gress to  withhold  the  appropriation  necessary  for  the  clerical 
expenses  of  the  commission.  Greenhalge,  together  with  Lodge, 
succeeded  in  their  effort  in  behalf  of  the  commission.  Green- 
halge said :  "  It  would  be  unreasonable  to  expect  that  the  annual 
appropriation  should  go  through  without  the  annual  attack  [by 
the  enemies  of  the  bill] ;  but  our  party  and  the  party  on  the  other 
side  have  declared  in  favor  of  the  principle,  and  I  believe  in 
standing  to  a  resolution  whether  it  wins  or  loses.  I  respect  even 
the  utterances  of  ex-President  Cleveland ;  they  show  courage, 
whether  those  utterances  are  in  favor  of  free  trade,  in  favor  of 
Civil  Service  Eeform,  or  against  free  coinage.  For  God's  sake 
let  us  have  some  men  in  this  republic  who  have  the  courage 
of  their  convictions.  If  it  be  true  that  a  majority  of  this 
House  —  a  majority  of  the  Eepublican  side,  or  a  majority  of 
the  Democratic  side  —  desire  to  wipe  this  law  from  the  statute- 
book,  let  it  be  done  in  a  manly  fashion,  and  let  those  who  do 
it  take  the  responsibility.  Do  not  let  them  rise  to  some  mere 
parliamentary  punctilio.  The  people  care  nothing  about  that. 
We  are  here  as  to  things  of  substance,  not  after  matters  of 
form." 

Greenhalge 's  congressional  term  was  now  drawing  to  a 
close.  His  short  and  brilliant  career  ended  in  the  midst  of  a 
general  calamity  to  his  party.  The  results  were  so  tremendous 
to  the  Republicans  that  the  defeat  of  any  single  person  was 
scarcely  remarked.  Had  Greenhalge  been  defeated  in  quiet 
times,  the  event  would  have  evoked  extraordinary  attention 
through  the  country ;  for  his  success  had  been  singular,  — 
scarcely  to  be  paralleled  by  the  career  of  any  new  and  untried 
member.  As  to  the  impression  he  created  upon  the  Congress, 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  233 

we  are  fortunate  in  having  the  testimony  of  his  peers,  the 
witnesses  of  his  triumphs ;  friends  and  foes  alike  were 
impressed. 

Senator  Lodge  shared  with  him  in  all  the  conflicts  and  labors 
of  Congress.  There  could  be  no  better  judge  of  the  effect  of 
his  oratory  upon  the  House.  I  have  included  in  these  pages, 
therefore,  the  following  passage  from  his  eulogy  delivered  in 
Mechanics'  Hall,  Boston:  — 

"  The  Fifty-first  Congress  was  not  a  peaceful  one.  It  was 
the  second  Republican  Congress  since  the  days  of  Grant,  and 
the  party  majority  hung  by  a  slender  thread.  There  was  a 
great  work  to  be  done,  —  nothing  less  than  the  reform  of  the 
rules,  and  the  restoration  to  the  majority  of  its  rights  and 
responsibilities. 

"  The  opening  days  of  the  session  were  marked  by  great 
turbulence,  and  all  the  known  tactics  of  obstructive  parliamen- 
tary warfare  were  resorted  to  by  a  resolute  and  defiant  opposi- 
tion. It  was  a  time  which  demanded  the  best  resources  of 
trained  and  experienced  leadership,  and  there  seemed  to  be 
but  a  slight  opening  for  new  and  untried  men.  When  the 
House  organized  and  the  committees  were  announced,  Mr. 
Greenhalge  found  himself  placed  on  the  committees  on  Elec- 
tions, Revision  of  the  Laws,  and  Reform  in  the  Civil  Service. 
To  the  first  of  these  committees  was  intrusted  the  important 
function  of  hearing  and  deciding  contests  for  seats,  of  which 
there  was  an  unusually  large  number  in  this  Congress,  most 
of  them  coming  from  Southern  States. 

"  Party  feeling  ran  high,  and  the  debates  which  followed  the 
various  reports  on  election  cases  provoked  great  partisan  bit- 
terness. To  the  work  of  this  committee  Mr.  Greenhalge  de- 
voted himself  with  his  accustomed  energy  and  ability. 

"  The  first  case  to  be  called  up  was  the  one  of  Smith  versus 
Jackson,  from  West  Virginia.  During  this  debate  Mr. 
Greenhalge  made  his  maiden  speech.  The  occasion  could  not 
have  been  more  happily  selected.  The  House  was  crowded 
and  the  interest  was  intense.  His  analysis  of  the  legal  points 
involved  was  lucid  and  convincing,  and  the  whole  speech  was 
tinged  with  a  delicious  satire  which  caught  the  House  at  once. 
At  the  close  he  was  accorded  hearty  and  enthusiastic  applause. 


234  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

The  House  recognized  at  once  that  he  was  a  sound  lawyer,  a 
brilliant  speaker,  and  a  strong  debater;  and  the  opinion  of  the 
House  on  those  points  is  of  the  best,  and  is  not  easily  won. 
It  was  a  triumph  for  a  first  speech.  Henceforth  his  place  was 
secure,  and  he  became  at  once  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  House. 
His  reputation  thus  made,  he  found  himself  beset  by  every 
contestant  for  assistance.  These  appeals  he  found  it  difficult 
to  resist,  and  he  did  much  effective  work  in  placing  these 
election  controversies  before  the  House.  The  amount  of  labor 
involved  in  sifting  evidence  in  each  case  was  immense,  but 
the  reward  came  in  the  form  of  an  established  legal  and  forensic 
reputation. " 

Greenhalge  left  Washington  at  the  end  of  his  term  and  re- 
turned to  his  quiet  home  at  Lowell  without  personal  regrets. 
It  is  probable  that  he  considered  that  his  public  service  was 
over,  for  some  years  at  least,  and  that  (under  the  circumstances) 
"  the  post  of  honor  was  a  private  station. " 

He  had  achieved  much  in  a  very  short  time.  Besides  the 
speeches  in  Congress,  he  had  made  many  brilliant  addresses 
before  lesser  audiences.  The  fame  he  had  acquired  brought 
him  many  invitations  to  speak  at  public  meetings.  Upon  one 
notable  occasion  especially  he  spoke  very  finely.  May  21, 
1890,  together  with  Hon.  N.  C.  P.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky, 
he  delivered  an  address  before  the  Humane  Society  from  the 
pulpit  of  All  Souls'  Church,  Washington.  Speaking  of  this 
noble  charity,  he  said  :  "  It  rises  among  other  charities  like  the 
Parthenon  among  other  temples.  Nay,  more.  You  have  seen, 
in  pictures  or  reality,  the  grandest  cathedrals  in  the  world, 
splendid  with  their  airy  pinnacles,  their  groined  arches,  and 
their  storied  windows,  or  you  have  read  Ruskin's  description 
of  them,  more  splendid  still.  These  are  the  temples  of  the 
living  God  But  when  you  take  a  child  and  begin  your 
labors  upon  his  body  and  soul,  you  are  at  work  upon  a  grander 
structure  still,  —  the  living  temple  of  the  living  God. " 

Greenhalge  came  to  be  considered  by  many  Democrats  as  an 
extreme  partisan.  His  speeches  excited  the  wrath  of  that 
party.  It  was  reported  that  Congressman  O'Ferrall,  of  Virginia, 
had  written  a  letter  to  a  prominent  Democrat  in  Greenhalge 's 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  235 

district,  telling  him  that  national  and  Democratic  necessity 
demanded  the  defeat  of  Greenhalge.  "  He  is  by  far  the  most 
dangerous  man  on  the  Eepublican  side. " 

Greenhalge  had  never  before  been  regarded  as  a  blind  par- 
tisan even  by  the  Democrats;  it  was  not  true  that  he  had 
become  such.  The  patronage  of  his  office  was  not  desired  as 
a  personal  attribute  by  him,  and  was  not  used  by  him  in  a 
merely  partisan  spirit;  he  re-appointed  a  Democrat  as  post- 
master at  Concord,  Massachusetts;  the  appointment  of  Mr. 
Burbank  as  postmaster  at  Lowell  justified  itself ;  even  before 
his  appointment,  Greenhalge  had  tried  to  induce  the  Eepub- 
lican City  Committee  to  select  a  candidate  for  that  office,  but 
they  had  refused  his  request.  In  his  choice  of  Mr.  Burbank, 
he  ran  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  many  in  his  own  party,  and 
his  independence  was  plainly  manifest.  His  career  in  Con- 
gress was  not  viewed  by  all  the  Democrats  in  that  body  as  a 
purely  partisan  one.  On  the  contrary,  it  called  forth  the  praise 
of  some  of  them  for  its  fairness.  Hon.  J.  H.  O'Neil,  who  was 
one  of  his  Democratic  associates  in  the  House,  has  spoken  of 
his  independent  course  on  the  Committee  of  Elections. 

As  to  the  accusation  of  partisanship  in  Congress  brought 
against  him  by  some,  Judge  Lawton  says :  — 

"  To  those  who  never  thoroughly  knew  Greenhalge  it  seemed 
as  if  his  temperament  changed  at  that  time,  as  if  it  had  been 
melted  in  a  furnace-blast  and  had  been  transformed  and  hard- 
ened. It  was  not  so.  He  was  the  same  Greenhalge  who  had 
been  a  non-partisan  mayor,  —  almost  a  non-partisan  member  of 
the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts. 

"  There  had  been  a  clean-cut  division  between  the  two  great 
parties  of  the  country.  There  had  been  a  canvass  of  votes  on 
a  great  question  of  national  commercial  policy.  Both  parties 
wanted  the  best,  but  they  differed  as  to  what  was  best.  He 
was  there  as  an  instructed  representative  of  one  side  of  a  prin- 
ciple of  trade  and  revenue  for  which  he  must  fight.  The  vote 
had  fairly  been  taken  before  he  and  his  colleagues  had  been 
sent  to  Washington.  On  such  an  issue  he  would  no  more 
desert  his  party  than  he  would  desert  his  client  in  court,  no 
more  than  he  would  desert  his  colors  on  a  field  of  battle. 
There  never  had  been  so  heated  a  contest  in  any  Congress  over 


236  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

the  seats  of  members  as  in  this  one.  Greenhalge  was  a 
member  of  the  committee  of  the  House  to  whose  consideration 
were  referred  all  these  contested  seats.  He  had  always  been 
fair  and  judicial  in  his  treatment  of  his  political  opponents, 
and  he  was  at  this  time.  It  is  not  necessary  to  make  the  claim 
in  these  pages  that  he  was  right  in  all  the  cases  of  these  con- 
tested seats,  and  that  the  opposition  in  that  House  was  always 
wrong.  There  would  be  an  impropriety  in  a  claim  that  he  was 
always  right  when  he  differed  from  his  own  party  associates 
on  that  committee.  One  fact  will  be  enough.  Of  all  his  party 
in  that  committee,  on  that  question  he  was  the  most  conserva- 
tive ;  of  them  all,  he  conceded  the  most  seats  to  the  opposition. 
He  respected  the  opinions  of  his  party  friends  and  believed 
them  to  be  conscientious.  When  their  report  was  made  up, 
modified,  and  restricted  by  his  influence,  he  felt  that  it  was 
reasonably  fair,  and  felt  bound  to  give  it  his  support.  So  much 
had  the  conclusions  of  the  committee  been  modified  by  his 
efforts,  his  fellow-members  placed  upon  him  a  great  part  of  the 
work  of  maintaining  them  before  the  House.  In  a  succession 
of  speeches  and  debates,  he  presented  his  cases  with  wonderful 
eloquence  and  great  logical  power.  Thus,  although  in  his  first 
term,  he  sprang  into  eminence  at  once.  If  he  was  fortunate 
in  the  Congress  to  which  he  had  been  sent,  fortunate  in  the 
crisis,  and  in  the  white  heat  at  which  party  conflict  glowed,  he 
was  doubly  fortunate  in  that  he  had  gone  there  endowed  and 
equipped  to  meet  every  emergency  that  arose." 

As  soon  as  the  defeat  of  Greenhalge  became  known,  many 
of  the  Eepublican  papers  while  commenting  upon  it  took  the 
occasion  to  put  his  name  forward  with  flattering  praise  as  a 
candidate  for  Governor  of  Massachusetts  in  the  next  election. 
The  desire  for  his  candidature  continued  to  find  expression  in 
the  papers  and  among  the  people,  until  in  1891  he  was  one  of 
those  most  prominently  mentioned  for  that  high  office.  He 
himself,  however,  appeared  to  have  no  desire  to  become  again 
a  candidate  for  any  office.  He  refused  afterwards  to  run  again 
for  Congress,  and  seemed  to  consider  his  political  career  as 
over,  at  least  for  the  present.  He  looked  forward  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  a  more  restful  life,  and  to  the  practice  of  his  profession, 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  237 

long  interrupted  by  his  political  duties.  There  is  no  doubt  but 
that  he  felt  his  defeat  severely,  the  more  because  it  was  un- 
expected, and  came  after  so  brilliant  a  term  in  Congress.  He 
never  despaired  of  his  party,  however,  and  to  its  service  con- 
tinued to  give  his  untiring  support  during  the  campaign  in 
1891  upon  the  stump,  and  won  golden  opinions  for  his  unselfish 
devotion  to  the  Republican  cause. 

In  the  spring  of  1891,  in  an  interview  he  said,  referring  to 
the  prominence  of  his  name  as  a  candidate  for  governor :  "  I 
have  stated  frequently,  and  with  some  formality  and  empha- 
sis, my  position  as  to  the  nomination  for  governor.  More  than 
three  months  ago  the  question  was  asked  me  whether  I  would 
accept  the  nomination  if  tendered  me.  I  replied  that  however 
good  the  possibility  of  such  a  thing,  my  circumstances  would 
prevent  my  being  a  candidate.  I  reiterated  my  position  at 
Melrose  at  a  public  banquet,  March  12,  and  on  various  other 
occasions.  I  have  every  confidence  that  the  Republican  party 
will  be  successful  in  the  coming  contest,  and  I  believe  that  any 
one  of  the  persons  whose  names  have  been  suggested  would 
be  elected.  I  am  devoting  myself  at  present  to  my  private 
business  and  private  interests,  which  have  been  much  neglected 
and  impaired  by  my  public  service.  I  think  I  have  a  right  to 
attend  to  these  matters  now  and  for  some  time  to  come."  This 
interview  and  the  decided  manner  of  his  refusal  could  not  alto- 
gether put  a  stop  to  the  expression  of  the  desire  of  many  people 
for  his  candidature,  but  practically  the  question  was  settled, 
and  it  became  evident  that  another  candidate  must  be  found. 
He  was  selected  for  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  in 
the  Republican  Convention,  and  his  acceptance  of  that  office 
was  still  further  evidence  of  his  position  as  to  the  governorship. 

The  party  platform  which  he  wrote  for  the  convention  was 
a  highly  finished  paper,  and  called  forth  numerous  compli- 
mentary comments.  The  convention  finally  nominated  a 
fellow-townsman  of  Greenhalge,  Mr.  Charles  H.  Allen,  as  the 
Republican  candidate  for  governor.  There  was  not  an  ounce 
of  jealousy  in  Greenhalge's  nature,  and  he  gave  his  earnest 
support  to  the  party  and  its  candidate.  It  was  not  a  dis- 
appointment to  him ;  he  was  out  of  the  race,  and  by  his  own 
desire. 


238  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

It  was  fortunate,  in  view  of  his  political  career,  that  he  was 
not  a  candidate.  The  Republican  reaction  had  not  yet  set  in ; 
the  popularity  of  Governor  Russell  was  very  great;  and  the 
election  of  any  one  to  the  office  of  governor  by  the  Republicans 
would  have  been  doubtful  in  the  extreme.  "  There  is  a  tide  in 
the  affairs  of  men  that  taken  at  the  flood  leads  on  to  fortune." 

Two  years  later  Greenhalge  found  his  great  opportunity. 
At  this  time,  however,  he  was  not  a  candidate  for  any  political 
office ;  he  had  no  ulterior  views  in  his  refusal  to  become  a  can- 
didate ;  he  desired  rest  from  his  political  labors,  and  to  give 
his  attention  to  his  private  business  and  the  practice  of  his 
profession.  The  campaign  resulted  in  the  re-election  of  Gov- 
ernor Russell ;  but,  as  before,  the  Republicans,  disappointed  by 
the  defeat  of  the  head  of  the  ticket,  were  successful  in  the 
election  of  other  State  officials,  and  in  carrying  the  House  of 
Representatives  and  the  Senate.  The  State  was  still  Repub- 
lican, with  a  Democratic  governor.  The  year  preceding  his 
own  election  by  the  people  to  the  governor's  chair  was  singu- 
larly eventful:  in  the  business  world  a  year  of  unexampled 
depression ;  it  was  a  time  of  trial  to  the  American  people, 
and  the  uneasy  spirit  of  the  nation  bore  it  with  growing  im- 
patience and  distrust  of  the  Democratic  party. 

At  this  time,  however,  the  Republican  party  was  defeated 
and  discredited,  and  in  his  hours  of  leisure  Greenhalge  wrote 
numerous  editorials  for  the  press,  which  appeared  in  various 
papers,  sharply  criticising  the  Democratic  policy.  They  at- 
tracted considerable  attention,  and  were  notable  contributions 
to  the  political  controversy.  They  were  admirable  instru- 
ments of  attack.  Their  sarcasm  was  biting  and  their  invective 
powerful.  They  were  partisan  efforts,  and  directed  with  great 
effect  at  the  weak  spots  in  the  Democratic  regime.  Being 
written  by  him,  they  have  not  suffered  like  his  speeches  from 
bad  reports. 

As  they  are  interesting  from  their  incisive  style,  and  as  the 
productions  of  such  a  man,  I  have  included  one  of  the  best 
of  them  in  these  pages.  It  appeared  in  the  "New  York 
Recorder,"  Jan.  10,  1892.  It  was  written  to  serve  a  party 
purpose.  It  is  necessarily  thoroughly  partisan  and  aggressive 
in  its  tone. 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  239 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  SITUATION. 

At  the  opening  of  the  year  1892,  we  may  note  many  unmis- 
takable indications  that  a  critical  period  has  been  reached  in 
the  political  affairs  of  the  United  States.  A  glance  at  recent 
political  events  may  be  useful  in  an  examination  of  the  present 
situation. 

The  Democratic  party  achieved  a  great  victory  in  1890. 
But  the  victory  was  more  apparent  than  real.  It  would  seem 
that  there  was  dissatisfaction  with  the  Republican  party,  but 
it  is  not  at  all  clear  that  this  feeling  led  to  satisfaction  with 
the  Democratic  party.  The  Fifty-first  Congress  undertook  a 
series  of  herculean  labors,  any  one  or  two  of  which  would 
have  been  sufficient  pabulum  for  a  political  campaign  in  an 
off  year  following  hard  upon  the  inauguration  of  an  admin- 
istration compelled  either  by  duty  or  pressure  to  make  many 
appointments  to  office  and  necessarily  a  great  many  more 
disappointments.  But  this  Congress  performed  gigantic  feats. 
It  passed  the  Silver  Bill,  a  measure  of  colossal  proportions, 
which,  while  holding  back  the  strong  tide  of  free-silver  senti- 
ment, maintained  the  true  standard  of  value  in  money.  The 
Pension  Bill  was  an  act  of  justice  and  gratitude  worthy  of 
a  great  nation  anxious  to  keep  its  plighted  faith  with  its 
defenders,  and  preferring  to  give  more  than  justice  required 
rather  than  less.  The  Tariff  Bill  was  another  great  stroke  of 
legislation,  of  which  we  may  say  that  few  or  none  of  the  evils 
prophesied  in  regard  to  it  have  come  to  pass,  while  many 
benefits  unforetold  have  followed  in  its  wake.  The  act  for 
the  Relief  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  Anti-Lottery  Bill,  the 
Anti-Trust  Bill,  the  Administrative  Custom  Bill,  the  Direct 
Tax  Bill,  the  French  Spoliation  Claims,  and  a  dozen  other  acts 
of  equal  importance  are  among  the  works  of  this  indefatigable 
body.  In  addition  to  all  these  acts  of  legislation,  the  great 
ruling  of  Speaker  Reed  made  a  new  era  in  the  parliamentary 
history  of  the  United  States. 

Now,  the  people  are  not  specially  gifted  with  receptivity,  — 
not  even  the  people  of  this  country.  Their  power  of  assimila- 
tion is  limited.  The  vigor,  the  push,  the  onward  movement 
of  the  Fifty-first  Congress  within  so  many  legislative  fields, 


240  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

coupled  with  the  bold  iconoclasm  displayed  in  the  destruction 
of  a  parliamentary  precedent  at  least  a  century  old,  took  the 
people  off  their  feet.  The  banquet  was  too  rich,  the  food  too 
strong.  There  may  be  too  much  even  of  a  good  thing.  The 
Fifty-first  came  nearer  to  fulfilling  its  pledges  to  the  country 
than  any  preceding  Congress,  and  the  people  were  taken  aback. 
They  were  not  used  to  this  sort  of  thorough  and  effective  work, 
or  to  the  fulfilment  of  pledges  in  such  a  complete  and  pains- 
taking way. 

It  was  out  of  the  vacillation  and  surprise  of  the  people, 
then,  that  in  1890  an  ostensible  Democratic  triumph  arose  and 
the  Fifty-second  Congress  came  into  existence,  — 

"  Monstrum  horrendum,  informe,  ingens,  cui  lumen  ademptum." 

While  there  have  been  noticeable  signs  of  reaction  in  almost 
every  election  held  in  1891  throughout  the  country,  signs  of 
more  significance  may  be  observed  in  the  victorious  Democracy 
itself.  The  original  or  simple  elements  of  the  recent  Democratic 
party  —  as  it  may  be  termed,  in  contradistinction  to  the  com- 
pact, homogeneous  body  which  marshalled  itself  under  the  party 
banner  up  to  1884  —  do  not  appear  to  be  specially  adapted  to 
coalescence.  There  are  the  Democratic  party  of  1880,  and  the 
Democratic  party  of  1884.  It  was  the  moving  spirit  of  the 
party  of  1884,  the  party  of  Cleveland,  the  pseudo-Democratic 
party,  in  mechanical,  not  chemical,  union  with  Tammany,  with 
the  Farmers'  Alliance,  with  the  pro-silver  faction  and  with 
every  vagrant,  anarchical  element  in  the  country,  which  achieved 
the  victory  of  1890.  And  the  renegade  Eepublican  —  the  In- 
dependent, the  Mugwump  —  is  the  differentiating  factor  in  the 
party  of  1884  in  comparison  with  the  party  of  1880,  or  with 
the  genuine  Democratic  party.  Now,  when  the  differentiating 
factor  of  the  party  of  1884,  the  delicate  Democrat,  the  genuine 
Bourbon  or  Tammany  Democrat,  the  pro-silver  Democrat,  the 
O'Neil  Democrat  (for  "  the  rift  in  the  lute  "  of  the  New  Eng- 
land Democracy  is  quite  noticeable),  all  come  together  in  Uncle 
Sam's  barn,  there  is  not  that  complete  and  intense  satisfaction 
and  harmony  which  would  naturally  and  ordinarily  be  the  con- 
comitant of  a  "  famous  victory."  The  first  note  struck  in  the 
Fifty-second  Congress  is  a  discord,  and  one  which  will  echo 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  241 

through  the  session  and  through  the  party  for  a  long  time. 
The  music  of  the  cats  this  time  is  not  conducive  to  the  increase 
of  the  breed ;  there  is  a  Kilkenny  strain  about  it  which  must 
disturb  the  thoughtful  minds  of  the  party.  With  an  immense 
preponderance,  apparently,  of  the  Democratic  power  in  the 
House,  with  a  phenomenal  numerical  majority,  the  representa- 
tives of  the  party  have  tumbled  over  each  other,  have  fought, 
stretched,  and  pulled  hair  inter  se  to  such  an  extent  that  if  a 
Democrat  whose  eyes  have  been  gouged  out  by  some  friendly 
hand  should  ask,  like  the  blind  Spartan,  to  be  placed  with  his 
face  to  the  enemy,  the  chances  are  that  in  the  present  prevailing 
confusion  he  would  find  that  his  hostile  vis-a-vis  was  a  sterling 
Democrat.  Even  old  Mother  Herald  recognized  the  solemnity 
of  the  situation,  and  crazed  by  the  shabby  treatment  given  to 
her  bantlings,  declares  spitefully  and  significantly  that  "  the 
Democratic  party  can  win  next  year  if  the  breach  in  it  is 
mended  forthwith."  And  then  that  loyal  Mugwump  paper, 
"  Harper's  Weekly  "  exclaims  in  shrillest  tones, "  What  breach  ? 
Is  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Mills  evidence  of  a  breach  ? "  and  proceeds 
to  lecture  the  angry  old  pedagogue  the  "  Herald,"  its  quondam 
ally,  on  the  subject  of  breaches,  and  finally  caps  the  climax  by 
arraying  the  names  of  Quay,  Elkins,  Dudley,  and  Platt  as 
representatives  of  the  Republican  party  against  the  shining 
names  of  Hill,  Gorman,  Crisp,  and  the  leaders  of  Tammany 
Hall  as  the  representatives  of  the  Democracy;  which  to  the 
Mugwump  turned  Democrat  is  the  unpardonable  sin,  coming 
from  a  Republican  turned  Mugwump.  Here  again,  is  a  breach. 
Mr.  Curtis  quarrels  with  the  "Boston  Herald."  Let  us  de- 
voutly pray  that  Mr.  Godkin  of  the  "  Evening  Post "  may  not 
attack  the  "  Springfield  Republican,"  as  nothing  would  be  left 
but  "the  wreck  of  matter  and  the  crush  of  worlds."  This 
journalistic  "School  for  Scandal"  has  been  teasing  the  honest 
Sir  Peter  Teazles  of  political  life  for  a  long  time ;  it  would  be 
only  poetic  justice  if  the  old  vixens  should  at  last  fall  foul  of 
each  other,  and  any  honest  man  would  be  delighted  to  see 
fair  play. 

It  is  clear,  however,  that  a  "  line  of  cleavage "  begins  to 
manifest  itself  in  the  victorious  Democratic  party,  and  it  is, 
perhaps,  as  apparent  among  the  aesthetic  camp-followers  of 

16 


242  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

the  party,  the  delicate  and  dilettante  Democrats,  who  joined 
the  party  simply  to  use  it  as  a  beast  of  burden  for  certain 
leading  ideas  as  anywhere  else.  We  see  already  two  opposing 
camps  of  "  Independents."  As  previously  intimated,  there  is 
on  the  one  side  the  Eepublican  turned  Mugwump  and  on  the 
other  the  Mugwump  turned  Democrat,  with  all  that  the  term 
implies.  Mr.  Curtis  is  the  only  survivor  known  to  the  public 
of  the  true  Mugwump,  the  genuine,  simon-pure  type ;  all  others 
are  spurious.  He  has  not  bowed  the  knee  to  the  Baal  of 
Tammany,  even  when  Mr.  Cleveland  stood  as  an  acolyte  at  the 
altar,  lighting  the  devotees  to  worship.  It  is  possible  that  he 
still  cherishes  some  tenderness  for  the  rights  of  men,  for  the 
sanctity  of  the  ballot,  for  honest  money,  for  sound  education,  for 
progress  and  decent  government ;  and  believes  that  the  matter 
of  raising  a  revenue  or  even  the  triumph  of  Mr.  Cleveland  is 
not  the  only  burning  question  before  mankind  to-day.  And 
it  may  be  that  he  is  not  quite  determined  yet  with  which  of 
the  great  parties  he  will  cast  in  his  lot,  or  whether  he  will 
with  either.  This  is  a  genuine  and  respectable  independence, 
not  a  sham,  an  imposture,  masking  Democracy.  The  spurious 
Independent  is  not  an  exhilarating  subject  to  anybody,  not 
even  to  himself.  The  importation  of  slaves  was  prohibited  by 
the  Constitution  after  the  year  1808,  but  whether  by  erasion 
of  this  section  of  the  Constitution  or  not,  the  importers  cer- 
tainly have  slaves  here,  and  they  are  found  in  the  ranks  of  the 
Mugwumps  turned  Democrats.  They  are  now  engaged,  when 
dyspepsia  permits,  in  a  chemical  analysis  of  the  American 
flag,  which  it  seems  is  simply  a  "  textile  fabric  of  three  colors," 
etc.  The  vivisection  of  his  own  grandmother  by  one  of  these 
gentlemen  to  ascertain  the  true  springs  of  natural  emotion  will 
probably  follow  in  due  course.  The  Tammany  tiger  had  no 
terrors  for  him  until  a  stroke  of  his  paw  upsets  the  Cleveland- 
Mills  "combine,"  and  then  the  true  inwardness  of  the  tiger 
was  revealed  to  the  aspiring  politician  of  the  nursery,  who 
went  about  squalling  that  the  beast  was  a  "horrid  thing." 
This  is  the  farcical  feature  of  the  political  drama  now  being 
played.  There  are  more  serious  and  portentous  developments 
in  the  play.  Bad  blood  has  been  engendered  in  the  balky 
Democratic  majority  of  the  House,  and  it  is  very  doubtful  if 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  243 

even  the  sagacious  Crisp  can  educe  order  out  of  such  a  tumul- 
tuary body. 

The  simian  activity  of  Mr.  Springer  will  not  contribute  an 
iota  of  influence  to  establish  order,  discipline,  or  harmony. 
He  is  a  man  of  ability,  but  his  ability  is  not  of  the  construc- 
tive order ;  it  comes  forth  only  to  create  or  increase  confusion. 
He  never  was  in  earnest  in  his  life,  and  he  cannot  persuade 
anybody  now  that  he  is  to  take  any  part  in  the  House  but 
that  of  the  Lord  of  Misrule. 

Mr.  Crisp  could  not  but  fail  in  arranging  his  committees  ;  he 
has  satisfied  nobody,  not  even  himself.  No  serious  dependence 
can  be  placed  upon  Mr.  Springer.  Mr.  McMillen  on  the  Com- 
mittee on  Rules  will  prove  an  "  envious  Casca,"  and  Semmes  of 
the  "Alabama"  might  better  have  been  trusted  with  the  com- 
merce of  the  country  than  Mr.  Mills. 

Meanwhile  the  banners  of  Governor  Hill  are  flying  tri- 
umphant in  New  York ;  Messrs.  Gorman,  Brice,  and  Fowler 
are  in  full  control  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  the  well-mean- 
ing men  who  could  not  endure  the  wickedness  of  the  naughty 
men  in  the  Republican  party  now  find  themselves  either 
cheek  by  jowl  with  Democratic  rascals  ten  times  blacker,  or 
trampled  helpless  under  the  feet  of  their  brutal  allies. 

Meantime  "  God  reigns  and  the  Government  at  Washington 
still  lives."  President  Harrison  meets  every  exigency,  within 
and  without,  with  firmness,  wisdom,  and  dignity.  The  busi- 
ness of  the  country  flourishes,  reciprocity  moves  on  from  one 
victory  to  another,  and  the  protective  principle  points  the  way 
to  greater  development  and  prosperity.  A  compact,  well-dis- 
ciplined body  of  eighty-eight  Republicans  is  on  the  alert  for 
any  opportunity  dropped  by  the  clumsy,  slipshod  majority  of 
the  House  of  Representatives.  It  is  a  Democratic  night,  "  but 
the  morrow  is  yet  to  come." 

Greenhalge  spoke  many  times  in  the  campaign  of  1891,  and 
always  before  appreciative  audiences. 

"  He  stands,  I  am  assured,  upon  the  threshold  of  a  long  and 
distinguished  national  career."  These  were  the  words  in  which 
Senator  Hoar  introduced  him  at  a  Republican  rally  in  Worces- 
ter. Had  he  lived,  they  would  surely  have  come  true. 


244  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

There  was  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  Governor  Russell  to 
make  a  State  issue  in  this  campaign  in  the  matter  of  the 
Governor's  Council,  which  he  proposed  to  abolish  altogether. 
Greenhalge  refers  to  this  in  a  speech  at  Springfield,  October 
14.  He  said  :  — 

"  The  Executive  Council  is  as  old  as  the  Constitution  and  the 
Commonwealth.  It  is,  and  has  ever  been,  an  integral  part  of 
the  Constitution,  and  yet  when  the  Constitution  was  adopted  in 
1780,  the  men  who  made  that  Constitution  had  in  mind  arbi- 
trary power,  and  the  proper  limitation  and  checks  upon  that 
power.  They  had  had  arbitrary  governments  before,  and  they 
were  bound,  if  human  foresight  could  permit,  never  to  be  under 
the  power  of  arbitrary  governors  again ;  and  so  while  the  gov- 
ernor is  given  certain  executive  powers  which  he  can  exercise 
without  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Council,  there  are  certain 
acts  and  functions  which  he  cannot  perform  without  the  limi- 
tation of  the  Council  and  its  powers.  I  think  the  Governor  is 
in  error  in  his  construction  of  this  clause  in  the  Constitution." 

After  the  election  of  Russell,  Greenhalge  was  complimented 
by  various  Democratic  organs  on  his  conduct  and  gentlemanly 
bearing  during  the  campaign.  The  following  passage  from  the 
"  Lowell  Sun "  contains  one  flattering  notice,  noteworthy  be- 
cause it  was  praise  from  an  enemy:  "To  the  credit  of  Hon. 
F.  T.  Greenhalge  it  can  be  truly  said  that  of  all  the  speakers 
who  stumped  the  State  for  Allen,  he  was  the  only  one  that  did 
not  descend  to  narrowness  or  appeals  to  prejudice.  He  stood 
squarely  upon  the  party  platform,  and  used  his  oratory  hon- 
estly to  convert  his  hearers  to  Republicanism." 

February  22  the  Michigan  Republican  Club  celebrated  its 
seventh  anniversary  by  a  banquet  in  Detroit.  It  was  one  of 
the  most  notable  political  gatherings  in  the  history  of  Michi- 
gan. The  speakers  were  men  of  the  most  brilliant  minds 
and  party  leaders  of  the  highest  class.  The  speech  of  Green- 
halge on  this  occasion  was  one  of  the  best  of  those  delivered. 
McKinley,  Fassett,  and  Greenhalge  were  the  guests  of  General 
Alger  during  their  stay  in  Detroit. 

It  had  been  the  hope  of  the  Republicans  of  Lowell  that 
Greenhalge  would  again  be  their  candidate  for  Congress.  He 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  245 

had  silently  determined  against  their  desire,  and,  April  4,  1892, 
wrote  to  the  chairman  of  the  Congressional  Committee  the 
following  declination,  which  was  made  public.  It  was  a  decis- 
ive refusal,  and  reluctantly  accepted  by  his  party. 

LOWELL,  MASS.,  April  4,  1892. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  In  response  to  frequent  inquiries,  I  think 
it  due  to  the  Republicans  of  this  congressional  district  to  state 
that  I  shall  not  be  a  candidate  for  Congress  in  this  approach- 
ing election.  This  conclusion  is  forced  upon  me  by  private 
business  and  the  circumstances  in  which  I  am  placed. 

I  announce  my  position  thus  early  in  order  that  no  mis- 
understanding may  arise,  and  that  the  party  may  have  ample 
opportunity  to  select  a  candidate  who  will  assure  Republican 
success  beyond  a  doubt  in  the  coming  contest. 

At  the  present  time,  this  important  district  needs  more 
than  ever  a  Republican  representative  in  Congress  for  the 
preservation  of  its  most  vital  interests. 

Permit  me  to  thank  your  committee  and  the  Republicans  of 
the  old  Eighth  District  for  the  kindness  hitherto  shown  me. 
Respectfully  and  sincerely  yours, 

FREDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE. 

ALBERT  G.  THOMPSON,  Esq.,  Chairman  Congressional  District  Committee. 

The  Republican  State  convention  to  elect  delegates  to  the 
presidential  convention  at  Minneapolis  met  in  Boston,  April 
20.  Greenhalge  presented  the  name  of  General  Cogswell 
in  an  eloquent  speech.  The  "Boston  Herald"  said  of  the 
address:  "It  was  very  clever.  It  was  delivered  with  great 
dramatic  effect,  and  evoked  round  after  round  of  applause." 
About  this  time  Greenhalge  became  prominently  mentioned 
as  a  strong  candidate  for  United  States  Senator  in  succession 
to  Senator  Dawes.  His  popularity  was  steadily  increasing.  His 
disinterested  course  in  politics  was  now  fully  appreciated,  and 
his  ability  everywhere  admired.  But  he  did  not  seek  or  desire 
that  office,  or  any  other. 

July  8,  on  being  asked  if  he  would  accept  the  nomination 
for  governor,  he  replied  with  emphasis :  "  No,  sir ;  I  am  not 
a  candidate  for  the  office  in  any  sense,  and  have  not  the  slight- 


246  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

est  desire  for  it.  I  see  that  Mr.  Pillsbury  is  mentioned ;  he 
would  make  an  excellent  canvass." 

In  an  interview,  August  28,  Greenhalge  expressed  his  opinion 
as  to  the  situation,  predicting  success  for  the  Kepublican  party. 
Eef erring  to  the  election  of  1890,  he  said :  "  I  was  not  san- 
guine in  1890.  The  Fifty-first  Congress  did  such  a  vast 
amount  of  work  that  the  people  could  not  possibly  accept, 
realize,  or  digest  it.  The  Fifty-first  was  the  Titan  of  Con- 
gresses, and  it  will  require  years  to  gain  an  adequate  and  lucid 
comprehension  of  its  gigantic  labors.  But  every  year  the 
forceful  and  determined  character  of  its  legislation,  with  its 
vast  and  multifarious  scope,  and  its  intelligent  purpose  and 
beneficial  result,  will  become  more  and  more  patent  to  the 
people.  It  is  —  and  will  in  all  probability  remain  —  the  dis- 
tinctive Congress  of  the  second  century  of  the  republic,  giving 
direction,  tone,  and  spirit  to  the  country,  and  setting  the  pace, 
indeed,  for  the  remainder  of  the  century." 

The  Eepublican  party,  however,  were  doomed  to  be  disap- 
pointed, and  Cleveland  was  elected.  In  Massachusetts,  Kussell 
was  chosen  governor  for  the  third  time. 

With  the  advent  of  the  year  1893,  a  new  era  dawned  for  the 
Eepublican  party,  —  a  dawn  that  brightened  over  the  stagnant 
morass  of  business  depression,  and  over  the  wrecks  of  a  thou- 
sand commercial  failures,  and  the  melancholy  figures  of  de- 
serted and  silent  mills.  In  the  midst  of  such  distressing 
scenes  the  sun  of  Eepublicanism  was  destined  to  rise  again,  — 
brighter  for  the  surrounding  gloom. 

Saturday,  May  27,  the  "  Boston  Globe "  contained  an  inter- 
view with  Greenhalge.  In  it  he  gave  his  consent  to  the  use  of 
his  name  hi  the  gubernatorial  contest.  He  consented  to  be- 
come a  candidate.  He  said:  "A  nomination  tendered  with 
cordiality,  and  coming  at  a  time  when  an  exigency  may  be 
supposed  to  exist,  is  something  that  must  be  treated  with  the 
utmost  respect  and  most  careful  deliberation. 

"There  are  circumstances  which,  barring  accidents,  might 
make  such  a  proposition  seem  almost  like  a  command.  Pos- 
sibly these  circumstances  will  not  arise,  or  some  one  else  may 
be  found  who  will  meet  the  requirements  of  the  situation." 

Asked  as  to  what  the  requirements  were,  he  replied :  — 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  247 

"  I  should  say  in  the  first  place  that  the  needs  of  the  Repub- 
lican  party  are  consolidation  and  union,  an  aggressive  stand 
on  all  Republican  principles  and  Eepublican  measures,  and 
an  organization  under  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  party. 

"  The  Republican  party,  of  course,  is  a  national  party,  but  it 
is  also  a  State  party  in  that  it  is  interested  in  good  politics  and 
good  government  of  counties,  cities,  and  towns,  in  the  main- 
tenance of  business  prosperity,  so  far  as  legislation,  whether 
State,  national,  or  municipal,  can  conduce  to  that  result.  Who- 
ever this  year  fills  the  requirements  of  the  Republican  party, 
and  is  closest  in  touch  with  popular  sentiment,  should  be,  and, 
in  my  opinion,  will  be,  the  Republican  candidate  for  governor. 

"  It  would  hardly  become  any  of  the  gentlemen  whose 
names  are  mentioned  in  this  connection  to  anticipate  the 
popular  will.  Thus  far  I  have  remained  silent,  and  would  not 
have  you  understand  now  that  I  have  come  to  any  positive 
and  permanent  decision.  Many  prominent  Republicans  and 
a  far  greater  number  of  the  rank  and  file  have  pressed  me  to 
be  a  candidate,  but  thus  far  I  have  chosen  to  hold  my  own 
counsel.  I  am  saying  more  to  you  now  than  I  have  yet  said 
to  my  most  intimate  advisers.  All  I  can  say  is  that  I  mean 
to  await  the  trend  of  events,  which  will  make  more  manifest 
the  preferences  of  the  Republican  party. 

"The  manufacture  of  sentiment  in  this  direction  has  but 
little  weight.  I  take  no  stock  whatever  in  that. 

"  It  is  my  opinion  now,  as  it  has  been  in  years  past,  that 
a  fuller  and  fairer  opportunity  should  be  given  to  the  great 
body  of  the  party  to  choose  their  candidates.  If  this  is  done, 
the  responsibility  is  with  the  majority,  and  does  not  rest  upon 
any  wing  or  section  of  the  party,  or  any  combination  within 
its  ranks,  whatever  the  result." 

This  announcement  of  his  position  by  Greenhalge  was  the 
cause  of  great  rejoicing  among  his  personal  and  political  friends. 
His  canvass  from  the  first  made  steady  progress.  July  7  he 
said  in  an  interview  published  in  the  "Boston  Globe":  "I 
cannot  say  what  the  other  candidates  are  doing,  but  my  friends 
tell  me  that  affairs  look  favorable ;  and,  indeed,  I  am  surprised 
at  the  spontaneity  of  the  sentiment  which  comes  to  me  from 


248  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

all  sections.  I  had  not  thought  it  possible  that  I  could  have 
so  many  friends,  and  while  I  mention  the  fact,  now  mind  you, 
I  do  not  say  it  boastfully,  but  rather  with  thanksgiving  and  the 
utmost  gratitude  of  my  nature.  I  noticed  it  particularly  in 
Newburyport ;  and  the  way  in  which  the  people  came  to  me 
there  and  assured  me,  all  unsolicited,  of  their  support,  was 
very  gratifying,  you  may  be  sure." 

The  "Boston  Herald,"  however,  looked  upon  his  prospects 
with  anything  but  a  favorable  eye;  it  saw  no  chance  for 
him.  It  said: — 

"  It  is  a  matter  of  surprise  that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Green- 
halge  take  his  candidacy  for  the  nomination  of  governor  as 
seriously  as  they  seem  to.  It  may  be  that  we  are  entirely 
mistaken,  but,  judging  from  the  straws  that  have  thus  far 
blown  within  our  range  of  vision,  we  should  say  that  the 
Lowell  statesman  would  not  be  likely  to  poll  at  the  State  con- 
vention more  than  a  fifth,  or  a  quarter  at  most,  of  the  votes 
cast,  if  he  should  continue  to  keep  himself  in  the  running.  We 
should  say  that  Mr.  Greenhalge's  support  would  be  larger  than 
that  of  Mr.  Hart,  but  only  larger  by  a  small  fraction.  It  may 
be  that  we  are,  as  we  have  said,  greatly  mistaken  in  this,  and 
that  there  is  an  undercurrent  of  Eepublican  sentiment  which 
makes  a  demand  that  only  Mr.  Greenhalge's  candidacy  can 
satisfy.  If  this  is  the  case  in  this  part  of  the  country,  it  is 
one  of  those  movements  so  deep  and  profound  in  their  char- 
acter as  to  make  no  ripple  of  excitement  on  the  surface." 

In  another  interview  Greenhalge  spoke  at  length  upon  the 
subject  of  his  candidature.  These  interviews  at  the  present 
time  are  interesting  as  the  voice  of  one  who  is  dead.  They 
exhibit  in  a  true  light  the  character  of  the  man,  and  show  the 
serious  thought  with  which  he  reviewed  the  responsibility  of 
his  position.  He  said :  — 

"  As  to  the  preliminary  contest,  I  have  endeavored  to  con- 
duct it  in  a  way  which  would  prove  to  the  other  gentlemen 
who  are  candidates  my  full  appreciation  of  their  excellent 
qualities  and  the  pleasant  relations  that  have  always  existed 
between  us.  From  the  beginning  I  have  determined  on  one 
thing,  and  that  is,  not  to  be  outdone  in  fairness,  courtesy,  and 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  249 

magnanimity.  How  this  may  be  determined  is  for  the  public 
to  decide  later.  I  hope  there  will  be  nothing  in  this  prelimi- 
nary campaign  that  will  remain  to  humble  the  self-respect  of 
any  person  engaged  in  it  on  the  part  of  any  candidate.  I  sin- 
cerely believe  this  to  be  the  case. 

"  From  all  external  indications  I  am  led  to  believe  that  the 
sentiment  of  the  Eepublicans  of  Massachusetts  is  favorable  to 
my  candidacy.  My  only  object  from  the  beginning  has  been 
to  get  a  free,  hearty,  and  sincere  expression  of  their  opinion. 

"  You  may  remember  I  stated  to  you  in  my  first  public  utter- 
ance upon  this  question,  when  you  asked  me  whether  I  was  a 
candidate  and  would  make  any  canvass  whatever  for  the  nomi- 
nation :  '  That  depends.  A  nomination  tendered  with  cordial- 
ity, and  coming  at  a  time  when  an  exigency  is  supposed  to  exist, 
is  something  that  must  be  treated  with  the  utmost  respect  and 
most  careful  deliberation.'  I  also  said,  you  may  remember, 
'  There  are  circumstances  which,  barring  accidents,  might  make 
such  a  proposition  almost  like  a  command.' 

"  I  may  say  now  that  the  external  indications  seem  to  show 
that  the  condition  of  affairs  then  indicated  has  been  realized. 
Furthermore,  I  will  say  what  I  never  said  in  terms  before,  that 
I  am  a  candidate,  and  that  the  nomination  tendered  under  such 
circumstances  cannot  but  be  regarded  by  any  citizen  of  Massa- 
chusetts as  the  highest  honor  he  could  hope  to  win. 

"  I  feel,  of  course,  the  immense  responsibility  which  this  state 
of  things  imposes  upon  me,  but  whatever  the  final  result  may 
be,  I  shall  always  be  cheered  by  the  exhibition  of  respect 
and  kindly  feeling  which  Republicans,  and  even  men  of  other 
parties,  have  evinced  toward  me,  from  one  end  of  the  common- 
wealth to  the  other.  If  any  word  or  act  of  mine  or  my  friends 
has  savored  in  the  slightest  degree  of  discourtesy  or  bitterness, 
it  will  be  the  only  source  of  regret  which  I  have.  Thus  far  I 
have  heard  nothing  of  any  such  manifestations  on  the  part  of 
my  supporters. 

"  I  feel  a  certain  repugnance  to  making  any  personal  state- 
ments which  may  seem  to  be  tainted  with  egotism,  and  I  hope 
that  in  view  of  the  whole  situation  such  a  personal  aspect  may 
be  regarded  as  perhaps  a  necessity  in  the  case  of  a  man  who  is 
before  the  public  as  at  this  time  I  am. 


250  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

"  The  success  of  the  Republican  party  is  our  paramount  end 
and  aim,  and  whatever  may  be  the  result  of  the  action  of  the 
convention  on  next  Saturday,  I  shall  be  found,  as  in  other  years, 
fighting  the  battles  of  the  Republican  party  in  behalf  of  any 
leader  chosen  by  that  party." 

It  gradually  became  evident  that  Greenhalge  was  the  pop- 
ular candidate  of  the  Republican  party.  The  contest  narrowed 
down  until  it  came  to  be  between  three  candidates,  the  others 
being  Pillsbury  and  Hart.  Mr.  Hart  early  withdrew,  but  Mr. 
Pillsbury  seemed  to  be  a  strong  candidate.  A  section  of  the 
party  looked  upon  Greeuhalge  as  the  hustling  candidate,  —  as 
too  much  of  a  politician ;  his  managers  were  thought  to  be  skil- 
ful manoeuvrers.  The  "  Boston  Herald  "  and  other  Mugwump 
papers  were  the  leaders  of  this  portion  of  the  party  and  in 
favor  of  Pillsbury. 

It  would  be  absurd  to-day  to  regard  Greenhalge  as  a  hustler 
and  partisan  and  scheming  politician,  —  him  who  represented 
in  all  things  the  best  elements  of  the  Republican  party,  its 
highest  ideal  of  patriotism  and  statesmanship.  It  was  also  ab- 
surd then;  the  people  looked  upon  him  with  different  eyes. 
The  motion  and  impulse  behind  him  was  that  of  the  Repub- 
lican party,  in  all  its  strength  and  with  all  its  purity  of  motive ; 
the  impression  he  had  made  was  deep  and  lasting.  The  Boston 
caucuses  revealed  the  strength  of  his  position  and  led  to  the 
withdrawal  of  Mr.  Pillsbury. 

Greenhalge  spoke  again  about  his  candidature  as  follows: 
"The  general  good-feeling  toward  me  in  spite  of  my  many 
defects  and  faults  has  been  extremely  pleasing  to  me.  My 
friends  on  the  other  side  dwell  a  great  deal  on  my  tendency  to 
sharp  language  and  sarcasm,  but  somehow  it  is  difficult  to  find 
on  either  side  anybody  who  seems  to  have  any  but  the  kindest 
personal  feelings." 

October  3  Mr.  Pillsbury  wrote  a  letter  withdrawing  from 
the  contest.  The  letter  of  Mr.  Pillsbury  and  Greenhalge's  reply 

were  as  follows :  — 

BOSTON,  Oct.  3. 

MY  DEAR  GREENHALGE,  —  I  am  not  yet  out  of  court  long 
enough  to  have  learned  much  of  the  political  situation,  but 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  251 

without  disputing  as  to  the  preferences  of  the  delegates,  I  am 
satisfied  that  you  have  a  sufficient  lead  to  entitle  you  to  the 
nomination,  and  that  there  ought  to  be  no  contest  over  it. 
Under  these  circumstances  I  shall  act  upon  the  impulse  of  the 
friendship  which  has  always  subsisted  between  us,  and  do  all 
in  my  power  to  promote  your  nomination  with  the  harmony 
and  unanimity  which  will  go  far  to  secure  your  election ;  and 
as  my  office  and  official  duties  disable  me  from  much  active 
participation  in  the  campaign,  it  will  give  me  pleasure,  if  you 
and  your  friends  desire  it,  to  move  your  nomination  in  the  con- 
vention. I  am  as  ever, 

Yours  truly,  A.  E.  PILLSBURY. 

LOWELL,  MASS.,  Oct.  3. 

MY  DEAR  PILLSBURY, —  Your  kind  and  manly  letter  en- 
titles you  not  only  to  my  gratitude,  but  to  that  of  every  good 
Eepublican  in  the  State.  I  have  decided  that  whatever  contest 
there  might  be  should  be  carried  on  in  an  honorable  and  kindly 
spirit  worthy  of  the  Commonwealth,  of  the  party,  and  of  our- 
selves. This  feeling  I  know  has  been  shared  and  acted  on  by 
you  and  by  all  engaged  in  the  canvass.  I  accept  with  pleasure 
and  sincere  thanks  your  kind  offer  of  moving  my  nomination 
in  the  convention.  This  courteous  and  graceful  act  on  your 
part  only  strengthens  the  bond  of  friendship  always  subsisting 
between  us. 

Yours  sincerely  and  cordially, 

FREDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE. 

The  convention  assembled  October  8, 1893,  amid  great  enthu- 
siasm. Greenhalge  was  nominated  by  Mr.  Pillsbury  in  a  kindly 
and  eloquent  speech.  He  said  :  "  He  is  my  friend  and  I  am  his. 
He  is  a  whole-souled  and  high-minded  man.  He  is  one  of  the 
best-known  and  most  popular  citizens  of  Massachusetts  in  any 
political  party.  He  has  had  a  varied  experience  hi  public  life 
and  in  every  office  which  he  has  held  he  has  recommended  him- 
self to  advancement.  He  served  his  apprenticeship  to  legisla- 
tion in  our  House  of  Eepresentatives,  and  he  served  there  with 
ability  and  fidelity.  He  was  elected  to  the  lower  House  of 
Congress,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  there  he  made  an 


252  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

immediate  reputation  as  an  equal  among  the  first  of  that  body, 
and  proved  himself  not  only  skilled  in  legislation,  but  a  master 
of  debate.  He  has  demonstrated  his  capacity  for  administrative 
office  at  the  head  of  the  government  in  the  nourishing  city  in 
which  he  lives,  and  the  people  in  Lowell  are  with  him  as  one  man. 
He  is  an  orator  whose  voice  has  been  heard  with  delight  and 
admiration  from  the  stand  and  the  platform  in  every  part  of 
Massachusetts.  He  is  an  earnest,  a  thorough-going,  and  an  un- 
flinching Eepublican.  He  is  from  heel  to  crown  a  loyal  and 
patriotic  American.  He  has  every  quality  of  a  successful  can- 
didate, and  every  qualification  for  the  great  office  which  it  is 
within  the  power  of  the  Kepublican  party  to  bestow  upon  him. 
In  his  nomination  the  Eepublican  party  will  distinguish  itself, 
and  will  make  the  first  step  and  a  long  step  in  a  spirited  and 
victorious  campaign." 

With  a  tremendous  cry  of  "  Aye ! "  the  motion  for  the  nomi- 
nation of  Greenhalge  was  carried  by  acclamation.  In  his  speech 
of  acceptance,  he  said,  after  being  received  with  enthusiastic 
applause :  — 

"MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION, — 
I  accept  the  nomination.  I  accept  it  as  the  greatest  honor  of 
my  life,  and  thank  you  for  it  with  the  deepest  gratitude.  I 
accept  it  also  as  the  greatest  responsibility  of  my  life,  and 
I  trust  I  may  assume  that  responsibility  in  a  spirit  befitting 
the  confidence  you  have  reposed  in  me.  My  deep  sense  of  my 
defects  and  shortcomings  is  increased  by  the  high  and  honor- 
able character  of  the  able  and  distinguished  men  whose  names 
have  been  before  the  party  as  candidates,  and  whose  patriotic 
action  has  contributed  so  much  to  the  harmony  of  this  great 
convention. 

"  Gentlemen,  the  Eepublican  party  is  indifferent  to  nothing 
that  concerns  the  welfare  of  the  Commonwealth,  or  the  welfare 
of  the  nation.  To  keep  Massachusetts  foremost  among  her 
sister  States,  —  peerless  among  her  peers,  —  none  of  the  great 
agencies  of  civilization  must  be  neglected  or  ignored.  Educa- 
tion, justice,  economy,  temperance,  equality  must  still  lead  us 
on  to  better  government  in  State,  in  town,  and  city. 

"  The  State  must  be  just  to  all,  subservient  to  none.  Hear 
the  words  of  the  fathers  in  Article  VI.  of  the  Declaration  of 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  253 

Eights  of  our  Constitution:  'No  man,  nor  corporation,  nor 
association  of  men,  have  any  other  title  to  obtain  advantages, 
or  particular  and  exclusive  privileges,  distinct  from  those  of 
the  community,  than  what  arises  from  the  consideration  of 
services  rendered  to  the  public.'  In  the  spirit  of  these  words 
public  interests  will  ever  be  preferred  to  private  interests. 

"  The  condition  of  national  affairs  must  excite  our  keenest 
solicitude.  An  indignant  country  asks  the  Democratic  party, 
'  Where  is  the  prosperity  of  1892  ?  Give  us  back  that  pros- 
perity, with  its  business,  its  dividends,  its  wages.'  The  reply 
is  not  satisfactory.  While  the  Republican  banner  floated  over 
the  Capitol,  while  Republican  laws  were  administered  by  Re- 
publican hands  and  brains,  we  had  prosperity.  Now  we  are 
awaiting  its  return.  The  prospect  of  vicious  legislation  scared 
away  that  prosperity.  But  the  Sherman  Act,  they  say,  is  the 
root  of  all  this  evil.  Every  intelligent  man  in  this  country 
knows  how  and  why  that  act  was  passed.  But  the  Sherman 
Act  is  charged  to  the  Republican  party.  That  party  erected 
a  dike  to  check  the  flood  of  free  silver.  The  Democracy 
cry  out  because  the  flood  here  and  there  breaks  through 
the  dike.  But  who  prepared  the  flood  except  the  Democratic 
party  ?  As  well  might  a  Tory  censure  old  Putnam  because 
the  rail  fence  at  Bunker  Hill  was  not  of  more  scientific 
construction. 

"  Now  we  are  all  in  favor  of  repeal.  The  Democratic  party 
is  in  power.  We  Republicans  are  not  such  partisans  that  we 
cannot  as  patriots  thank  the  President  of  the  United  States  for 
his  patriotic  service  in  behalf  of  sound  money ;  and  if  his  own 
party  fail  him,  the  Republican  party  will  be  found  —  a  legion 
of  salvation  —  standing  at  his  back  in  this  patriotic  work.  We 
say  to  him,  'Hold  the  fort,  for  we  are  coming.'  [Great  ap- 
plause.] So  we  say,  '  Repeal ! '  They  say, '  We  cannot  yet.'  And 
their  majority  in  the  Senate  stands  helpless  before  a  corporal's 
guard  of  garrulous  silverites.  Let  them  go,  then,  to  the  armory 
of  parliamentary  weapons,  and  if  their  hearts  fail  them  not,  let 
them  draw  from  thence  the  flashing  blade  with  which  Thomas 
B.  Reed  dealt  such  valiant  blows  for  the  true  welfare  of 
the  country.  And  they  may  depend  upon  it  they  will  have 
as  allies  the  Sage  of  Worcester,  the  wisdom  and  strength  of 


254  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

our  senior  Senator,  and  the  youthful  vigor  and  dauntless  intel- 
lect of  the  delegate  from  Nahant,  Henry  Cabot  Lodge. 

"  If  the  Democratic  party  fails  of  repeal,  then  we  charge 
them  with  the  worst  of  political  crimes, —  imbecility  and 
impotence. 

"  We  say  another  word  of  advice  to  the  Democratic  party : 
The  election  laws  help  to  secure  free  and  honest  elections. 
You  have  already  made  elections  in  some  sections  a  mockery. 
Do  not  seek  to  extend  your  malignant  influences  to  darken  the 
free  North  as  you  have  darkened  the  South. 

"Again,  we  would  help  you  to  restore  prosperity  to  the 
country.  To  that  end,  we  say,  tamper  as  little  as  possible 
with  the  great  revenue  system  established  by  the  Fifty-first 
Congress,  and  tell  us  at  once  how  little  evil  you  intend  to 
work.  If  you  do  this,  every  industry  will  blaze  with  new  light 
from  Atlanta  to  Lewiston. 

"  Gentlemen,  I  believe,  and  you  believe,  that  the  Common- 
wealth of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  founded  on  their  broad  and 
lofty  principles  —  on  their  righteous  and  equal  laws  —  is 
safer  with  the  Eepublican  party  than  with  any  other.  What 
thoughtful  man  will  say  that  Massachusetts  is  any  better  — 
in  industry  or  charity,  in  character  or  influence,  in  substance 
or  promise  —  for  the  three  years  of  Democratic  supremacy 
now  closing,  not  soon  to  be  renewed  ?  Let  us,  then,  in  this 
solemn  hour,  lift  high  the  banner  of  our  party  before  the  face 
of  the  Lord !  Every  good  patriot,  every  business  man,  every 
loyal  soldier,  every  bread-winner  (and  we  mean  to  have  no 
bread-foser  under  our  policy)  will  look  to  that  banner  as  the 
symbol  of  rescue,  of  safety,  of  hope.  Let  the  redemption  of 
Massachusetts  begin  to-day!  Gentlemen,  I  thank  you  from 
my  heart." 

The  scenes  at  the  reception  of  Greenhalge,  in  Huntington 
Hall,  at  Lowell,  Saturday  night,  on  his  return  from  the  conven- 
tion, were  never  forgotten  by  those  who  gathered  to  honor  the 
successful  candidate.  The  audience  was  made  up  of  his  friends 
and  neighbors.  Democrats  and  Republicans  alike  were  there 
to  welcome  him.  Greenhalge  arrived  in  Lowell  at  half-past 
seven.  The  route  from  the  station  to  the  hall  was  one  blaze  of 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  255 

colored  lights.  The  candidate's  entrance  on  the  platform  was 
the  signal  for  enthusiastic  applause.  It  was  genuine  feeling 
that  animated  the  vast  throng,  —  a  sincere  admiration  for 
Greenhalge,  and,  on  the  part  of  many,  a  sincere  friendship 
and  love. 

Such  scenes  may  be  thought  common  hi  political  contests, 
but  there  was  something  on  that  occasion  more  than  is  usual. 
It  was  in  part,  at  least,  a  personal  tribute  to  the  man,  inspired  by 
true  affection  and  appreciation.  Greenhalge  was  deeply  moved 
himself.  His  foreign  birth  had  been  referred  to  in  the  public 
prints,  and  his  spirit  of  patriotism  was  aroused  and  perhaps  a 
little  hurt.  The  excitement  was  intense,  and  people  stood  on 
seats  to  cheer  him ;  he  could  not  make  himself  heard  for  some 
time.  He  began  his  speech  as  follows :  — 

"Fellow-townsmen,  I  have  only  a  word  to  say.  It  seems 
but  yesterday  since  I  stood  in  this  old  hall  declaiming  as  a 
high-school  graduate  Curran's  immortal  speech  on  '  Universal 
Emancipation.' 

"  Lowell  is  my  adopted  city,  and  to  her  and  to  Massachusetts 
I  would  devote  every  drop  of  blood  in  my  body. 

"  You  know  my  life.  It  has  not  been  the  best  one  possible. 
I  never  claimed  that.  But  I  hope  that  when  the  One  above 
looks  it  over,  He  may  never  find  that  I  have  been  unjust  to 
any  man,  whatever  or  whoever  he  may  be,  whether  he  be  black 
or  white,  Englishman  or  Irishman,  Democrat  or  Republican. 

"  Lowell  is  my  adopted  city.  Oh,  they  are  going  to  make 
that  an  issue  !  Let  them  dare  to  do  it !  Let  any  man  dare  to 
charge  me  with  being  an  alien  to  Lowell  or  the  old  Bay  State ! 
In  Lowell  are  buried  the  remains  of  my  sainted  father  and 
mother.  Here  lies  buried  my  first-born.  Here  is  the  home  of 
my  wife  and  children.  I  say  that  God  will  have  some  chosen 
curse  to  blast  the  man  who  dares  to  take  away  from  me  my 
chosen  country. 

"  You  know  me.  Have  I  been  unfair  to  any  man  ?  Let  any 
man  —  Irishman,  Englishman,  black  or  white  —  say  that  I 
ever  wronged  him !  We  want  liberality  ;  we  want  broadness 
of  feeling. 

"  Friends  of  Lowell,  I  say  this :  If  anything  gives  me  one 
thrill  of  pride  to-night,  it  is  that  it  is  possible  for  me  to  bring 


256  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

home  this  honor  that  I  have  received  to-day.  I  have  not  cared 
for  public  office  for  myself.  I  have  been  charged  with  indiffer- 
ence on  this  account.  But  I  love  this  city  of  Lowell  and  this 
dear  old  county  of  Middlesex,  and  if  I  can  bring  to  them  any 
honor  I  am  willing  to  exert  every  effort  that  lies  within  me  to 
do  so.  I  do  want  to  show  that  I  am  not  one  of  the  evils  of  un- 
restricted immigration,  and  I  am  going  to  win  and  bring  home 
to  Lowell  every  honor  that  it  is  within  my  power  to  obtain." 

The  following  account  of  this  remarkable  meeting  is  by  an 
eye-witness,  and  well  pictures  the  scene  :  — 

"  Just  prior  to  entering  the  hall,  he  was  told  that  a  Lowell 
paper  had  that  day  deprecated  his  nomination  because  he  was 
of  foreign  birth.  Being  the  first  speaker,  he  had  practically  no 
time  in  which  to  prepare  what  he  said  upon  that  subject.  With 
the  love  which  he  felt  for  Massachusetts,  the  taunt  which  had 
been  flung  in  his  face  the  day  of  his  victory,  you  can  well 
understand,  aroused  him  to  the  greatest  earnestness  when  he 
spoke.  After  a  few  introductory  sentences,  the  following  was 
the  language  used  by  him  :  — 

"'They  are  going  to  make  that  the  issue,  are  they?  Let 
them  do  it  if  they  dare  !  An  alien  ?  Let  the  man  rise  up  who 
dares  to  charge  me  with  being  an  alien  to  this  Commonwealth, 
to  this  republic,  to  this  nation.  Here  are  the  ashes  of  my 
father  and  my  mother,  of  my  first-born  ;  here  are  the  hopes  of 
my  wife  and  children,  sons  and  daughters  of  the  Kevolution. 
I  say  God  will  have  some  chosen  curse  to  blast  the  man,  the 
wretch,  who  dares  to  take  away  from  me  my  country  !  You 
know  me.  Have  I  ever  been  unfair  ?  Let  any  man,  Irish- 
man, Englishman,  German,  African,  or  Indian,  say  that  I  have 
wronged  him  ! ' 

"As  he  reached  the  climax,  for  a  moment  I  could  see  but 
dimly  through  the  tears  with  which  my  own  emotion  partially 
blinded  me;  but  in  another  instant  I  discovered  that  I  had 
nothing  to  conceal,  for  every  eye  within  the  range  of  my  vision 
betrayed  the  emotion  of  strong  and  stalwart  men,  —  men  in 
broadcloth  and  men  in  overalls ;  and  in  an  instant,  that  audi- 
ence as  one  man  rose  to  their  feet,  standing  on  chairs  and  set- 
tees, with  hands  aloft,  tears  coursing  down  their  faces,  and  with 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  257 

one  long  and  mighty  huzza,  which  might  have  reached  the 
arch  of  high  heaven,  indorsed  his  sentiments." 

The  following  letter  of  Mr.  Eeed  explains  itself.  It  was 
written  during  the  campaign,  and  bears  witness  to  his  high 
appreciation  of  Greenhalge,  and  of  the  talents  of  the  latter  dis- 
played in  his  congressional  career.  It  was  a  compliment  richly 
deserved,  and  attracted  wide  attention.  Greenhalge's  known 
admiration  for  the  character  of  Reed  made  it  doubly  pleasing 
to  him :  — 

I  say  to  you  that  Frederic  T.  Greenhalge  is  a  man  worthy 
to  be  Governor  of  Massachusetts ;  and  I  say  it  knowing  well 
the  splendid  list  of  famous  men  to  which  his  name  will  be 
added  next  November.  Frank,  generous,  high-minded,  intelli- 
gent, and  capable,  he  deserves  your  utmost  support. 

With  a  single  exception  or  two,  I  know  of  no  one  who  has 
so  commanded  the  undivided  attention  of  that  most  jealous 
audience  in  the  world,  —  the  members  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. A  man  who  can  hold  his  own  there,  can  hold  it  in 
a  great  many  places  in  this  world. 

THOMAS  B.  REED. 

The  political  speeches  delivered  by  Greenhalge  in  this  per- 
sonal campaign  for  the  governorship  of  Massachusetts  may  be 
considered  as  his  greatest  achievements  upon  the  platform,  — 
they  were  an  admirable  series  of  addresses.  His  personal 
efforts  were  immense  and  incessant.  As  a  leader  he  was  inde- 
fatigable. He  seemed  incapable  of  fatigue.  He  traversed 
the  State  from  end  to  end,  speaking  nearly  every  night,  and 
often  twice  or  thrice  on  the  same  evening  in  different  towns 
and  cities.  Never  since  the  days  of  Robinson  was  such  a 
campaign.  As  time  went  on,  the  people  everywhere  became 
interested  in  the  splendid  display  of  vigor  by  the  Republican 
candidate.  He  was  sharply  criticised  by  the  Democratic  orators 
concerning  trivial  matters.  Their  sharpest  attacks  produced 
little  effect.  His  success  on  the  platform  was  indisputable ; 
his  energy  and  fire  carried  the  people  with  him ;  his  speeches 
rose  to  the  highest  standards  of  political  oratory ;  he  was  the 
people's  candidate,  and  they  elected  him  Governor  of  Massa- 

17 


258  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

chusetts  by  thirty-five  thousand  majority  over  Hon.  John  E. 
Eussell,  the  Democratic  candidate. 

The  victory  was  not  confined  to  Massachusetts.  The  Repub- 
licans were  victorious  all  along  the  line.  It  was  a  time  of 
public  rejoicing  and  renewed  hope.  On  the  morning  of  the 
election  Greenhalge  wrote  in  his  diary :  — 

"Tuesday,  Nov.  7,  1893.  —  A  bright,  clear  day,  —  God's  day, 
and,  I  hope,  mine.  Election  day.  I  have  finished  a  hard 
campaign,  and  have  done  fairly  well.  I  am  going  to  vote 
soon.  My  dear  ones  are  well.  I  am  well.  May  all  things 
go  well." 

Later  he  writes:  "On  Wednesday,  November  29,  I  was 
elected  governor  by  35,677  plurality,  —  the  total  vote  being,  for 
me,  192,613.  I  ran  third  on  the  ticket;  and  I  am  a  little  sur- 
prised that,  after  a  contest  for  the  nomination  and  a  hard  fight 
in  the  campaign,  with  the  objection  of  foreign  birth  and  former 
contests,  I  was  so  well  sustained.  I  am  feeling  well  bodily, 
ready  for  work,  and  doing  much  every  day.  I  want  now  a 
conference  of  New  England  Republican  governors.  I  thank 
God  for  his  mercies." 

The  following  is  a  good  example  of  the  character  of  the 
speeches  delivered  by  Greenhalge  in  the  course  of  this  cam- 
paign. It  was  delivered  at  Taunton :  — 

"MR.  CHAIRMAN,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN,  FRIENDS  AND 
FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  BRISTOL  COUNTY,  —  I  knew  that  I  had 
some  friends  in  Taunton,  but  I  did  not  know  that  I  had  quite 
so  many.  I  thank  you  for  your  attendance  here  to-night  to 
listen  to  the  discussion  of  the  great  subjects  which  ought  to 
come  home  to  the  heart  and  mind  of  every  thinking  man  and 
every  thinking  woman  in  the  Commonwealth. 

"  What  are  the  great  political  and  business  topics  which  are 
of  the  most  paramount  importance  to-day?  They  are  what 
have  interested  men  for  many  years  —  for  many  centuries. 
They  are,  as  ever,  the  question  of  the  currency ;  secondly,  of 
taxation ;  and  thirdly  and  generally,  of  business.  These  mat- 
ters concern  every  man,  no  matter  to  what  political  party  he 
belongs.  He  must  take  an  interest  in  those  matters.  And  I 
shall  try  to  speak  to-night  in  such  a  spirit  that  it  will  be  less 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  259 

a  partisan  appeal  than  an  appeal  to  the  reason,  the  judgment, 
the  intelligence  of  every  man  of  every  shade  of  political  creed. 
We  talk  about  taxation.  Let  us  consider  that  subject  for  a 
moment  as  it  is  connected  with  the  administration  of  the  Fed- 
eral government  It  takes  a  great  deal  of  money,  my  friends, 
to  carry  out  this  great  government.  It  takes  a  great  deal  of 
money  to  insure  to  you  the  comforts,  the  advantages,  the 
privileges  which  the  United  States  of  America  gives  to  every 
man,  woman,  and  child  under  the  folds  of  the  Stars  and 
Stripes;  and  there  is  not  a  man  in  this  audience,  there  is 
not  a  man  in  Taunton,  who  objects  to  paying  a  dollar  of  just 
and  equal  taxation  if  he  gets  the  dollar's  worth  of  good  govern- 
ment back  for  it.  We  then  start  with  the  great  general  and 
fundamental  principle  that  the  best  party  is  that  party  which 
gives  to  every  man  an  honest  dollar's  worth  of  good  govern- 
ment for  every  honest  dollar  that  is  taken  from  his  pocket. 
How,  my  friends,  is  this  matter  of  Federal  taxation  regulated 
and  carried  out  ?  Let  me  tell  you  briefly  and  simply.  It  costs 
to  carry  on  the  great  general  government  of  the  United  States 
somewhere  between  $ 350,000,000  and  $400,000,000  annually ; 
and  let  me  also  tell  you  one  pleasant  thing  at  the  outset, — 
that  while  the  Democratic  party  and  the  Republican  party 
have  been  fighting  each  other  for  thirty  years  and  more,  they 
have  been  forced,  in  practical  administration,  to  this  important 
conclusion,  that  to  carry  on  the  government  a  certain  amount, 
and  they  are  not  wide  apart  as  to  the  amount,  for  annual 
expenditure  is  necessary. 

"  I  am  going  to  be  entirely  fair  and  candid  in  this  matter. 
We  have  heard  much  said  about  a  billion-dollar  Congress.  I 
remember  that  in  the  last  campaign  we  replied,  or  some  of 
our  friends  on  the  Republican  side  replied,  that  the  Fifty- 
second  Congress  had  actually  appropriated  and  expended  more 
than  the  Fifty-first  Congress,  the  so-called  billion-dollar  Con- 
gress. But  I  took  this  ground  all  through  the  campaign,  and 
I  hold  it  to-day,  that  I  will  not  throw  it  in  the  face  of  any 
party  if  they  have  spent  a  little  more  money  than  my  party 
has  spent,  if,  upon  the  whole,  they  can  show  that  their  inten- 
tions were  good,  if  they  can  show  that  upon  the  whole  the 
expenditures  were  wisely  made;  while  I  might  perhaps  show 


260  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

some  grounds  of  complaint,  while  I  might  say  here  and  there 
was  extravagance  on  the  side  of  the  Fifty-second  Congress,  I 
will  say  if  the  two  parties  can  get  anywhere  near  together 
upon  that  important  matter  let  us  agree  for  the  moment  on 
one  thing,  if  we  disagree  on  everything  else.  So  I  take  the 
expenditure  of  the  Forty-ninth  Congress,  of  the  Fiftieth,  of  the 
Fifty-first,  and  the  Fifty-second,  and  compare  them,  and  I  say, 
without  any  invidious  distinction  at  this  time,  we  have  come 
to  one  great  general  result,  and  that  is  that  it  costs  something 
between  $350,000,000  and  $400,000,000,  laying  aside  what  we 
may  call  certain  fixed  charges,  to  carry  on  the  government  of 
this  country.  Now,  then,  I  say,  the  people  do  not  object  if  that 
expenditure  is  wisely  and  intelligently  made.  The  American 
people  are  not  mean,  niggardly,  or  parsimonious.  If  they  find 
that  any  party  has  done  substantially  well  in  appropriating 
and  expending  money,  they  do  not  go  about  cavilling,  except  in 
some  cases  where  politicians  of  a  partisan  character  are  com- 
pelled to  make  some  little  partisan  capital.  But  they  have  a 
right  to  inquire, '  If  you  have  expended  so  many  millions  on  this 
or  that  score,  what  have  you  done  with  the  money  ? '  And  if 
the  Administration  replies, '  With  that  we  have  irrigated  the 
arid  regions  of  the  West  and  converted  waste  places  into  fertile 
regions,'  the  people  will  say, '  Well  and  good,  we  find  no  fault 
with  that.  And  what  have  you  done  with  those  thirty  or 
forty  millions  there?'  'With  that  amount  of  money  we  have 
built  and  improved  harbors ;  we  have  dug  out  the  channels  of 
these  rivers  here  and  there ;  we  have  erected  fortifications  there 
to  defend  and  insure  the  safety  of  the  country.'  And  again  the 
people  say,  '  Well  and  good,  we  find  no  fault  with  that.  And 
what  have  you  done  with  this  large  amount  here?'  'With 
that  we  have  seen  to  it  that  no  veteran  of  the  war  should 
suffer  from  poverty,  or  should  spend  his  days  in  any  alms- 
house,  or  his  children  beg  their  bread.'  And  again  the  people 
will  say, '  Well  and  good.  But  what  have  you  done  with  that 
amount  there  ? '  '  With  that  we  set  a  great  fleet  upon  the  sea 
ready  to  maintain  and  preserve  the  dignity  of  the  United 
States  in  every  sea,  and  protect  every  citizen,  white  or  black, 
native  or  adopted,  in  any  part  of  the  globe.'  And  again  the 
people  will  say,  '  Well  and  good,  we  find  no  fault  with  that.' 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  261 

"  Now  then,  my  friends,  how  shall  this  annual  amount  be 
raised  ? 

"About  $150,000,000  of  this  is  raised  from  internal  revenue, 
—  taxes  on  tobacco,  spirits,  oleomargarine,  opium,  etc. ;  articles 
either  of  luxury  or  whose  consumption  need  not  be  encouraged. 
The  balance,  about  $200,000,000,  comes  from  what  we  call 
customs  revenue,  —  that  is,  from  duties  levied  on  imports ;  and 
there  is  where  the  two  parties  differ  in  a  very  important 
degree.  They  say, '  You  must  levy  your  impost  duties  in  such 
a  way  that  certain  articles  may  take  the  whole  or  the  large 
burden  of  the  tax.'  They  say,  'Here  is  our  list  of  articles  upon 
which  you  shall  impose  what  is  called  the  tariff.'  Then  we, 
the  Kepublican  party,  say,  on  the  other  hand, '  No,  we  do  not 
agree  with  you  upon  your  list  of  articles.'  Kemember,  my 
friends,  that  all  this  time  we  agree  upon  one  thing,  that  this 
amount  of  money  must  be  raised,  that  it  costs  this  amount ; 
and  I  have  been  able  to  find  no  case  of  extravagance  in  the 
administration  of  the  Kepublican  party  which  merits  your  con- 
demnation. Therefore  we  say,  '  Now  take  our  list  of  articles ; ' 
and  our  list  of  articles  is  different  from  theirs.  What  is 
theirs  ?  Such  articles  as  tea,  coffee,  sugar,  molasses,  in  fact 
everything  in  which  labor  does  not  enter  as  a  factor  of  produc- 
tion. We  say,  '  Wait  a  moment.  We  know  that  that  is  an 
ancient  system ;  it  has  been  tried  in  certain  countries ;  but 
cannot  we  do  better  than  that  ? '  So  we  put  up  our  list  and  we 
say, '  Whatever  we  put  on  that  list  shall  come  under  certain 
heads.  First,  that  list  shall  contain  articles  of  luxury  which 
are  not  matters  of  necessity ;  and,  secondly,  —  and  here  is  the 
great  and  important  distinction,  —  it  shall  cover  all  articles 
into  which  the  labor  of  the  American  working  man  and  woman 
comes  as  a  factor.  There  is  a  difference  between  the  two 
parties.  And  observe  that  our  friends  on  the  other  side  do 
not  propose  to  free  you,  my  friends,  from  the  burden  of  tax- 
ation. They  tell  you  that  they  will  when  they  come  here 
before  you  on  your  platform,  but  as  near  as  we  can  find  out 
to-day,  all  the  change  they  propose  to  make  is  to  take  the 
tariff  off  the  list  into  which  your  labor  enters  and  put  it 
upon  the  list  of  articles  into  which  your  labor  does  not  enter. 
And  so  the  proposition  would  be  to  take  from  woollen  goods, 


262  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

cotton  goods  and  steel  and  machinery  and  products  of  iron, — 
to  take  the  duty  off  those  and  put  it  back  upon  sugar,  upon 
molasses,  and  upon  articles  of  a  kindred  nature.  When  I  talk 
on  this  matter  of  tariff,  I  sometimes  leave  out  the  word  '  protec- 
tion,' and  I  will  tell  you  why.  I  say  it  is  a  question  of  equal- 
izing taxation,  of  adjusting  equal  and  just  taxation,  rather 
than  a  matter  of  protection.  Let  me  illustrate  what  I  mean, 
as  I  have  had  occasion  to  do  previously,  by  a  case  of  goods  of 
some  sort  made  here  in  Taunton  and  a  case  of  goods  over  from 
Mullhouse  or  some  European  manufacturing  city  or  town. 
Observe,  when  this  case  of  goods  is  put  into  the  market, —  the 
one  into  which  your  labor  has  entered,  —  it  represents  every 
dollar  that  employer  and  workingman  and  workingwoman  has. 
It  represents  their  capital,  their  profit,  their  wages.  In  that 
case  of  goods  is  their  fortune,  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of 
their  families,  of  their  wives  and  children.  Out  of  that  case  of 
goods  has  come  the  money  to  build  your  cottages,  to  deposit  in 
your  savings-banks,  to  build  your  roads  and  bridges,  to  erect 
your  libraries,  your  city  halls,  your  hospitals,  and  everything 
that  goes  to  make  the  civilization  of  the  United  States  the 
highest  and  most  advanced  in  the  world.  All  that  is  repre- 
sented in  your  case  of  goods.  Have  not  our  people  paid  their 
just  share  of  the  expense  of  government  in  that  case  of 
goods  ?  Have  not  we  all  borne  our  fair  and  equal  proportion  ? 
Has  not  the  workingman  who  has  put  his  labor  in  paid  some- 
thing to  the  carrying  on  of  the  great  government,  something  to 
the  support  of  the  city  of  Taunton,  of  the  county  of  Bristol,  of 
the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  as  well  as  to  the  United 
States  of  America  ?  He  has  paid  his  full  share.  His  wife  has 
helped.  His  wife  and  children  have  helped  in  an  indirect  way, 
because  they  have  been  consumers  and  helpers  in  that  way. 
So  I  say,  my  friends,  your  case  of  goods  has  done  its  full  duty, 
its  just  and  proper  share.  But  here  comes  in  the  other  case  of 
goods  from  across  the  water  somewhere.  What  has  it  paid  ? 
Now,  the  question  between  the  Democratic  party  and  the 
Republican  party  is  how  much  it  ought  to  pay  to  earn  its 
footing,  to  come  into  the  market  and  compete  with  the  prod- 
ucts of  your  labor.  Why,  it  is  not  an  unfair  estimate  to 
say  that  the  value  of  that  case  of  goods  has  contributed 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  263 

thirty,  forty,  and  in  some  cases  fifty  per  cent  ad  valorem 
of  its  value  to  the  country  here.  It  costs  something  to 
maintain  this  great  market-house  of  the  United  States.  It 
cost  something  to  win  it  originally.  It  took  labor,  energy, 
treasure;  it  took  blood;  it  took  human  life.  It  takes  some- 
thing now  to  maintain  and  carry  on  that  mighty  market-house 
stretching  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  All  we  say  is  that 
your  labor,  that  your  capital,  that  your  interests  and  fortunes 
shall  at  least  stand  on  an  equal  footing  with  that  of  the  new- 
comer on  this  side.  So  we  say,  is  there  anything  unreasonable 
in  saying  that  before  the  case  of  goods  shall  come  in,  and,  freed 
from  the  burdens  which  you  have  borne  to  maintain  this  market- 
house,  paying  the  rent  of  the  store,  keeping  it  clean,  protecting 
it  from  fire,  protecting  it  from  danger  of  every  kind,  and  doing 
all  that  out  of  your  own  pockets  and  out  of  your  own  labor, 
—  is  it  fair  that  this  case  of  goods,  coming  in  on  the  other  side, 
should  push  out  and  out  the  domestic  product  made  here  in 
Taunton  ?  We  say,  equalize  the  taxation ;  and  so,  before 
that  product  shall  come  in  here  it  shall  at  least  pay  an  equal 
amount  with  the  case  which  has  paid  its  way,  and  which  has 
contributed  to  the  support  and  comfort  and  success  of  the 
country.  That  is  simply  a  question  of  equalization  of  taxes. 
I  have  not  gone  into  the  question  of  protection  for  protection's 
sake.  It  is  not  necessary  to  go  into  the  fine  distinction  of 
the  books  about  diversifying  industries,  about  promoting  labor. 
I  put  it  to-night  on  the  simple  ground  of  justice  and  fair  play 
to  the  workingmen  and  the  workingwomen  of  the  United 
States,  and  say  there  is  nothing  unfair  in  that  view  of  the 
case.  Consider,  then,  my  friends,  if  this  is  anything  more 
than  the  simplest  justice  dictates  and  requires. 

"My  friends,  it  is  always  important,  even  after  you  have 
adjusted  your  revenue  laws,  —  and  those  come  under  the  sub- 
ject which  I  have  mentioned  as  taxation,  —  that  the  great  basis 
of  value  which  we  call  money  (currency)  shall  be  safe,  steady, 
as  little  changeable  in  value  as  possible.  Money,  the  dollar 
that  you  put  into  your  pockets  after  you  have  earned  it,  is  the 
measure  and  the  representative  of  your  labor.  It  is,  therefore, 
of  the  highest  importance  that  that  representative  and  symbol 
and  actual  embodiment  of  value  shall  be  all  it  is  represented 


264  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

to  be,  —  that  it  shall  be  indeed  100  cents,  and  not  80  or  75  or 
70.  That  matter  is  of  as  much  importance,  I  may  say  it 
is  even  of  paramount  importance  to  any  other.  If  after  you 
have  done  your  work,  if  after  you  have  put  in  your  plant 
and  run  your  business,  you  take  something  which  is  fleeting, 
changeable  in  value,  you  might  just  as  well  stop  working 
one  time  as  another.  Therefore  it  is  of  the  highest  impor- 
tance that  the  money  question  shall  be  handled  with  judg- 
ment, with  discretion,  and,  above  all,  with  integrity,  sterling 
as  the  gold  itself. 

"Now,  then,  let  me  see  about  the  aspect  of  things  to-day. 
Money  is  important,  not  merely  to  the  capitalist,  it  is  more 
important  to  the  workingman  and  the  workingwoman.  The 
capitalist  can  always  protect  himself  in  some  way  or  other.  It 
is  the  other  people  who  are  prevented  from  protecting  them- 
selves against  the  incursions  of  false  standards.  So  that  I 
do  not  want  you  to  think  that  this  question  of  currency  is  one 
in  which  you  are  not  deeply  interested.  What,  I  say,  then,  is 
the  aspect  of  this  question  of  monetary  value  to-day  ?  It  is 
not  in  a  satisfactory  condition ;  and  I  want  to  ask  my  friends 
on  the  other  side,  and  any  of  them  may  reply  to  it  at  their 
pleasure,  whether  in  1892  a  Democratic  majority  was  obtained 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  ?  I  understood,  and  very 
clearly  understood,  from  the  manifestations  made  to  make  it 
clear  to  me,  that  in  1892  our  friends  on  the  other  side  had 
made  a  clean  sweep,  and  had  obtained  possession  of  the  Execu- 
tive, of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  and  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  so  that  those  three  branches  of  government  were 
in  their  control  and  possession.  If  it  is  not  true  to-day,  when 
did  the  change  come  ?  I  therefore  say  that  if  there  is  a  Demo- 
cratic majority  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  to-day,  they 
cannot,  as  my  friend  Thomas  has  said,  escape  the  responsibility 
of  the  delay  which  is  now  injuring  the  financial  confidence  in 
this  country.  Why,  if  they  have  a  Democratic  majority,  what 
prevents  them  from  passing,  by  concurrent  action,  the  bill  to 
repeal  the  purchasing  clauses  of  the  Silver  Act  which  has  been 
passed  by  the  House  ? 

"Well,  they  tell  us  that  their  majority  is  too  small,  that 
they  have  no  such  rules  as  those  which  governed  the  House 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  265 

of  Representatives.  Thus  they  pay  a  splendid  tribute  to  the 
genius  of  Eeed,  who  made  the  rules  for  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, which  were  approved  and  indorsed  by  the  mem- 
bers of  that  House,  —  rules  which  enabled  him,  with  a 
majority,  to  carry  out  the  legislation  of  the  people  at  that 
time.  So  we  say,  if  you  have  the  majority,  if  you  have  the 
disposition  to  pass  this  bill,  do  not  find  fault  because  there 
is  a  garrulous  senator  talking  against  time  here  and  there,  but 
send  out  your  Committee  on  Rules  to  bring  in  a  rule  fixing  a 
given  day,  and  that  as  early  as  possible,  to  pass  the  bill,  and  to 
bring  all  the  confidence  that  can  be  brought  by  that  measure. 
I  say,  if  they  fail  to  do  that,  they  fail  to  execute  the  will  of 
the  people,  and  the  failure  is  directly  chargeable  to  them.  Now, 
my  friends,  this  is  a  matter  of  the  weightiest  importance.  It 
is  a  matter  which  deserves  the  thought  and  care  of  every  intel- 
ligent man ;  it  deserves  the  thought  and  care  of  every  Senator 
of  the  United  States. 

"And  do  you  think  there  is  the  slightest  question  as  to 
where  the  noble  senators  from  Massachusetts  would  stand  if 
any  measure  were  brought  forward  to  hasten  the  decision  of 
this  momentous  issue  ?  Do  you  think  there  is  any  question 
where  George  Frisbie  Hoar  would  stand  if  a  rule  were  brought 
in  to  hasten  the  day  of  voting  upon  this  question  of  repeal  ? 
Do  you  think  there  is  any  question  of  where  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge  would  stand  upon  this  matter?  I  say,  then,  as  my 
friend  has  said,  the  Republican  party  stands  ready,  willing  to 
support  this  policy  at  this  time,  eager  to  forget  in  their  duty  as 
patriots  any  duty  that  a  partisan  spirit  might  suggest,  and  to 
say  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  '  We  stand  at  your 
back  whether  you  are  a  Democrat  or  not.'  There  they  stand, 
as  they  stood  in  the  Fifty-first  and  as  they  stood  in  the  Fifty- 
second  Congress,  making  no  partisan  appeals,  making  no  effort 
at  obstruction  in  any  measure  which  concerned  the  welfare  of 
the  country.  My  friends,  the  position  in  this  country  has  gone 
beyond  the  mere  partisan  narrow  limits. 

"  It  has  come  to  be  a  question,  as  I  said,  which  comes  home 
to  every  home  in  the  land.  It  comes  home  to  every  man  and 
woman  in  Taunton.  It  is  the  business  of  any  party  to  assist 
in  helping  its  own  people  in  providing  them  with  every  advan- 


266  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

ta<?e  that  legislation  can  give ;  and  legislation  cannot  do  a  great 
deal  even  at  the  most.  But  at  the  same  time  your  interests, 
the  interests  of  the  laboring  classes,  lie  at  the  foundation  of  all 
good  government.  It  is  not  the  success  of  this  or  that  wealthy 
man  that  makes  the  greatness  of  a  country :  it  is  the  success 
of  the  fifteen,  of  the  twenty  millions  of  the  bone  and  sinew  of 
the  United  States  which  makes  the  happiness  and  glory  of  the 
United  States.  And  so  we  may  say  that  this  question  of 
finance  is  of  the  utmost  importance.  The  question  of  revenue 
policy  is  also  of  vast  importance.  Why,  my  friends,  if  by  the 
imposition  of  a  duty  in  the  raising  of  necessary  revenue  you 
can  do  two  good  acts  at  once,  is  it  not  wise  to  do  that  ? 

"  If  you  put  a  duty  upon  coffee  or  sugar,  it  benefits  no  living 
man  in  America ;  but  if  you  put  a  duty  to  raise  the  necessary 
revenue  upon  woollen  goods,  upon  manufactured  cotton  goods, 
upon  manufactures  of  iron  and  steel,  then  you  not  only  lift  the 
burden  of  taxation  and  make  it  easier,  but  you  confer  a  boon 
upon  the  American  laborer,  upon  the  American  workingman. 
This  country,  I  may  say,  is  peculiarly  circumstanced  in  one 
respect.  You  have  here  the  highest  standard  of  living  which 
can  be  found  anywhere  in  the  world  That  circumstance 
makes  it  important  that  every  advantage  which  can  be  derived 
from  a  fair  and  equal  system  of  taxation  shall  be  given  to  this 
people  and  not  to  some  other  people. 

"  The  American  workingman  is  a  citizen  charged  with  im- 
portant duties.  He  has  more  political  obligations  and  more 
political  power  than  any  citizen  or  subject  of  any  country  in 
the  world.  He  needs  more  to  maintain  that  higher  standard 
of  living  than  any  other  person  in  any  other  country  similarly 
placed.  He  is  a  governor;  he  is  a  ruler.  It  is  important  for 
the  safety,  for  the  prosperity,  of  the  country  that  he  should  be 
intelligent,  and  in  order  to  be  intelligent  and  prosperous  he 
must  be  well  fed  and  well  clothed  and  well  sheltered.  He 
needs  certain  things  for  his  comfort  which  people  in  other 
places  do  not  have  and  do  not  seem  to  demand.  He  must  have 
his  daily  newspaper ;  he  must  have  leisure  to  attend  political 
meetings,  and  I  do  not  care  of  what  party  he  may  be ;  he  must 
have  means  to  send  his  children  to  school;  he  must  have 
means  to  contribute  to  these  expenses  of  government  of  which 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  267 

I  have  spoken.  And  therefore  we  say  that  these  are  excep- 
tional circumstances.  And  while  it  is  true,  as  has  been  stated 
in  the  books,  that  it  is  always  best  to  buy  in  the  cheapest 
market  and  to  sell  in  the  dearest,  the  question  comes  to  the 
thoughtful  man,  'After  all,  which  is  the  best?  Which  is  the 
cheapest  and  which  is  the  dearest?'  Under  the  system  of 
Alexander  Hamilton,  under  the  system  of  Henry  Clay,  of 
Elaine,  and  McKinley,  there  has  been  an  increase  in  manufac- 
turing products. 

"  We  are  following  the  standard  which  will  lead  us  to  the 
very  van  in  the  manufacturing  countries  of  the  world ;  we  are 
making  rapid  progress  in  improvements ;  we  are  getting  to  be 
more  scientific,  more  successful,  every  day.  We  have  this 
theory :  It  is  not  by  beating  down  wages  that  you  get  the  best 
results.  That  is  a  slight  factor.  And  reductions  of  wages  do 
not  result  always  in  the  net  reduction  of  expenses.  The  true 
policy  which  the  Bepublicaii  party  believes  in  is,  raise  and  im- 
prove the  standard  of  your  laborer,  contribute  all  you  can  to 
make  him  healthy,  strong,  intelligent.  Let  him  make  his  way 
with  the  best  advantages  you  can  give  him,  and  our  notion  is 
that  the  skilled  artisan  of  Tauuton  will,  under  that  policy, 
turn  out  more  products  than  the  artisan  of  any  other  country 
in  the  world ;  and  if  we  can  keep  on  with  this  policy  we  shall 
not  have  any  question  about  opening  up  our  ports  to  the  pro- 
ducts of  any  country. 

"  Now,  my  friends,  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  this 
policy  should  be  maintained.  It  has  been  the  policy  of  the 
country  for  more  than  thirty  years;  it  has  been  the  policy 
recommended  by  wise  and  thoughtful  statesmen.  At  least  in 
1892  we  had  a  year  of  prosperity.  My  friend  on  the  other 
side  has  said  that  1892  was  not  a  prosperous  year,  that  there 
was  an  outflow  of  gold,  and  that  business  was  diminishing ;  and 
yet  in  the  statements  of  the  Annual  Statistics  of  Manufacturers 
of  Massachusetts  the  record  is  entirely  the  reverse. 

"  In  the  year  1892  the  increase  in  the  value  of  the  product 
of  the  nine  leading  industries  of  Massachusetts  was  $33,180,865 
over  the  total  value  of  the  product  of  the  preceding  year. 

"The  rate  of  gain  ranged  from  2.68  per  cent  on  cotton  goods 
to  10.94  per  cent  on  leather.  The  average  gain  was  5.37  per 


268  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

cent,  the  largest  in  recent  years,  the  '  normal '  rate  of  increase 
being  3  per  cent. 

"In  the  4,473  establishments  considered  in  these  nine  in- 
dustries, there  was  an  increase  of  13,515  hands,  or  4.53  per  cent 
in  one  year.  In  January  there  were  303,910  persons  employed. 
In  the  vacation  season  in  August  there  were  309,308  em- 
ployed, and  in  October  317,007,  which  dropped  to  313,606  in 
December." 

The  return  of  the  Governor-elect  to  his  home  in  Lowell,  at 
half-past  twelve  on  the  night  of  the  election,  was  perhaps  the 
most  remarkable  political  event  in  the  annals  of  the  city. 

A  vast  crowd  waited  for  him  at  the  station ;  it  was  a  cheer- 
ful and  happy  assembly  of  excited  men.  The  time  was  long 
before  the  train  arrived. 

It  was  as  noisy  as  the  Fourth  of  July.  There  were  Roman 
candles  and  rockets.  The  crowd  sang  "Marching  through 
Georgia"  and  other  popular  airs.  At  last  the  train  arrived, 
and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people  vented  itself  in  a  royal  wel- 
come. Sober  citizens,  heads  of  families,  grandfathers  as  well 
as  young  men,  carried  away  by  the  excitement  of  the  moment, 
united  in  dragging  the  open  barouche,  in  which  sat  the  hero  of 
the  hour,  to  Huntington  Hall,  accompanied  by  the  wildly  cheer- 
ing crowd.  Bursting  open  the  doors,  the  throng  flowed  like  a 
sea  wave  into  the  hall  and  up  to  the  platform.  It  was  one 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  a  strange,  inspiring  scene,  when, 
mid  the  greatest  enthusiasm,  Mayor  Pickman  introduced  the 
Governor-elect :  — 

"  Fellow-citizens,  the  race  is  ended ;  the  battle  is  won. 
Lowell  has  been  loyal  to  her  foremost  son,  and  Frederic  T. 
Greenhalge  has  been  elected  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  Massachusetts.  Party  lines  have  been  forgotten.  There 
is  but  one  name  in  Massachusetts,  that  of  our  honored  states- 
man. Such  a  scene  as  this  to-night  is  almost  unprecedented 
in  the  history  of  Lowell.  But  you  did  not  come  here  to  listen 
to  me,  and  I  am  proud,  then,  to  introduce  the  next  Governor 
of  Massachusetts." 

After  his  introduction  Greenhalge  spoke  as  follows :  — 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  269 

"  My  friends,  it  is  not  late  Tuesday,  because  it  is  Wednesday 
already.  I  have  only  a  single  word  to  say.  What  can  I  say 
after  such  a  demonstration  as  you  have  given  me  ?  The  last 
thing  I  said  when  I  left  the  city  this  morning  was,  '  Give  me 
the  vote  of  Lowell,  and  I  will  sacrifice  five  thousand  votes  in 
other  parts  of  the  State.'  I  am  told  that  I  have  the  vote  of 
my  own  people,  and  I  have  not  sacrificed  a  single  vote  in  the 
remainder  of  the  State. 

"What  does  it  mean  if  it  does  not  mean  good  to  every 
mother's  son  of  you  ?  —  for  I  see  there  are  no  daughters  here. 
I  am  not  here  as  a  partisan,  in  spite  of  what  many  of  the  news- 
papers have  said.  I  have  never  meant  to  be  a  narrow  partisan. 
I  have  tried  to  be  a  friend  to  every  man  that  needed  friendship. 
I  have  not  been  an  illiberal  man.  I  have  tried  to  crush  out 
party  animosities.  I  have  tried  to  bring  the  different  elements 
here  into  one  brotherhood. 

"  Of  course  we  differ.  It  would  be  a  dull  world  if  it  were 
not  so.  I  should  hate  to  have  to  live  with  any  one  who  always 
agreed  with  me.  Even  my  beautiful  wife  and  my  son  and 
daughter  do  not  always  think  as  I  do.  Still,  we  are  one  family. 
I  want  fair,  broad,  honorable  treatment  on  all  sides.  In  this 
campaign,  terminated  to-night,  I  have  struck  no  blow  below 
the  belt.  I  want  to  stand  by  the  men  who  work  for  their 
living,  —  not  because  I  want  their  votes ;  I  never  ask  a  man  to 
vote  for  me.  Give  me  an  election  that  comes  from  the  hearts 
of  the  people,  and  it  is  the  grandest  glory  that  comes  to  a  man." 

At  these  last  words  cries  of  "  Aye !  aye ! "  were  heard  from 
all  parts  of  the  hall. 

The  day  after  election  Greenhalge  said  in  an  interview :  — 

"  I  do  not  regard  the  result  in  any  sense  a  personal  triumph. 
While  I  may  have  had  enthusiastic  friends  who  had  my  per- 
sonal interest  at  heart,  I  still  believe  that  these  friends  were 
actuated  by  motives  of  principle  and  a  desire  for  the  public 
welfare. 

"  If  they  regarded  me  in  any  friendly  way,  it  was  chiefly  be- 
cause they  regarded  me  as  an  instrument  calculated  to  perform 
the  task  which  they  desired,  or  which  they  intended. 

"  As  for  an  explanation  of  either  the  preliminary  campaign 


270  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

or  the  election,  I  think  the  duty  of  explanation  belongs  to  the 
other  party.  I  do  not  want  you  to  leave  out  the  word 
'  other.' 

"  Some  explanation  seems  to  be  due  from  some  of  the  politi- 
cal prophets.  We  simply  point  to  the  campaign  and  to  its 
results.  It  is  not  a  time  for  any  partisan  jubilation ;  it  is  a  time 
for  the  serious  consideration  of  the  present  condition  of  affairs 
and  the  remedies  applicable  thereto. 

"How  much  the  voice  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  voice  of 
other  States  speaking  in  the  same  tones,  will  aid  against  the 
bigots  of  theory,  is  the  question  to  be  solved. 

"  For  my  part,  I  shall  endeavor  that  the  voice  of  Massachu- 
setts shall  have  its  full  and  salutary  effect  upon  the  national 
council.  I  feel  the  utmost  kindness  toward  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  governor,  on  account  of  the  fair  and  rational 
method  in  which  he  discussed  party  issues,  which  was  in  de- 
lightful contrast  with  the  discouraging  exhibitions  made  by 
partisan  politicians  and  partisan  newspapers  on  the  Democratic 
side. 

"  It  is  desirable  to  raise  the  standard  of  party  journalism  to  a 
point  at  least  of  respectability. 

"  I  deprecate  any  demonstration  of  partisan  exultation  in  the 
presence  of  the  grave  crisis  in  the  affairs  of  the  country." 

Greenhalge  had  now  reached  the  summit  of  his  career.  He 
was  elected  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  the  grand  old  Common- 
wealth, whose  chief  magistrates  have  always  been  men  of  dis- 
tinction and  character,  —  whose  great  traditions  he  reverenced, 
whose  citizens  he  regarded  as  the  most  intelligent  in  the  world ; 
he,  who  was  only  an  adopted  son  of  Massachusetts,  had  been 
held  worthy  of  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  her  people. 
His  heart  was  full,  of  gratitude,  and  with  the  deepest  feeling 
he  looked  forward  to  the  honors  and  responsibilities  of  his  high 
position.  His  whole  being  afterwards  became  absorbed  in  its 
duties.  He  gave  himself  without  reserve  to  his  great  task. 
Conscience  prescribed  his  course,  and  he  never  swerved  from 
the  appointed  path. 

I  will  here  again  avail  myself  of  the  opportunity  Judge 
Lawton  has  afforded  me  of  illustrating  Governor  Greenhalge's 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  271 

character  and  aims  by  the  just  and  discriminating  words  of  one 
who  knew  him  intimately  and  well.  He  writes  of  him  as 
follows,  referring  at  first  to  the  period  of  his  defeat  in  re-election 
to  Congress :  — 

"  He  returned  to  the  practice  of  the  law  with  a  sharpened 
appetite.  He  had  not  lost  his  interest  in  the  great  popular 
contests  over  public  policies.  He  was  willing,  even  eager,  to 
lead  in  those  contests.  He  wanted  to  be  a  '  free  lance  for  a 
while,'  he  said.  He  did  not  '  wish  to  be  voted  for  any  more.' 
He  loved  the  public  platform,  and  by  no  means  intended  to 
abandon  it.  Hereafter  the  law  was  to  be  his  vocation,  and 
everything  else  subordinate  to  that. 

"  His  plan  was  not  that  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts.  The 
party  to  which  he  belonged,  in  the  person  of  its  candidate  for 
governor,  had  been  three  times  in  succession  defeated  in  the 
same  State  which  had  before  been  its  stronghold.  The  last 
defeat  of  this  kind  had  been  in  the  presidential  year  of  1892. 
This  frightened  the  leaders  of  the  party  in  the  Commonwealth. 
After  much  discussion  the  conclusion  was  reached  that  the 
very  best  must  be  nominated,  or  another  defeat  would  follow. 
It  was  plain  that  many  Eepublicans  did  not  think  that  the 
tariff  was  involved  in  State  elections.  There  was  no  State  issue 
upon  which  the  political  parties  were  fairly  divided.  The 
personality  of  the  candidate  had  come  to  count  for  more  than 
ever.  The  youthful  and  talented  Russell,  after  a  treble  elec- 
tion to  the  chief  magistracy,  had  created  a  personal  party 
which  seemed  to  dominate  in  Massachusetts.  A  candidate 
had  been  indicated  to  succeed  him  who,  by  his  experience, 
his  learning  on  all  public  questions,  and  by  his  forensic  abili- 
ties, seemed  hardly  inferior  as  a  getter  of  votes.  There  was 
no  lack  of  substantial  and  sound  men  in  the  Commonwealth 
who  might  be  chosen  to  oppose  him.  It  was  felt  that  some- 
thing more  was  needed.  A  man  was  wanted  who  was  this, 
and  besides  should  have  that  brilliancy  of  personality,  that 
magnetic  attractiveness,  that  should  fairly  overmatch  and  out- 
shine any  favorite  that  could  be  pitched  upon  as  a  Democratic 
candidate.  The  selection  of  such  a  man  was  left  to  the  rank 
and  file  of  the  Republican  party.  After  a  few  weeks  of  sugges- 
tion and  discussion,  the  response  came  from  the  people  with 


272  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

no  uncertain  sound.  Wherever  he  had  appeared  upon  the 
platform  Greenhalge  had  fixed  the  admiration  and  won  the 
hearts  of  all  who  had  heard  him.  Before  the  convention  for 
nomination  had  assembled,  the  dispute  as  to  his  pre-eminence 
had  practically  ceased.  He  who  alone  seemed  to  be  able  to 
divide  that  convention,  with  grace  and  magnanimity  advocated 
the  nomination  and  the  loyal,  unanimous  support  of  Green- 
halge. In  the  canvass  that  followed  it  soon  became  apparent 
that  his  election  was  sure. 

"  He  was  three  times  elected  governor  by  majorities  which 
exceeded  the  hopes  of  his  most  ardent  supporters.  He  per- 
formed all  the  duties  of  that  office,  not  only  with  the  grace 
which  had  been  anticipated,  but  with  a  courage  and  wisdom 
that  brought  back  the  best  days  of  the  best  governors  of  the 
old  Commonwealth.  There  was  no  power  behind  the  throne. 
There  was  only  one  governor  while  he  occupied  the  chair. 
Honest  and  public-spirited  men  sometimes  disagreed  with 
him.  Mere  politicians  and  mere  place-hunters  seldom  agreed 
with  him.  He  considered  well  every  responsibility  placed  upon 
him.  He  patiently  and  without  prejudice  heard  both  sides 
and  all  sides.  When  he  reached  what  he  believed  to  be  the 
right  conclusion,  no  friend,  no  man,  no  influence  could  swerve 
him  from  it.  No  son  of  Massachusetts,  though  born  on  her 
soil,  ever  reverenced  more  her  great  history  and  her  great 
influence  in  America.  Her  democracy  of  two  millions  and  a 
half  of  people  was  to  him  the  advance  guard  of  the  civilization 
of  the  world.  Every  act,  every  utterance  of  Massachusetts, 
through  its  legislature  or  its  governor,  was  sacred.  He  had 
been  advised  at  his  third  nomination  to  conciliate  a  powerful 
faction  in  the  convention  which  all  his  timid  friends  feared 
might  defeat  his  re-election.  An  election  had  never  been  an 
important  matter  to  him.  It  was  no  more  so  then  than  ever 
before.  But  the  principle  of  opposition  to  him  was  of  great 
importance.  He  did  not  hesitate  to  discuss  that  principle  in 
his  address  of  acceptance.  To  some  it  would  have  been  a  duty 
to  truckle  —  to  concede  something.  This  he  never  did  on  an 
'  essential.'  He  calmly  reviewed  what  he  had  done  and  what 
he  had  said  that  had  given  offence ;  he  stated  his  own  position 


CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  273 

with  patience,  with  toleration,  and  adhered  to  it  with  firmness. 
John  A.  Andrew  was  the  '  war  governor '  of  Massachusetts.  No 
one  will  ever  crowd  him  from  the  pedestal  on  which  he  stands. 
But  Massachusetts  was  a  unit  behind  him  from  the  very  begin- 
ning to  the  end  of  his  great  achievement.  He  led  Massachu- 
setts to  the  field  as  really  as  if  he  commanded  her  soldiers  in 
the  fire  of  battle.  Greenhalge  came  to  the  governorship  of 
Massachusetts  at  a  time  when  the  wavering  and  fickle  popular 
majority  had  demoralized  even  those  who  were  at  once  good 
citizens  and  earnest  partisans.  They  began  to  think  that  a 
party,  to  get  into  power  and  keep  it,  must  deal  timidly  with 
questions  that  divide  the  people.  Those  who  were  politicians 
and  nothing  else  thought  the  party's  power  and  the  candidate's 
popularity  depended  on  the  cunning  evasion  of  all  burning  and 
disturbing  questions.  They  thought  it  a  candidate's  duty  to 
his  party  to  conceal  any  opinion  he  might  have  which  might 
appear  unpopular.  In  the  days  of  Andrew  one  great  question 
swallowed  all  others,  and  the  governor  could  afford  to  be  inde- 
pendent and  candid.  But  the  politicians  thought  the  times 
had  changed. 

"  Governor  Greenhalge,  however,  seemed  never  to  realize  that 
his  party  was  made  of  glass.  Very  early  in  his  first  term 
he  developed  a  candor  and  an  independence  that  some  timid 
souls  felt  had  destroyed  every  chance  of  his  re-election.  He 
was  re-elected,  however,  and  pursued  the  same  course  all 
through  his  second  term,  and  to  the  amazement  of  many,  he 
was  triumphantly  elected  for  the  third  term.  Said  one  of  his 
friends  at  that  time,  'I  have  always  said  that  the  Governor 
was  no  politician.  I  have  said  it  over  and  over  again;  I 
thought  it  was  true,  but  it  is  n't.  There  is  only  one  politician 
in  the  whole  world,  and  his  name  is  —  Greenhalge.'  This  was 
intended  as  a  sort  of  a  'Scotty  Briggs'  tribute  to  the  Gov- 
ernor. In  the  best  sense  it  was  a  tribute  to  him.  It  was  an 
unconscious  tribute  to  the  people  of  Massachusetts.  It  con- 
tained the  lesson  of  lessons  of  Greenhalge's  life  and  of  his 
public  service.  As  long  as  a  democracy  worth  having  shall 
stand,  he  is  the  best  politician  who  deals  with  the  people  on 
the  highest  plane.  The  time  had  come  when  the  Governor 

18 


274  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

of  Massachusetts  seemed  to  depend  entirely  for  popular  favor 
on  his  personal  attractiveness  and  on  the  confidence  of  the 
people  in  his  personal  fitness.  They  found  out  that  they  had 
elected  a  man  to  be  governor  who,  while  he  occupied  the 
chair,  would  be  governor  alone,  —  in  whose  courage,  justice, 
and  wisdom  they  could  confide ;  and  they  kept  on  electing  him 
until  he  died. 


CHAPTEE  VIII. 

GOVERNOR  OF   MASSACHUSETTS. 

THE  inauguration  of  Governor  Greenhalge  occurred  January  4, 
at  the  State  Capitol,  in  Boston,  with  the  customary  interesting 
ceremonies  and  that  republican  simplicity  which  is  the  honor- 
able characteristic  of  American  institutions.  Governor  Green- 
halge succeeded  the  late  Governor  Eussell,  who,  like  him,  was 
re-elected  three  successive  years  to  office,  and  who,  like  him, 
came  nearer,  perhaps,  to  the  hearts  of  the  people  than  almost 
any  of  their  immediate  predecessors.  They  differed  widely  in 
political  beliefs ;  but  the  power  which  they  exercised  over  other 
minds  had  something  in  kind,  and  in  their  deaths  they  were  to 
be,  alas !  nearly  united.  The  honorable  ambitions  of  any  man 
might  well  have  been  satisfied  to  have  attained  the  position 
Greenhalge  now  occupied.  The  Kepublican  party  of  Massa- 
chusetts had  honored  him  with  the  highest  office  in  their  gift, 
and  he  began  his  first  administration  with  the  good  wishes  of 
even  his  political  opponents. 

The  inaugural  address  of  a  new  governor  is  always  looked 
forward  to  with  interest  by  all  parties,  and  is  naturally  a 
subject  for  criticism  by  those  of  opposite  political  beliefs. 
The  speech  of  Governor  Greenhalge  was  well  received,  and 
few  of  its  suggestions  called  forth  adverse  remarks.  It  was 
an  admirable  state  paper,  and  satisfied  the  people  of  the 
State  that  they  had,  as  their  chief  magistrate,  a  man  of  prac- 
tical ability,  and  one  well  fitted  to  occupy  so  eminent  a  posi- 
tion. During  his  terms  of  office  it  was  his  fortunate  destiny 
to  continue  to  grow  and  develop  in  popularity  and  character, 
with  ever-increasing  appreciation  and  admiration  by  the  peo- 
ple of  the  State,  who  came  to  know  him  well,  and  to  give  him 


276  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

full  credit  for  the  qualities  he  possessed.  In  his  inaugural 
address  Governor  Greenhalge  made  some  suggestions  which 
were  indorsed  by  Democrats  and  Republicans  alike.  He  en- 
joined upon  the  Legislature  the  necessity  of  economy  in  view 
of  the  general  condition  of  business.  He  spoke  of  the  too 
common  evil  of  stock  watering,  and  advised  that  laws  should 
be  enacted  to  prevent  it  as  much  as  possible.  He  commented 
favorably  upon  woman  suffrage,  and  hoped  to  see  a  better 
understanding  between  employers  and  employees  as  a  necessity 
of  business  life.  A  portion  of  his  address  touched  on  the 
following  subjects,  and  I  insert  the  passages  in  which  he 
speaks  of  them:  — 

EDUCATION. 

Public  education  is  one  of  the  primal  factors  in  the  devel- 
opment and  advancement  of  the  people.  The  education  of  all 
by  all,  for  all,  is  the  corner-stone  of  the  Commonwealth. 
There  is  no  room  in  this  system  of  public  education  for  nar- 
rowness, for  intolerance,  for  prejudice.  In  its  construction,  the 
great  object  aimed  at  was  to  ascertain,  not  on  how  many  points 
the  people  differed,  but  on  how  many  points  they  agreed ;  so 
that  this  common  ground  of  agreement  having  been  found, 
many  diverse  elements  could  be  brought  together,  and  thus  the 
spirit  of  unity  which  should  animate  every  citizen  could  be 
cultivated  and  developed.  Upon  this  broad  and  enduring 
foundation  the  fabric  of  the  Commonwealth  is  reared.  Here, 
upon  the  ductile  and  plastic  mind  of  childhood,  are  indelibly 
impressed  the  lessons  of  equal  rights,  equal  duties,  and  equal 
opportunities  before  the  law,  and  the  great  duty  of  patriotic 
devotion  and  service  to  the  Commonwealth.  Other  institutions 
of  learning  may  devote  themselves  each  to  its  special  object, 
but  I  firmly  believe  that  the  daily  association  of  the  diverse 
elements  of  the  population  in  the  period  of  youth,  their  daily 
common  occupation  in  the  same  tasks  and  the  same  sports, 
bring  together  the  children  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  unify 
them  as  no  other  agency  can  do. 

In  1891  there  were  657,137  foreign-born  persons  in  Massa- 
chusetts ;  and  persons  having  one  or  both  parents  of  foreign 
birth  numbered  1,259,943.  The  total  population  of  Massa- 
chusetts for  the  same  year  was  2,307,374.  These  figures  are 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  277 

substantially  the  same  now,  and  bear  substantially  the  same 
relative  proportions  as  in  the  year  1891.  The  work  of  unifica- 
tion and  assimilation  has  been  for  many  years  going  on  quietly, 
thoroughly,  and  successfully,  and  Massachusetts  has  not  lost 
the  high  reputation  for  the  personal  character  of  her  citizens 
which  has  so  greatly  distinguished  her  from  the  very  beginning. 
This  vast  and  wonderful  work  has  been  largely  helped  by  the 
system  of  public  education.  It  has  been  said  that  Waterloo 
was  won  on  the  playgrounds  of  Eton ;  with  equal  truth  it  may 
be  said  that  many  a  well-fought  field  from  Baltimore  to  Appo- 
mattox  was  won  on  the  playgrounds  of  the  grammar-schools 
of  Massachusetts,  and  the  spirit  of  fraternity  and  patriotism 
cultivated  in  the  studies  and  sports  of  boyhood  blazed  into 
clearer  and  warmer  glow  at  the  bloody  angle  of  Gettysburg  or 
before  the  defences  of  Port  Hudson. 

I  am  aware  that  there  are  alleged  to  be  defects  in  this  sys- 
tem as  regards  both  principle  and  method.  Some  of  these 
defects  I  may  be  pardoned  for  mentioning,  because  Massachu- 
setts should  have  not  only  the  best  schools  in  the  country,  but 
the  best  in  the  world ;  and  every  defect  or  alleged  defect 
should  be  inquired  into,  and  if  discovered  should  be  promptly 
corrected.  Among  other  complaints,  it  is  alleged  that  there  is 
a  lack  of  co-ordination  between  our  common  schools  and  the 
higher  institutions  of  learning.  It  ought  to  be  possible  for  the 
humblest  child  in  Massachusetts,  in  any  part  of  the  State,  to 
obtain  in  the  public  schools  the  preparatory  instruction  neces- 
sary for  admission  to  the  best  university  or  college  in  the 
country.  It  is  for  you  to  determine  whether  and  how  the 
State  shall  assume  the  responsibility  of  providing  or  requiring 
equal  facilities  in  elementary  or  secondary  schools  in  all  parts 
of  the  Commonwealth.  Again,  has  sufficient  provision  been 
made  for  manual  training  throughout  the  Commonwealth  ?  I 
may  say,  further,  that  there  is  complaint  in  some  quarters  that 
there  are  not  normal  schools  enough  to  furnish  properly  trained 
teachers,  especially  for  giving  instruction  in  the  arts  of  manual 
training.  Our  public  schools  should,  in  principles,  methods, 
teachers,  and  equipment,  be  brought  to  the  highest  possible 
standard  of  efficiency. 

There  were  376,986  pupils  in  the  public  schools  in  1891, 


278  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

when  the  latest  enumeration  now  available  was  made.  It  is 
safe  to  say,  with  a  reasonable  degree  of  precision,  that  more 
than  eighty-five  per  cent  of  the  children  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  school  age  are  to  be  found  in  these  schools. 

TEMPERANCE. 

The  subject  of  temperance  and  the  legislation  designed  to 
remove  or  to  control  the  evils  resulting  from  the  manufacture 
and  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  have  always  and  properly  com- 
manded the  earnest  consideration  of  the  people  of  Massachu- 
setts. Intemperance  and  the  temptations  which  lead  to  it 
should  be  guarded  against  in  every  possible  way.  The  cause 
of  temperance  can  best  be  advanced  by  practical  legislation, 
founded  upon  and  supported  by  public  opinion.  Public 
opinion  is  not  often  created  by  law;  law  is  usually  created  by 
public  opinion. 

I  am  aware  that  many  objections  are  urged  against  the 
existing  system  of  law  relating  to  the  manufacture  and  sale  of 
intoxicating  liquors.  Undoubtedly,  some  of  these  objections 
are  well  founded.  It  is  claimed  that  the  limitation  of  the 
number  of  licenses  in  proportion  to  the  population  has  worked 
injury  rather  than  good  to  the  body  politic. 

I  desire  to  point  out,  however,  that  much  has  been  effected 
under  the  present  system,  faulty  as  it  may  be.  During  the 
year  1893  twelve  cities  and  two  hundred  and  sixty-two  towns 
voted  "  no  license."  In  view  of  these  results,  it  would  seem  as 
if  the  friends  of  temperance  might,  with  strong  hopes  and  en- 
couraging prospects  of  success,  direct  their  labors  to  the  several 
communities  of  the  State  so  as  to  develop  and  strengthen  pub- 
lic opinion  in  the  desired  direction. 

The  most  momentous  questions  affecting  public  interests 
are  subordinated  to  the  inordinate  and  reckless  desire  to  obtain 
licenses,  and  city  and  town  affairs  are  thrown  into  confusion 
by  the  struggle  between  applicants.  It  is  also  urged  that  the 
work  of  distributing  licenses  would  be  much  more  honestly 
and  judiciously  performed  by  license  boards  appointed  by  the 
mayor  and  aldermen  of  cities,  or  by  the  judges  of  local  courts. 
The  farther  removed  the  officials  intrusted  with  the  distribu- 
tion of  licenses  are  from  political,  corrupt,  or  pernicious  influ- 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  279 

ences  of  any  sort,  the  better  for  the  accomplishment  of  what 
must  be  at  best  a  difficult  and  troublesome  task.  There  is  no 
influence  which  is  so  liable  to  disturb  our  moral  and  political 
welfare  as  that  of  the  groggery  and  the  saloon. 

Public  sentiment  is  naturally  opposed  to  the  glaring  moral 
evils  which  arise  from  the  selfish  and  indiscriminate  sale  of 
liquor ;  and  political  purity  will  be  impossible  so  long  as  the 
influence  of  the  sale  and  use  of  liquor  plays  so  large  a  part  in 
the  discussion  and  solution  of  political  questions. 

CORPORATIONS. 

I  deem  it  important  that  suitable  legislation  be  enacted  to 
prevent  the  watering  of  the  stock  of  quasi-public  corporations, 
either  through  the  instrumentality  of  construction  companies 
or  otherwise,  and  also  to  prevent  the  issue  of  bonds  as  a  bonus 
to  parties  who  subscribe  for  stock ;  to  confine  the  expenditures 
of  these  corporations  as  strictly  as  possible  to  the  purposes  for 
which  they  are  organized,  and  to  insure  honesty  in  dealing, 
both  with  the  stockholders  and  with  the  public.  And,  further, 
all  contracts  for  the  lease,  sale,  or  purchase  of  railroads  or  street 
railways  should  be  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Kailroad 
Commissioners. 

There  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  why  all  quasi-public 
corporations  should  not  come  under  a  similar  rule. 

The  evils  attending  the  inflation  of  securities  of  corpora- 
tions which  receive  from  the  public  great  privileges  not  granted 
private  corporations,  are  so  prejudicial  to  the  welfare  of  the 
people  that  judicious  measures  for  the  prevention  of  such  infla- 
tion are  imperatively  demanded. 

FAST  DAY. 

I  heartily  concur  in  the  recommendation  made  by  my  im- 
mediate predecessor  for  the  abolition  of  Fast  Day,  and  as  a 
substitute  therefor  the  observance  by  solemn  and  patriotic 
ceremonies  of  the  19th  of  April.  It  is  vain  to  attempt  to 
maintain  a  custom  which  has  become  "  more  honored  in  the 
breach  than  in  the  observance." 

If  the  public  opinion  which  has  hitherto  sustained  it  has 
ceased  to  exist,  the  outward  observance  of  such  a  day  becomes 


280  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

a  mere  ceremony,  which  does  not  stimulate  the  reverence  or 
devotion  of  the  people. 

The  substitution  for  Fast  Day  of  the  19th  of  April  may 
well  commend  itself  not  only  to  the  patriotic  but  to  the  re- 
ligious sentiment  of  the  people.  The  earliest  memories  of 
this  historic  day  are  forever  associated  with  the  maintenance 
of  religious  and  civil  liberty,  represented  by  all  that  is  sacred 
and  valuable  in  the  life  and  institutions  of  the  Massachusetts 
of  1775.  The  day  derives  additional  sanctity  and  significance 
as  commemorating  the  patriotic  spirit  and  devotion  of  1861. 
Eeligion  and  patriotism  may,  therefore,  unite  in  consecrating 
this  day  to  the  great  memories  of  1775  and  1861  by  appro- 
priate observances,  which  will  exalt  the  devotion  and  stimulate 
the  patriotism  of  every  good  citizen  of  the  Commonwealth. 

SUFFRAGE. 

The  expediency  and  justice  of  extending  to  women  the 
right  of  municipal  suffrage  has  been  brought  to  the  attention  of 
previous  legislatures.  The  tendency  of  modern  thought  and 
modern  civilization  points  strongly  in  the  direction  of  this 
extension. 

The  services  of  women  in  various  public  departments  are 
now  acknowledged  to  be  of  the  greatest  benefit  and  efficiency. 
Upon  school-boards  and  in  the  administration  of  our  public 
charities  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  a  higher  development  and 
a  rapid  advance  in  methods  of  management  and  treatment 
have  been  accomplished ;  and,  furthermore,  the  participation 
of  woman  in  the  sterner  business  of  life  in  almost  every  line  of 
occupation  and  work  has  been  constantly  increasing.  Her  per- 
formance of  labors  which  tradition  and  convention  have  assigned 
to  men  would  seem  to  indicate  her  capacity  for  sharing  in  the 
most  important  business  of  the  individual  and  of  the  com- 
munity, namely,  the  conduct  of  public  affairs  ;  and  also  to 
demonstrate  the  benefits  derivable  from  such  participation, 
and  might  seem  to  justify  the  further  step  of  granting  to  her 
the  right  of  municipal  suffrage. 

I,  therefore,  commend  this  subject  to  your  most  serious 
consideration. 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  281 


PERORATION. 

Gentlemen,  among  the  commonwealths  of  the  earth  we 
believe  that  Massachusetts  is  facile  princeps.  What  was 
said  of  the  masterpiece  of  Grecian  architecture  two  thousand 
years  ago  may  well  be  applied  to  Massachusetts  now.  To  her 
belongs  "  the  grandeur  of  antiquity  and  the  grace  of  novelty." 
Her  achievements  in  science,  literature,  and  art,  her  intellec- 
tual development  and  the  grace  and  completeness  of  her  cul- 
ture, have  made  her  the  Attica  of  the  New  World.  In  schools, 
in  courts  of  law,  in  works  of  charity,  in  factories  and  in  work- 
shops, in  peace  and  in  war,  on  land  and  on  sea,  her  energy, 
example,  and  leadership  have  been  everywhere  felt  and  every- 
where respected. 

Almost  three  centuries  of  marvellous  vicissitudes  have 
robed  her  in  the  purple  of  heroic  achievement  and  heroic  en- 
durance, and  her  brow  is  radiant  with  the  newest  thought  of 
humanity.  No  accumulation  of  wealth  could  compensate  for 
the  loss  of  individual  or  national  character.  But  Massachusetts 
has  attained  extraordinary  material  gains  without  losing  the 
nobility  and  simplicity  which  marked  the  character  of  her  early 
inhabitants.  As  I  have  before  suggested,  the  unification  of  the 
diverse  elements  of  her  population  has  been  proceeding  with 
a  wonderful  rapidity  and  completeness.  The  oneness  of  the 
spirit  of  her  people  will  manifest  itself  in  the  faith,  energy, 
and  courage  with  which  she  will  meet  and  surmount  every 
obstacle  in  her  pathway  to  peace,  prosperity,  and  glory. 

Upon  one  thing  we  must  insist.  The  people  of  the  newer 
Massachusetts  must  be  taught  to  revere  and  emulate  the  people 
of  the  elder  Massachusetts  in  their  fidelity  to  the  principles  of 
constitutional  liberty,  in  their  public  spirit,  and  fervid  devotion 
to  the  common  weal.  In  this  way  only  can  you  be  assured  of 
the  efficacy  of  the  prayer,  Sicut  patribus  sit  Deus  nobis. 

At  a  banquet  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Eepublic  in  Music 
Hall,  February  8,  the  new  Governor  was  a  guest.  His  speech 
on  this  occasion  was  one  of  those  patriotic  addresses  which  he 
loved,  perhaps,  best  to  deliver,  and  which  were  always  elo- 
quent and  earnest:  — 


282  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  I  rejoice  that  I  am  permitted  to  be  with  you  for  even  a  few 
brief  moments.  There  is  inspiration,  there  is  patriotic  fervor, 
in  standing  before  a  gathering  of  thousands  of  men  like  you. 
I  like  to  hear  the  hoarse  call  of  the  bos'n,  though  I  do  not 
quite  understand  it.  I  like  to  hear  the  old  songs  that  the 
veterans  sing  to  remind  them  of  the  beautiful  and  graceful 
moments  snatched  from  the  severe  toil  of  war  and  of  battle, 
of  prison  and,  as  it  were,  of  suffering.  I  see  before  me  the 
army  and  the  navy  of  the  good  old  Commonwealth,  —  'The 
Army  and  Navy  forever !  Three  cheers  for  the  Ked,  White,  and 
Blue.'  I  am  glad  to  meet  these  distinguished  strangers.  I  like 
to  sit  next  to  this  gallant  veteran,  Walker,  of  Indiana,  —  the 
State  of  that  other  gallant  veteran  and  soldier  (we  leave  all 
politics  out  to-day),  —  that  other  gallant  soldier  Benjamin 
Harrison.  It  is  not  without  a  feeling  of  local  pride  that  I  see 
Department  Commander  Hall  sit  where  he  does,  —  an  old 
Lowell  boy,  who  is  just  as  old  as  they  ever  get  to  be.  Do  you 
think  it  gives  me  pain  to  see  Jack  Adams  sit  where  he  does 
in  the  highest  office  of  the  order?  It  is  another  wreath  in 
the  crown :  some  of  us  want  to  wear  crowns,  —  the  crowns  of 
colonels,  if  nothing  else. 

"I  rejoice  to  be  with  you,  the  most  magnificent  organization 
the  world  ever  knew,  in  war  and  in  peace.  The  world  never 
knew  before  of  an  army  of  a  million  of  men,  who  at  the  tap  of 
the  drum  at  Appomattox  blended  so  quickly  and  easily  into 
the  ranks  of  the  people,  and  with  not  one  sign  of  disorder  or 
lack  of  peace  and  harmony,  became  adherents  of  law,  of  peace, 
and  of  harmony.  When  we  read  in  history  of  the  returning 
veterans  of  yore,  we  read  of  times  of  lawlessness  of  every  sort ; 
but  this  army  of  citizen-soldiers  of  the  United  States  became 
in  a  moment,  as  by  magic,  citizens  again,  —  just  as  when  the 
call  came  in  '61  the  citizen  sprang  from  the  farm,  from  the 
factory,  and  from  the  office  to  defend  the  life  of  the  nation. 
So  when  the  war  was  over,  the  flag  of  the  country  again  float- 
ing over  the  whole  land  with  not  a  star  or  stripe  erased,  then 
they  said  the  work  is  done,  we  are  again  citizens  of  Massachu- 
setts. It  is  not  often,  my  friends,  that  such  an  event  has  been 
seen  in  the  history  of  the  world.  I  say  that  it  has  never  been 
paralleled;  and  if,  my  friends,  there  should  come  trouble,  or 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  283 

the  appearance  of  trouble,  from  without  or  within,  I  know  that 
the  Grand  Army  of  the  Eepublic,  to  the  last  survivor,  while 
there  was  a  single  bugle  to  blow,  would  be  arrayed  on  the  side 
of  law  and  order,  on  the  side  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massa- 
chusetts, of  the  United  States. 

"  Why,  then,  should  not  the  Commonwealth  bring  her  warmest 
tribute  of  gratitude  and  respect  to  men  like  these  ?  It  was  in 
her  hours  of  discouragement,  it  was  in  the  hours  of  dismay 
throughout  all  loyal  America,  that  the  messages  of  good  cheer 
came  from  your  rifles,  from  your  muskets  and  cannon ;  it  was 
the  sound  of  your  measured  tread  that  brought  to  Massachu- 
setts and  to  the  whole  country  courage  and  good  cheer  and 
good  tidings." 

In  less  than  two  months  after  his  inauguration  the  course 
of  events  brought  to  Governor  Greenhalge  an  opportunity  of 
distinguishing  himself  and  gaining  the  confidence  of  the  people 
of  the  Commonwealth,  the  like  of  which  is  not  often  given  to 
the  Governors  of  our  quiet  States.  It  is  needless  to  say  now 
that  he  availed  himself  of  it  with  energy  and  determination. 
He  proved  himself  to  be  emphatically  the  man  for  the  hour, 
and  from  that  moment  he  possessed  the  real  confidence  of  the 
people.  He  showed  that  he  possessed  the  qualities  which  they 
most  admire,  —  resolution  and  readiness  in  an  emergency,  and 
the  command  of  men.  The  people  of  the  State  were  suffering 
at  the  time  from  the  prevailing  business  depression;  a  large 
number  of  men  were  out  of  employment,  and  the  consequent 
poverty  pressed  hard  upon  them.  Things  were  not  at  so  ex- 
treme a  pass  in  Massachusetts  as  elsewhere  in  the  country,  but 
they  were  bad  enough.  It  was  the  day  of  Coxey's  army,  when 
the  singular  scene  was  witnessed  of  great  bodies  of  men,  dis- 
contented and  out  of  work,  marching  from  remote  parts  of  the 
country  to  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  their  ranks  continually 
reinforced  from  the  cities  and  towns  on  their  way,  —  a  motley 
and  incongruous  crowd,  carrying  banners  inscribed  with  social- 
istic mottoes.  A  similar  spirit  was  roused  in  all  parts  of  the 
nation,  and  the  strange  pilgrimage  was  imitated  in  various 
States.  Hard  trials  were  indeed  upon  the  people,  and  the 
socialist  leaders  with  their  doctrines  found  an  opportunity  of 


284  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

which  they  greedily  availed  themselves.  Discontent  and 
poverty  are  the  only  levers  by  which  these  agitators  can  move 
the  people.  In  Massachusetts  the  accents  and  doctrines  of 
socialism  sounded  strange,  and  failed  to  influence  many ;  yet 
there  were  a  number  of  men  who  held  such  ideas,  and  more 
who,  for  mere  excitement,  were  ready  to  follow  them  on  any  wild 
errand.  The  leaders  of  these  malcontents  in  Boston  were  Mor- 
rison I.  Swift  and  Herbert  N.  Casson,  both  young  men.  Headed 
by  them,  the  first  mass-meeting  of  the  unemployed  was  held  on 
the  Common  January  31.  Mayor  Matthews  and  the  Eelief  Com- 
mittee were  denounced,  and  resolutions  were  adopted.  The  fol- 
lowing is  an  account  of  the  memorable  meeting  which  took  place 
subsequently  on  the  Common  on  Tuesday,  February  20 :  — 

About  the  middle  of  February  Governor  Greenhalge  received 
a  note  from  Morrison  I.  Swift,  intimating  that  the  unemployed 
of  the  city  would  like  to  call  upon  his  Excellency  and  receive 
from  him  advice  and  assistance.  The  Governor  consented  to 
receive  the  unemployed,  and  the  time  appointed  was  February 
20,  at  half -past  two  o'clock. 

On  that  day,  long  before  the  appointed  hour,  a  crowd  to  the 
number  of  over  one  thousand  or  more  gathered  on  the  Common. 
A  motley  crowd  it  was.  The  clothes,  countenances,  and  lan- 
guage of  the  majority  proclaimed  their  recent  arrival  in  this 
country.  After  listening  to  addresses  from  Swift,  Casson, 
and  other  Socialist-Anarchists,  as  they  styled  themselves,  they 
proceeded  to  the  State  House,  where  Swift  and  Casson  were 
made  delegates  to  wait  upon  the  Governor  with  a  petition. 

Governor  Greenhalge  received  them  courteously  and  read 
carefully  their  petition,  which  was  as  follows :  — 

To  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  : 

We  have  decided  to  confer  with  you  in  a  body,  because  we 
are  anxious  to  hear  from  your  own  lips  what  effort  you  will 
put  forth  in  our  behalf.  In  periods  of  special  emergency 
strong  men  in  office  have  grappled  with  trying  problems  in  a 
great  manner,  and  have  conferred  lasting  services  by  their  dis- 
cernment and  vigor.  The  present  is  such  an  opportunity  for 
you.  Will  you  earn  the  approbation  of  your  fellow-citizens 
by  putting  the  deeply  significant  nature  of  this  crisis  of  work- 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  285 

ingmen's  want  before  them,  so  far  as  you  can,  to  cope  with  it 
earnestly  and  in  no  slighting  or  temporary  spirit  ? 

We  give  you  with  this  a  transcript  of  our  petition  to  the 
Legislature,  the  articles  of  which  we  would  have  you  support 
with  your  influence.  The  plan  of  State  farms  and  factories  is, 
we  believe,  the  most  direct,  efficient,  and  enduring  way  to 
deal  with  the  problem  now. 

The  proposition  for  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  com- 
mission on  the  unemployed  is  one  that  we  would  particularly 
urge  upon  your  attention  for  the  following  reasons  :  — 

1st  It  is  held  by  the  intelligent  members  of  the  working- 
class,  who  should  and  do  know  most  about  the  question,  that 
the  unemployed  are  no  new  phenomenon,  but  that  each  year 
many  industrious  persons  are  obliged  to  suffer  deprivation 
through  enforced  idleness.  If  this  is  so,  temporary  relief 
would  be  ineffectual. 

2d.  The  number  of  unemployed  is  always  growing,  because 
machines  are  discharging  many  annually  who  thereafter  find 
no  continuous  work. 

3rd.  It  is  further  believed,  with  the  sanction  of  present 
experience,  that  through  this  disruption  of  industry  there 
will  be  an  unprecedented  number  out  of  employment  for  a 
long  time. 

4th.  Want  of  preparation  for  the  emergency,  want  of  knowl- 
edge how  to  face  it,  the  absence  of  all  scientific  means  for 
ascertaining  correctly  and  quickly  the  number  of  unemployed 
and  their  condition,  have  had  for  results  feeble  and  restricted 
relief  efforts,  bold  denials  of  facts  by  those  who  wished  to 
shirk  responsibility,  and  at  length  the  almost  complete 
indifference,  exhaustion,  and  paralysis  of  public  endeavor  to 
provide  for  the  unemployed  toward  the  end  of  the  winter,  when 
the  distress  has  reached  its  highest. 

Considering  these  facts,  we  believe  that  a  commission  on  the 
unemployed  is  indispensable. 

Adopted  by  the  unemployed  on  Boston  Common,  Feb.  20,  1894. 

When  he  had  finished  his  perusal  of  the  document,  the  Gov- 
ernor said  to  Swift :  "  You  would  scarcely  expect  a  reply  off- 
hand to  your  propositions,  would  you?" 


286  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  Well, "  replied  Swift,  "  we  have  made  a  strong  point  on 
State  farms  and  factories.  You  might  do  something  on  those 
things  now. " 

"  You  must  remember, "  said  the  Governor,  "  that  State  farms 
cannot  be  lightly  disposed  of.  " 

SWIFT.  We  have  made  certain  propositions.  Something 
must  be  done.  The  case  is  urgent ;  we  cannot  go  on  starving. 

Gov.  GREENHALGE.  Of  course  you  yourself  are  one  of  the 
unemployed  ?  The  necessity  of  which  you  speak  is  yours  ? 

SWIFT.    Oh,  yes. 

Gov.  GREENHALGE.  Now  you  say  that  we  must  formulate 
plans  for  you,  —  that  we  must  do  something.  Why  should  that 
labor  devolve  on  us ;  or  why  should  not  those  affected,  those 
deepest  interested  in  the  solution  of  the  problem,  do  the  work  ? 
These  general  demands  for  help  are  insufficient.  These  people 
who  are  in  distress  ought  to  know  what  they  desire. 

SWIFT.  They  want  work,  —  you  will  have  to  do  something ; 
they  will  no  longer  be  put  off  with  words.  If  there  is  a  de- 
sire to  do  this,  we  want  to  know  it,  so  we  may  know  how  to  go 
ahead. 

The  Governor  replied  simply  by  defining  what  a  State  is 
and  what  it  means.  He  explained  how  the  majority  of  the 
people  by  thrift  or  inheritance  are  able  to  subsist  without 
complaint ;  that  there  are  others  who  want  work,  —  know  how 
to  get  it,  and  do  not  on  the  least  pretence  cry  out  to  the  State. 
"Now  you  propose,"  he  said,  "that  that  large  majority  bear 
your  burden.  Do  you  think  they  are  bound  to  give  to  the 
unemployed  work  or  public  employment  if  the  work  is  not 
necessary  or  beneficial  to  the  community  ?  " 

Swift  unhesitatingly  replied  in  the  affirmative. 

"  We  have  come, "  said  Casson,  "  for  assistance  to  the  place 
where  laws  are  made.  " 

"  You  have  come, "  quickly  replied  the  Governor,  "  to  the 
Executive,  who  is  as  much  a  servant  as  any.  I  simply  suggest 
to  you,"  he  continued,  "  the  difficulties  that  are  in  my  way. 
Were  I  a  despot,  I  might  remedy  the  situation  at  once.  But  I 
am  not.  This  matter  is  rather  one  for  the  Legislature  to  deal 
with.  I  readily  admit  the  gravity  of  the  situation;  it  de- 
mands the  earnest  thought  and  sympathy  of  every  intelligent 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  287 

citizen.  I  want  to  do  everything  that  can  be  done  under  the 
Constitution,  careful  not  to  transgress  the  rules  and  regulations 
of  our  government " 

Swift  replied  loudly,  "  Change  them ! " 

CASSON.  There  is  an  intensifying  force  that  may  turn  out 
destructive  to  the  State.  We  feel  that  something  might 
happen.  While  we  are  sitting  on  the  safety-valve,  the  Huns 
and  Goths  may  break  forth  and  — 

Gov.  GREENHALGE.  There  are  no  Huns  and  Goths  out  there 
in  the  multitude,  are  there  ? 

CASSON.    There  is  the  making  of  Huns  and  Goths  in  them. 

"  Let  me  tell  you, "  replied  the  Governor,  with  determination, 
looking  Swift  in  the  face,  "  the  covert  threat  never  appeals  to 
me. "  With  a  few  words  more  the  interview  ended.  The  dele- 
gates returned  to  their  followers ;  while  the  Governor,  having 
willingly  consented  to  address  the  crowd,  who  were  waiting  in 
front  of  the  State  House,  passed  down  through  Doric  Hall,  and, 
alone,  went  out  to  meet  the  excited  crowd.  He  delivered  his 
speech  from  the  steps  of  the  Capitol. 

"  I  do  not  know  how  many  there  are  of  you, "  he  said,  "  but 
I  presume  that  every  man  here  to-day  is  a  loyal  citizen  of 
Massachusetts.  Is  that  so  or  not?  [The  crowd  applauded 
faintly.  ]  Now  you  have  presented  to  me  a  memorial  contain- 
ing some  important  propositions  and  questions.  I  shall  treat 
that  memorial  with  consideration  and  respect.  You  are  also  to 
present  a  memorial  of  similar  character  to  the  Legislature  of 
the  Commonwealth,  and  I  think  that,  knowing  that  body, 
I  can  assure  you  that  it  will  receive  respectful  and  careful 
consideration. 

"  My  friends,  you  ask,  as  I  understand  it,  for  employment 
Consider,  first,  what  the  function  and  powers  of  the  Governor 
are.  Consider,  again,  what  the  functions  and  powers  of  the 
Legislature  are.  This  is  a  government  of  laws  and  not  of 
men.  The  Governor  has  not  despotic  power,  he  is  bound  by 
the  Constitution  and  the  laws ;  and  so  is  the  Legislature ;  and 
these  laws  and  that  Constitution  have  been  framed  by  the 
people  for  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts.  If  there  is 
anything  wrong  about  either,  it  is  the  fault  of  the  people  of 
Massachusetts. 


288  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  Now,  my  friends,  you  say  you  want  public  works  to  be 
started,  and  you  want  the  State  to  furnish  you  with  employ- 
ment. Let  me  suggest  some  of  the  difficulties  which  stand  in 
the  way.  What  is  the  State  ?  The  State  is  the  tax-payer,  the 
working  men  and  women  of  Massachusetts.  No  public  work 
can  be  undertaken  in  this  Commonwealth  unless,  first,  it  is 
necessary ;  second,  unless  it  is  beneficial ;  third,  unless  there 
is  enough  money  in  the  treasury  to  pay  for  it " 

Here  were  sounds  of  dissent  in  the  crowd,  feeble  shouts  of 
disapproval  being  heard. 

"  Is  not  that  reasonable  and  sensible  ? "  continued  the 
Governor. 

Shouts  of  "  Yes  "  and  "  No  "  arose, — the  latter  predominating. 

"  Consider  the  limitations  of  our  position.  In  the  history 
of  Massachusetts  her  laws  have  been  treated  with  full  respect. 
No  official  of  this  Commonwealth  can  be  intimidated.  We 
want  to  treat  our  brothers  and  sisters  in  a  true,  fraternal  spirit 
Everything  that  can  properly  be  done  under  the  Constitution 
and  laws,  either  by  public  or  private  means,  to  relieve  distress 
should  be  done.  If  industry  can  legitimately  be  started,  my 
best  endeavors  shall  be  given  to  that  end. " 

While  the  Governor  was  speaking,  he  was  joined  by 
Adjutant-General  Dalton  and  Mr.  Thomas ;  and  when  he  had 
finished,  they  returned  together  to  the  State  House.  Morrison 
Swift  was  raised  to  the  shoulders  of  one  of  his  followers,  and 
from  that  position  shouted  out  his  orders  to  the  crowd,  telling 
them  that  all  were  to  enter  the  State  House,  where  a  petition 
would  be  presented  to  the  Legislature. 

The  crowd  thereupon  thronging  into  Doric  Hall,  Swift 
mounted  to  the  balcony  over  the  entrance  to  the  Adjutant- 
General's  office,  from  which  position  he  could  speak  to  the 
crowd  below.  He  advised  them  all  to  go  up  into  the  corridors 
surrounding  the  hall  of  the  House.  "  We  are  going, "  he  said, 
"  to  present  our  petition  to  the  House ;  and  if  the  suggestions 
contained  in  the  Governor's  speech  are  not  carried  out,  we  '11 
clean  out  every  man  in  the  Legislature !  We  will  clean 
out  the  State  House  if  we  don't  get  what  we  want"  This 
incendiary  utterance  stirred  the  blood  of  every  man  (who  was 
not  one  of  Swift's  followers)  that  heard  it.  Mr.  Thomas,  the 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  289 

Governor's  private  secretary,  who  stood  near  Swift,  hastened 
to  the  Executive  Chamber,  where  the  Governor  was  pacing 
back  and  forth  alone.  "  They  are  threatening  to  clear  out  the 
State  House,  Governor,"  he  said.  Governor  Greenhalge, 
without  a  word,  stepped  into  the  corridor,  and,  going  directly 
to  Swift,  said  very  quietly,  but  with  great  determination: 
"  You  promised  me  that  if  I  would  receive  you  and  address 
the  gathering  outside,  you  would  use  your  influence  to  pre- 
serve the  peace.  Did  you  just  now  state  that  you  would  clean 
out  the  State  House  ?  " 

Swift  cowered.  "  I  did, "  he  answered  ;  then  half  muttered, 
"  But  I  stated  that  we  would  do  it  with  the  ballot. " 

This  statement  was  entirely  false. 

"  You  wish  to  make  that  qualification  ?  "  asked  the  Governor. 

"Yes,  "replied  Swift. 

"  Very  well, "  said  the  Governor,  "  I  accept  your  explanation ; 
but  remember  that  all  the  civil  and  military  forces  of  the  State 
will  be  used,  if  necessary,  to  preserve  the  good  order  of  the 
Commonwealth,  and  you,  sir,  will  be  held  personally  account- 
able for  any  incendiary  act  that  may  occur.  " 

The  Governor  then  returned  to  the  Executive  Chamber; 
while  Swift,  slipping  out  of  sight,  mingled  with  the  crowd 
which,  on  the  arrival  of  the  police,  soon  melted  away,  down 
the  broad  steps,  out  into  Beacon  Street,  gradually  making  its 
way  back  to  the  Common,  where  they  were  again  harangued  by 
Swift  and  others.  A  few  days  later  Swift,  through  Mr.  Kufus 
Wade,  Chief  of  Police,  asked  if  he,  with  his  followers,  would 
be  allowed  to  come  to  the  State  House.  To  which  the  Gov- 
ernor replied  that  he  would  see  Swift  himself  upon  the  matter. 
Mr.  Swift  accordingly  came  himself,  with  the  request  that 
he  and  his  followers  be  allowed  to  march  to  and  enter  the  State 
House  in  a  body. 

This  permission  the  Governor  refused  to  grant,  saying  that 
the  unemployed  could  send  a  delegation  like  any  other  organi- 
zation or  organized  body. 

To  Swift's  inquiry  if  they  would  be  permitted  to  have  their 
gatherings  on  the  Common,  the  Governor  replied  he  had  no 
control  over  that;  personally,  he  had  no  objection  to  addresses 
on  the  Common  provided  they  were  not  inflammatory  or  bel- 

19 


290  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

ligerent  He  then  explained  to  Swift  the  steps  that  had  been 
taken  in  behalf  of  the  unemployed,  adding  that  if  the  people 
of  the  Commonwealth  were  satisfied  the  intentions  of  the  move- 
ment were  peaceful,  matters  would  be  facilitated  and  harmo- 
nized, otherwise  not  much  progress  would  be  made. 

Swift  thanked  the  Governor  for  his  candid  statements,  and 
asserted  that  he  desired  and  intended  to  keep  within  the  law. 

So  ended  the  most  dramatic  episode  of  Greenhalge's  political 
career,  and  one  of  the  most  exciting  in  the  annals  of  the  State 
since  the  war.  Throughout  the  State  the  majesty  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  of  the  law  was  thought  to  have  been  insulted,  and 
a  feeling  of  indignation  was  everywhere  expressed.  Massa- 
chusetts, proud  of  her  traditions  of  order  and  of  her  fair  fame, 
felt  the  insolence  of  these  men  deeply,  and  stood  behind  her 
Governor  with  immense  enthusiasm.  The  Press  echoed  the 
sentiments  of  the  people  unanimously  and  gave  voice  to  their 
feelings.  Praise  of  the  Governor's  action  was  heard  every- 
where. His  actions,  his  bearing,  his  words,  on  this  exciting 
occasion  commended  themselves  to  all,  and  rose  to  the  height 
of  the  event  which  called  them  forth. 

They  were  right  and  noble ;  and  how  characteristic  they  were, 
rightly  understood,  of  the  man  himself !  What  a  sharp  thrust 
was  that  when  the  Governor,  replying  to  Swift,  who  had 
spoken  of  the  want  and  poverty  of  his  followers,  asked  him 
abruptly,  "  The  condition  of  which  you  speak  is  yours  ? "  How 
sarcastic  it  was !  He  evidently  was  extremely  doubtful  about 
the  sufferings  of  Swift.  Such  gentry  often  make  considerable 
profit  out  of  the  suffering  people,  drawing  frequently  a  salary 
for  their  disinterested  services.  How  indignant  too  was  his 
utterance  later  to  the  same  Swift,  after  his  incendiary  speech 
to  the  mob  in  the  State  House  rotunda !  All  who  knew  Green- 
halge  well  knew  him  to  be  capable  of  anger  at  every  form  of 
insolence.  The  Governor's  words  and  action  were  overwhelm- 
ing to  the  cowardly  leader,  who  seemed  little  to  expect  that 
he  would  be  taken  to  task  so  vigorously  for  his  bravado  and 
effrontery.  The  insolence  of  Swift  on  this  occasion  was  in- 
deed beyond  endurance.  His  threat  to  clean  out  the  State 
House  was  enough  to  call  down  on  him  even  more  than  the 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  291 

sharp  words  and  reproof  of  Governor  Greenhalge ;  it  was  full 
of  unbounded  arrogance,  as  was  Casson's  reference  to  the 
Huns  and  Goths.  How  cringing  also  was  Swift's  palliating 
effort  to  make  his  meaning  out  quite  different  from  what  it  ob- 
viously was !  "  By  the  ballot, "  —  did  he  have  this  excuse  ready 
from  the  beginning,  to  evade  the  anger  his  expression  roused 
in  the  minds  of  the  Governor  and  of  the  people  ?  Such  double 
meanings  suit  with  double  dealings.  The  speech  of  the  Gov- 
ernor to  the  crowd  on  the  Common  was  just  and  reasonable. 
He  hardly  at  the  time  realized  the  nature  of  the  assemblage ; 
it  was  not  such  as  he  had  been  accustomed  to  address.  The 
men  who  formed  it  were  not  of  the  type  of  Americans  who 
uphold  the  policies  of  the  Eepublican  party  and  frequent  its 
political  meetings.  It  merited  the  term  of  rabble,  and  con- 
sisted of  men  of  no  political  party.  They  were  incapable 
of  appreciating  the  Governor's  speech.  Patriotism  and  respect 
for  the  law  were  not  terms  that  appealed  to  them.  It  is  no 
wonder  that  they  greeted  his  speech  with  faint  applause  or 
hisses. 

It  should  have  appealed  to  them  with  all  the  force  of  the 
Governor's  meaning.  It  was  not  likely  to  occur  to  them  that 
many  of  their  claims  were  absurd,  that  the  Governor  had  not 
the  power  to  relieve  their  distress.  Swift  was,  so  to  speak,  an 
educated  man ;  he  had  studied  in  Germany,  —  a  quite  distinc- 
tive fact ;  he  was  inoculated  with  German  socialism.  He  had 
also  studied  in  an  American  college,  —  a  fact  not  so  distinctive ; 
socialistic  tendencies  are  not  developed,  happily,  in  American 
universities.  Of  small  interest  now  are  Swift  and  Casson, 
and  their  beliefs  and  actions ;  they  have  passed  into  the  limbo 
of  forgotten  things,  or  have  left  only  the  memory  of  their 
insolence  and  cringing  in  the  face  of  the  Governor's  rebuke. 
Swift  was  well  aware  of  his  insolence  at  the  time  probably, 
—  perhaps  he  hoped  to  escape  its  inevitable  results,  — but  he 
found  that  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts  was 
master  of  the  situation.  It  was  well  it  proved  to  be  so. 

Much  as  the  American  people  admire  eloquence  and  the  gifts 
and  graces  of  political  life,  they,  like  all  people,  respect  more 
the  display  of  firmness  and  resolution  by  their  leaders  and 
rulers ;  and  from  this  time  they  never  doubted  the  possession 


292  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

of  these  qualities  by  the  man  who  held  the  position  of  their 
Chief  Magistrate. 

The  evening  of  the  riot  Governor  Greenhalge  spoke  at  the 
annual  dinner  of  the  Underwriters'  Association.  All  were 
eager  to  hear  what  he  would  say  concerning  the  event  which 
engrossed  the  thoughts  of  all ;  what  he  did  say  called  forth  the 
greatest  applause.  He  was  strongly  moved,  and  spoke  with 
suppressed  feeling.  The  experiences  of  the  day  had  tried  him 
severely,  —  alas !  there  was  something  prophetic  in  what  he 
said  referring  to  the  risks  to  which  his  life  was  exposed.  The 
danger  to  which  he  referred  was  not  the  risk  to  be  most  feared, 
however;  that  was  concealed  in  the  darkness  of  the  future 
and  of  fate.  His  speech  was  as  follows :  — 

"  I  think  I  need  all  your  good  wishes  in  the  present  exigency, 
I  doubt  whether  any  life-insurance  company  at  this  day  would 
consider  me  an  ordinary  risk.  [Laughter  and  cries,  '  Try  it ! '] 
That  is  the  most  encouraging  answer  that  I  have  received.  I 
am  very  glad  to  receive  assurances  from  societies,  organizations, 
which  really  mean  business,  carried  on  with  an  equal  step, 
according  to  the  life  and  the  vicissitudes  of  life  to  which  man 
is  subject. 

"  Do  you  know,  Mr.  President,  that  your  line  of  business  runs 
closer  to  the  career  of  mankind  than  any  other  which  can  be 
suggested  ?  A  man  may  insure  a  building,  he  may  take  his 
chances  upon  a  speculation.  You  and  your  companies  take 
your  chances  on  your  speculations  upon  human  life,  and  that 
brings  about  the  grandest  inquiry  and  investigation  that  can 
be  instituted  by  men.  You  say  you  are  willing  to  take  the 
chances  on  my  life.  It  depends,  after  all,  upon  the  scientific 
information  and  calculation  of  your  actuary ;  it  depends  upon 
long  study  and  calculation,  and  the  result  of  experience. 
Anybody  can  calculate  the  chances  of  the  life  of  a  building. 
Has  it  anything  of  the  delicate  vicissitudes  of  a  human  being  ? 
I  think  not  You  tell  me  you  have  been  carrying  on  this 
business  successfully.  I  think  the  proof  of  that  statement  is 
in  the  presence  of  these  gentlemen  here  to-night  There 
appears  to  be  at  least  no  question  about  their  success  in  busi- 
ness. They  have  done  their  work ;  they  have  made  their  com- 
putations nicely,  accurately,  and  exactly. 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  293 

"  Yet,  my  friends,  the  finest  point  that  occurs  to  me  is  that 
point  of  the  president's  remarks  which  referred  to  the  part 
taken  by  Massachusetts  in  the  work  of  life  insurance,  —  first  of 
all  States  to  bring  this  whole  subject  into  order,  into  beauty, 
into  symmetry  and  law.  Is  not  Massachusetts  always  the 
first  of  all  States  to  bring  everything  into  order  and  law  and 
symmetry  and  beauty  ? 

"  I  come  from  strange  and  disorderly  scenes,  I  stand  here  to 
ask  the  support  of  the  men  of  orderly  mind  in  Massachusetts. 

"  Massachusetts  means  business,  not  merely  in  life  insurance ; 
and  I  hope  it  means  business  in  that  line  so  far  as  I  am  con- 
cerned. It  means  equal  rights  and  equal  opportunity,  the 
best  advantages  for  any  child  of  man  that  lives ;  and  it  makes 
my  blood  boil  when  I  find  men  complaining  that  Massachu- 
setts and  her  laws  are  unjust,  unfriendly,  and  unequal.  I  say 
it  is  for  conservative  institutions  like  yours  to  say  how  much 
it  costs  to  insure  the  lives  of  your  citizens;  and  that  is  the 
whole  business  of  commonwealths  when  we  trace  their  action 
to  the  last  analysis.  I  want,  and  so  do  you,  to  give  equal 
rights,  equal  opportunity,  fair  play,  and  justice  to  every  citi- 
zen, to  every  inhabitant  of  Massachusetts;  and  when  I  see 
disorderly  people  crowding  through  the  streets,  I  say,  Is  not 
this  a  question  which  Massachusetts  must  answer? 

"  Yes,  she  has  answered  every  question  of  that  sort  in  times 
gone  by,  and  she  will  always  answer  those  questions  and  be 
true  to  her  ideas,  her  principles  of  equal  right  and  liberty  and 
justice. 

"  Therefore,  Mr.  President  and  gentlemen,  I  say  that  we  have 
no  reason  for  discouragement  We  simply  want  the  loyal  men 
of  Massachusetts,  the  business  men,  the  men  who  insure 
lives  and  property,  to  stand  by  the  Commonwealth  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  we  shall  pass  through  all  these  dangers  as  the 
sunbeam  passes  through  the  mist. 

"  I  respect  the  man  on  the  right  [referring  to  Major  Merrill] 
because  he  has  been  in  the  right  What  we  want  in  your 
insurance  companies,  or  in  any  insurance  company  that  does 
business  within  the  limits  of  the  Commonwealth,  is  honesty, 
faith,  solidity.  Although  this  man  [referring  to  Major  Mer- 
rill] made  his  war  against  a  company  in  which  I  myself  held 


294  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

a  policy,  what  could  I  say  ?  We  want  men  of  a  calibre  infre- 
quent in  these  days,  who  will  stand  up  against  all  corrupt 
influences  or  mean  advantages  of  any  sort. 

"  I  am  delighted,  my  friends,  to  be  here  for  one  brief  moment. 
You  may  notice  that  I  am  not  entirely  devoid  of  appearances 
of  fatigue.  I  admit  that  for  once  in  my  life  I  do  feel  inclined 
to  sleep;  yet  whenever  the  exigencies  of  the  Commonwealth 
call  upon  me,  I  think  as  long  as  there  is  any  life  left  in 
me,  I  shall  ask  for  insurance  at  your  hands,  and  shall  en- 
deavor to  be  true  to  every  interest  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Massachusetts. " 

The  Governor,  true  to  his  word,  a  few  days  after  the  riot, 
sent  to  the  Legislature  the  following  message  :  — 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  beg  to  transmit  herewith  a  petition  pre- 
sented to  me  on  the  20th  inst. ,  and  I  suggest  that  it  be  con- 
sidered by  you  in  connection  with  a  memorial  of  a  similar 
tenor  which  I  am  informed  was  presented  to  you  on  the  same 
day.  While  many  of  the  propositions  contained  in  the  com- 
munications transmitted  may  appear  to  be  beyond  the  scope  of 
your  powers  under  existing  laws,  yet  the  Commonwealth  never 
turns  a  deaf  ear  to  the  just  complaint  or  claim  of  any  of  her 
citizens;  and,  moreover,  an  inquiry  into  the  conditions  and 
circumstances  therein  set  forth  may  be  productive  of  great 
benefit  in  serving  to  make  clear  such  conditions  and  circum- 
stances, as  well  as  the  duties  and  powers,  under  the  law  of 
State,  city,  and  town,  and,  further,  to  stimulate  private  effort 
and  private  benevolence  to  suggest  or  furnish  a  remedy  for  the 
difficulties  confronting  our  community.  With  this  purpose  in 
view,  I  transmit  to  you  the  accompanying  petition. 
Very  respectfully, 

FREDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE. 

A  petition  similar  to  that  given  to  the  Governor  had  already 
been  presented  to  the  Legislature  on  the  day  of  the  riot  by 
Representative  Mellen,  of  Worcester,  who  disclaimed  any 
sympathy  with  disorderly  proceeding  of  any  kind  in  relation 
to  the  labor  movement  or  to  the  present  petition.  These 
petitions  resulted  in  the  appointment  of  a  commission  by  the 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  295 

Governor  to  consider  the  present  condition  of  distress  and  the 
means  that  might  be  taken  to  relieve  it 

This  practically  ended  the  movement  begun  with  such 
scenes  of  disorder  on  the  20th  of  February.  The  business 
of  the  country  was  doomed  to  suffer  from  depression  for  further 
years  of  trial ;  but  the  idle  and  discontented  classes  ceased  to 
proclaim  their  distress  by  the  means  taken  during  this  year  or 
violent  proceedings  of  any  kind.  They  seemed  to  give  up 
their  idea  of  forcing  the  State  to  take  measures  for  their 
relief,  and  to  await  with  more  patience  a  revival  in  general 
business  conditions. 

Governor  Greenhalge,  soon  after  his  election,  determined  to 
call  a  conference  of  the  Governors  of  the  New  England  States, 
to  consider  the  business  situation  of  the  country.  The  party 
leaders,  however,  were  averse  to  the  idea,  and  the  Governor 
finally  relinquished  it.  Dec.  1,  1893,  the  "  Boston  Journal  " 
made  the  following  announcement  of  his  intentions :  — 

"  Governor  Greenhalge  has  decided  that  as  soon  as  possible 
after  the  assembling  of  the  Fifty-third  Congress,  he  will  call 
together  a  Conference  of  the  Eepublican  Governors  of  New 
England,  including  Governor  Cleaves  of  Maine,  Governor 
Fuller  of  Vermont,  Governor  Smith  of  New  Hampshire,  Gov- 
ernor Brown  of  Ehode  Island,  and  himself,  to  consider  the 
present  condition  of  the  country,  and  determine  what  steps,  if 
any,  should  be  taken  to  conserve  and  advance  the  interests  of 
the  New  England  States. 

"  The  conference  originated  with  Governor  Greenhalge,  and 
is  in  keeping  with  the  statements  he  made  during  the  cam- 
paign, —  that  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  protect  the 
business  interests  of  the  people. " 

The  Governor  explains  his  intention  in  an  article  in  the 
"  North  American  Review, "  which  will  be  found  in  the  Ap- 
pendix at  the  close  of  this  book. 

The  recommendation  contained  in  Governor  Greenhalge 's 
first  inaugural  to  abolish  Fast  Day  and  to  make  the  nineteenth 
day  of  April  a  public  holiday  was  carried  into  effect  by  the 
Legislature,  and  the  first  public  celebration  at  Concord  of  Pa- 
triots' Day,  as  it  was  called  by  Governor  Greenhalge,  occurred 


296  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

the  nineteenth  day  of  April  in  that  year,  1894.  The  name  of 
Patriots'  Day  was  merely  suggested  by  Governor  Greenhalge 
as  good  and  satisfactory,  and  was  welcomed  in  many  editorials 
as  being  an  admirable  idea.  Governor  Greenhalge  delivered 
an  oration  in  Concord  at  the  celebration.  Like  all  his 
patriotic  speeches,  it  was  a  stirring  address. 

The  Governor  had  previously  issued  the  following  procla- 
mation :  — 

"By  an  act  of  the  Legislature  duly  approved,  the  19th  of 
April  has  been  made  a  legal  holiday. 

"  This  is  a  day  rich  with  historical  and  significant  events 
which  are  precious  in  the  eyes  of  patriots.  It  may  well  be 
called  Patriots'  Day.  On  this  day,  in  1775,  at  Lexington  and 
Concord,  was  begun  the  great  war  of  the  Eevolution ;  on  this 
day,  in  1783,  just  eight  years  afterwards,  the  cessation  of  war 
and  the  triumph  of  independence  were  formally  proclaimed; 
and  on  this  day,  in  1861,  the  first  blood  was  shed  in  the  war 
for  the  Union. 

"  Thus  the  day  is  grand  with  the  memories  of  the  mighty 
struggles  which  in  one  instance  brought  liberty  and  in  the 
other  union  to  the  country.  It  is  fitting,  therefore,  that  the 
day  should  be  celebrated  as  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of 
liberty  and  union.  Let  this  day  be  dedicated  to  solemn,  reli- 
gious, and  patriotic  services,  which  may  adequately  express 
our  deep  sense  of  the  trials  and  tribulations  of  the  patriots  of 
the  earlier  and  of  the  latter  days,  and  also  especially  our 
gratitude  to  Almighty  God,  who  crowned  the  heroic  struggles 
of  the  founders  and  preservers  of  our  country  with  victory  and 
peace. " 

The  following  is  the  address  of  the  Governor  in  Concord  at 
the  first  celebration  of  Patriots'  Day  :  — 

"  MR.  CHAIRMAN,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN,  —  I  bring  to  you 
the  message  of  Lexington,  full  not  only  of  fervor,  but  of  frater- 
nal love,  of  deepest  sympathy.  If  there  is  one  beautiful  fea- 
ture of  this  consecrated  day,  it  is  the  exalted  and  magnanimous 
spirit  of  your  reverend  fellow-townsman,  who  belongs  not  only 
to  Concord  but  to  the  State  and  to  the  country.  It  is  in  this 
spirit  of  fraternal  love  that  true  patriotism  expresses  itself  in 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  297 

the  noblest  and  highest  way.  What  does  it  matter  who  has 
the  honor  and  who  does  the  work  so  long  as  it  belongs  to  the 
nation,  and  has  resulted  in  the  benefaction  of  the  whole  civil- 
ized world  ?  These  sentiments  will  grow  stronger,  and  warm 
and  exalt  the  hearts  of  our  childreD.  I  count  it  a  privilege 
to  be  here  to-day,  and  to  hear  the  grand  address  just  delivered. 
It  is  instructing  and  elevating  to  listen  to  this  grand  scholar. 
These  exercises  have  an  elevating  and  ennobling  effect. 

"  What  is  it  that  gives  this  event  its  importance,  its  signifi- 
cance, its  grandeur?  An  event  is  not  so  much  that  which 
has  happened  as  something  that  causes  something  else  to 
happen.  The  crucifixion  darkened  the  face  of  heaven,  but  its 
results  have  illumined  all  mankind.  The  battle  at  the  old 
North  Bridge  had  little  military  significance,  but  it  resulted 
in  the  foundation  of  this  great  republic.  We  come  here  as  we 
may  trace  the  windings  of  a  noble  river,  from  a  mountain  rill 
to  a  mighty  stream,  which  bears  upon  its  bosom  the  navies  of 
the  world.  Here  we  find  the  beginnings  of  constitutional 
liberty. 

"  It  is  unnecessary  to  go  over  again  the  details  of  this  story, 
—  you  know  it  by  heart,  the  world  knows  it  by  heart.  When 
that  shot  was  fired,  the  standard  of  royalty  went  down  forever 
upon  this  continent,  and  the  first  true  republic  of  this  earth 
arose  before  the  astonished  eyes  of  men.  The  consequences  of 
that  little  skirmish  were  greater  than  those  of  the  skirmish  on 
Chalgrove  Field,  where  John  Hampden  poured  out  his  life. 
The  memories  of  April  19  are  greater  than  those  of  any  other 
date  on  the  calendar.  They  are  not  limited  to  any  one  war  or 
any  one  year.  They  tell  of  liberty  in  '75  and  union  in  '61. 
Boston,  Worcester,  and  Lowell  alike  step  in  and  claim  their 
share  in  Patriots'  Day. 

"  I  would  not  limit  it  by  calling  it  Massachusetts  Day,  be- 
cause it  is  not  limited  to  Massachusetts,  but  will  be  taken  up 
by  every  State  and  Territory  in  the  Union. 

"  It  would  be  difficult  to  find  any  place  in  the  world  carry- 
ing a  greater  significance  to  men  than  ancient  Concord.  Here 
Liberty  and  Literature  walked  hand  in  hand.  Law  and  Order 
dwell  here.  Poesy  has  put  her  finest  wreath  in  the  crown  of 
patriotism  in  the  hymn  you  have  just  sung.  If  the  silent  and 


298  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

inflexible  figure  of  the  Minute  Man  must  always  appear  to 
stand  guard  at  one  end  of  the  old  North  Bridge,  surely  the 
great  spirit  of  Emerson  stands  sentinel  at  the  other. 

"  Think  of  the  line  which  may  be  drawn  from  the  lantern 
tower  of  the  old  North  Church  to  the  old  North  Bridge !  You 
can  imagine  a  triumphant  arch  of  freedom  through  which 
every  bondman  oppressed  may  pass  to  find  liberty.  What 
kind  of  a  fabric  has  been  reared  by  the  people  whose  sires  laid 
down  their  lives  at  Concord  ?  What  is  this  republic  ?  Is  it 
only  a  prison,  imperfect,  defective,  out  of  repair  ?  Is  it  a  fact 
that  the  children  of  men  do  not  find  protection  within  it,  that 
it  is  not  a  true  home?  The  test  of  a  good  government  is 
whether  wrongs  can  be  righted  and  improvements  made.  Does 
any  one  declare  that  the  fabric  of  this  republic  does  not  fulfil 
that  test  ?  Tell  me  if  any  law  is  unjust  and  unequal,  if  there 
is  any  wrong  to  be  redressed  and  improvement  to  be  made,  any 
flaw  in  the  Constitution  to  be  remedied.  An  examination  of 
the  history  of  the  Constitution  and  statutes  will  show  that 
from  the  beginning  equality,  justice,  and  liberty  —  the  three 
inseparable  qualities  —  have  been  written  in  every  law  and  in 
every  line  of  the  Constitution. 

"The  uprising  in  1775  was  no  wild  rebellion,  no  lawless 
proceeding.  It  was  well  ordered  by  keen,  law-abiding  free- 
men. When,  therefore,  men  not  in  sympathy  with  our  insti- 
tutions come  demanding  some  violent  and  radical  change,  we 
must  remember  what  the  men  of  Concord  were  and  what  they 
represented. 

"  What  is  the  duty  of  patriotism  to-day  ?  It  is  not,  thank 
Heaven,  to  march  with  gun  and  sword.  It  is  to  defend  the 
spirit  of  the  law  and  the  Constitution,  to  keep  sacred  the  Com- 
monwealth of  Massachusetts  in  all  its  parts,  in  all  its  relations. 
You  may  not  hear  again  the  wild  gallop  of  Paul  Eevere,  but 
Wisdom  hangs  out  her  lantern  from  every  church,  every  col- 
lege, every  school,  and  Conscience,  like  Paul  Eevere,  drives  on 
and  on,  through  the  night  and  through  the  day,  to  summon 
every  sleeping  force  that  patriotism  can  command  against  the 
midnight  march  of  corrupt  influences,  against  the  attacks  of 
disloyal  traitors  against  the  institutions  and  the  Constitution 
which  we  love. 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  299 

"  This  day  was  consecrated  one  hundred  and  nineteen  years 
ago  by  the  blood  of  those  who  sleep  here.  I  am  glad  that 
industrial  success  has  left  Concord  in  her  idyllic  condition. 
It  seems  providential.  Let  Concord  and  Lexington  be  regarded 
as  the  Campo  Santo  of  constitutional  liberty  to  which  the 
world  may  turn  for  instruction  and  inspiration. 

"  My  friends,  in  behalf  of  the  Commonwealth,  I  hail  this 
day.  I  bid  you  Godspeed,  and  wish  you  many  anniversaries, 
and  I  hope  that  every  son  and  daughter  will  remain  true  to 
the  principles  for  which  their  forefathers  died." 

One  pleasant  event  of  the  Governor's  first  year  of  adminis- 
tration was  a  reception  given  by  him  to  the  working-people  of 
Lowell.  "  I  have  been  given  so  many  banquets  and  recep- 
tions, "  he  said,  "  I  should  like  to  give  one  myself  to  my  own 
townspeople.  "  The  reception  was  given  under  the  auspices  of 
the  People's  Club,  of  which  the  Governor  was  president,  and 
took  place  May  28.  Mrs.  Greenhalge,  with  members  of  the 
Staff,  assisted  the  Governor  in  receiving  his  guests,  of  whom 
there  were  over  two  thousand  men,  women,  and  children ;  and 
for  each  one  the  Governor  had  a  pleasant  word. 

Nothing  in  Governor  Greenhalge 's  years  of  service  as  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the  State  brought  him  more  praise  and  encourage- 
ment than  the  vetoes  that  he  sent  to  the  Legislature.  They 
stamped  him  as  a  truly  fearless  and  independent  statesman. 
The  people  recognized  that  fact  at  once  and  upheld  him  in 
his  action.  Considered  as  the  moves  of  a  politician,  some  of 
them  assuredly  would  not  have  been  called  clever  in  the  inner 
circles  of  Tammany  Hall.  They  were  adverse  to  some  of  the 
strongest  supports  of  the  politician,  —  to  some  of  those  large 
corporate  interests  and  aggregations  of  capital  which  some- 
times supply  the  sinews  of  war  to  carry  on  the  contests  of 
political  wire-pullers,  and  the  power  of  which  is  often  felt 
in  the  politics  of  the  country.  It  requires  unusual  courage, 
an  independence  of  character  rare  in  any  party,  to  stand  fear- 
less in  opposition  to  such  powerful  adversaries. 

Such  moral  courage  as  the  Governor  displayed  in  some  of  his 
vetoes  is  admired  by  the  people,  and  they  stood  behind  him 
with  their  support.  They  gave  him  their  confidence ;  were  it 


300  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

not  so,  the  punishment  feared  by  the  politician  might  have 
overtaken  him.  The  powers  behind  the  throne,  the  strength 
of  moneyed  interests,  and  the  prejudices  of  party  might  have 
brought  disaster  upon  him  politically. 

But  it  was  not  so.  His  actions  turned  out  to  be  good  polit- 
ical moves,  though  they  were  the  result  of  the  unselfish  deter- 
minations of  a  disinterested  statesman.  The  good  sense  of 
the  people  can  be  trusted  and  calculated  on  in  all  political 
combinations.  The  mere  wire-puller  may  not  esteem  it  a 
factor  of  much  account,  but  it  is  apt  to  make  itself  evi- 
dent to  his  ultimate  consciousness  and  the  confusion  of  his 
ideas. 

The  vetoes  of  Governor  Greenhalge  form  the  keynote  of  his 
administration.  They  display  his  character  before  the  people. 
He  was  that  rara  avis,  —  a  perfectly  fearless  and  honest  poli- 
tician. He  never  sought  to  advance  his  own  selfish  interests ; 
he  never  feared  to  injure  his  political  chances.  His  course 
was  straight  onward;  he  had  a  political  conscience,  and  he 
listened  to  its  voice. 

After  his  veto  of  the  Bell  Telephone  Bill  many  of  his  friends 
said,  "  I  knew  that  the  Governor  would  veto  the  bill.  "  In  this 
case  the  unexpected  did  not  happen.  His  friends  knew  before- 
hand how  he  would  decide ;  yet  it  required  unusual  courage. 
The  Bell  Telephone  Company  is  a  powerful  corporation,  and 
the  Legislature  was  strongly  in  favor  of  the  bill.  The  veto  of 
the  Veterans'  Preference  Bill,  which  he  sent  to  the  Legislature 
in  his  second  year,  was  another  strong  proof  of  his  truly  inde- 
pendent character.  The  soldier  vote  is  an  important  factor  in 
the  political  party  he  represented ;  his  action  might  have  of- 
fended a  large  section  of  that  party.  There  were,  however,  many 
veterans  of  the  war  who  thought  as  he  did,  and  he  received 
a  great  number  of  letters  from  patriotic  old  soldiers,  in  which 
the  writers  expressed  their  satisfaction  at  his  course,  and  their 
esteem  for  him  and  the  motives  that  influenced  him.  No 
man  in  the  country  had  a  higher  admiration  than  he  for  the 
veterans  of  the  most  patriotic  war  in  history.  Many  of  the 
veterans  knew  this,  and  most  of  them,  I  believe,  admired  him 
for  his  independence.  These  two  vetoes  were  the  most  impor- 
tant of  those  which  he  sent  to  the  Legislature,  and  he  gained 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  301 

in  popularity  by  them.  The  vetoes  were  convincing  in  them- 
selves,—  admirably  composed,  thoughtful,  and  logical.  His 
reasons  are  fully  set  forth,  and  the  defects  of  the  bill  plainly 
discovered. 

On  the  23d  of  April  the  Governor  sent  in  his  first  veto. 
The  bill  provides  that  "  Trout  artificially  reared  in  private 
ponds  and  streams  in  this  Commonwealth  may  be  used  for  food 
during  February  and  March  under  such  restrictions  as  the  Com- 
missioners on  Inland  Fisheries  and  Game  may  prescribe,  except 
in  the  counties  of  Hampden,  Hampshire,  and  Berkshire." 
The  veto  was  as  follows :  — 

To  the  Honorable  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

I  return  herewith  without  my  approval  Senate  Bill  No.  66, 
entitled  "  An  Act  to  permit,  during  February  and  March,  the 
sale  for  food  of  trout  artificially  reared  in  the  Commonwealth, " 
assigning  for  such  action  the  following  reasons : 

1st.  The  words  in  the  Act  "  artificially  reared  "  are  not  pre- 
cise and  definite,  and  are  liable  to  various  interpretations ; 
meaning,  on  the  one  hand,  trout  reared  in  hatcheries  of  elab- 
orate construction,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  trout  reared  in  a 
greater  or  less  degree  on  food  artificially  supplied  in  ponds  and 
streams,  or  in  enclosures  of  rude  construction. 

2d.  The  difficulty  of  readily  distinguishing  artificially 
reared  trout  from  wild  trout  must  make  the  administration 
of  the  proposed  law  practically  ineffective. 

3d.  The  opening  of  the  closed  season  in  the  manner  pro- 
posed, even  with  restrictions  prescribed  by  the  Commissioners, 
would  in  effect  tend  to  bring  in  all  kinds  of  trout,  wild  or  arti- 
ficially reared,  and  to  annul  or  impair  the  policy  of  preserving 
and  protecting  fish  and  game  which  has  become  the  established 
policy  of  the  Commonwealth. 

4th.  The  discrimination  in  regard  to  the  counties  of  Berk- 
shire, Hampden,  and  Hampshire  does  not  appear  to  be  based 
on  constitutional  principles  or  on  good  and  sufficient  grounds. 

The  veto  of  the  Trout  Bill  was  followed,  May  14,  by 
the  following  veto  of  a  bill  removing  restrictions  on  shad 
fishing :  — 


302  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

To  the  Honorable  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

I  return  without  approval  Senate  Bill  No.  73,  entitled  "  An 
Act  to  remove  the  restrictions  upon  shad  and  alewife  fishing 
in  the  Merrimac  River, "  for  the  following  reasons :  — 

The  removal  of  the  restrictions  as  contemplated  by  this  bill 
must  tend  to  undermine  the  whole  body  of  the  law  now  in 
force  in  this  Commonwealth  looking  to  the  preservation  and 
protection  of  fish  and  game,  and  is  likely  to  work  injury  which 
it  would  be  difficult  and  perhaps  impossible  to  remedy.  Fur- 
thermore, the  policy  now  established  in  the  Commonwealth 
relative  to  the  fisheries  on  the  Merrimac  Eiver  is  interwoven 
in  a  measure  with  the  policy  of  our  sister  State,  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  of  the  New  England  States ;  and  a  change  of  legis- 
lation such  as  is  contemplated  by  this  bill  should  not  be 
made  if  it  tend  to  impair  the  mutual  understanding  hitherto 
existing. 

Both  of  these  vetoes  were  sustained  by  the  Legislature. 

On  May  31  the  Governor  sent  to  the  Legislature  a  message 
vetoing  a  bill  relating  to  the  sealing  and  attestation  of  deeds, 
giving  as  his  objection  to  the  bill,  that  "  portions  of  it  are, 
if  not  harmless  in  their  provisions,  unnecessary,  in  declaring 
a  deed  not  under  the  seal  of  a  corporation,  but  under  the  seal 
of  one  or  more  other  parties,  to  be  in  effect  the  deed  of  such 
corporation.  It  aims  to  provide  for  the  case  of  a  corporation 
which  has  adopted  no  particular  form  of  seal ;  but  if  a  corpo- 
ration affixes  a  seal  to  a  bond  or  deed,  that  seal  becomes  the  seal 
of  the  corporation,  and  the  present  law  would  appear  to  be 
sufficient.  The  transfer  of  real  property  should  be  governed 
by  clear,  simple,  and  well-defined  rules, — a  requisite  which 
the  proposed  Act,  in  my  judgment,  fails  in  several  respects 
to  meet. " 

This  veto  also  was  sustained  by  the  Legislature.  Of  this 
veto  the  "  Boston  Herald  "  said :  "  Governor  Greenhalge's  latest 
veto  is  a  merited  rebuke  to  the  legislators  for  the  loose  and 
ambiguous  manner  in  which  bills  are  drawn  up  and  incor- 
porated into  our  statute  books.  This  bill  appears  to  be  a  mass 
of  ambiguities  and  contradictions,  and  the  Governor  does  not 
hesitate  to  say  so.  The  form  and  phraseology  of  our  public 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  303 

statutes  need  more  careful  attention,  and  this  veto  ought  to 
furnish  the  necessary  inspiration  to  this  end. " 

Upon  the  26th  of  June  the  Governor  sent  to  the  clerk  of  the 
House  —  the  Legislature  not  being  in  session  that  da)7  —  a  veto 
of  the  American  Bell  Telephone  bill.  This  bill  authorized 
the  company  to  increase  its  capital  stock  in  the  manner  pro- 
vided by  law  at  such  times  and  in  such  amount  as  it  might 
from  time  to  time  determine,  provided  that  the  whole  amount 
of  the  capital  stock  should  not  exceed  fifty  million  dollars. 

To  the  Honorable  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

I  return  House  Bill  No.  620,  entitled  *  An  Act  to  author- 
ize the  American  Bell  Telephone  Company  to  increase  its 
capital  stock, "  without  approval,  for  the  following  reasons :  — 

While  there  may  be  no  objection  to  any  reasonable  increase 
in  the  capital  stock  of  the  American  Bell  Telephone  Company, 
it  is  material  and  important  to  inquire  why,  and  under  what 
terms  and  conditions,  such  increase  as  is  now  asked  for  should 
be  allowed. 

The  general  principle  governing  such  cases  is  as  follows :  No 
increase  of  capital  stock  should  be  granted  to  any  corporation, 
whether  public,  quasi-public,  or  private,  unless  good  reason  is 
shown  for  such  increase,  and  unless  the  public  interests  are 
secured  by  suitable  and  ample  guaranties. 

The  general  policy  of  the  Commonwealth  is  to  impose 
proper  and  salutary  restrictions  upon  any  increase  of  capital 
stock  in  quasi-public  corporations,  guarding  against  stock- 
watering  and  against  any  measures  tending  to  the  public 
detriment.  The  proposed  Act  provides  that  the  American  Bell 
Telephone  Company  may  increase  its  capital  stock  in  manner 
provided  by  law. 

The  company  was  incorporated  by  the  Statutes  of  1880, 
Chapter  117,  and  by  that  Act  was  made  subject  to  the  provi- 
sions of  Chapter  224  of  the  Acts  of  1870;  by  Statutes  of  1889, 
Chapter  385,  it  was  authorized  to  increase  its  capital  stock 
(which,  by  the  original  chapter,  was  limited  to  $10,000,000) 
up  to  820,000,000,  the  increase  to  be  made  "  in  the  manner 
provided  by  law."  The  Statutes  of  1870,  Chapter  224,  by 
which  the  charter  of  the  Telephone  Company  was  expressed 


304  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

to  be  governed,  were  incorporated  into  the  Public  Statutes  in 
Chapter  106.  The  material  section  of  Chapter  206  is  Section 
37,  which  provides  substantially  that  when  any  corporation, 
subject  to  this  chapter,  increases  its  capital  stock,  each  stock- 
holder may  take  his  proportion  of  new  shares  by  paying  there- 
for the  par  value. 

Unless,  therefore,  other  legislation  has  provided  differently, 
the  bill  for  the  present  increase  authorizes  the  corporation  to 
issue  its  new  stock  to  its  present  shareholders. 

The  Legislature  has,  however,  enacted  a  law  this  year 
(Statute  1894,  Chapter  472)  providing  that  corporations  named 
therein  can  only  issue  their  new  stock  upon  payment  by  the 
shareholders  at  the  market  value  of  the  shares  at  the  time  of 
the  increase,  to  be  determined  by  the  State  Board  under  whose 
jurisdiction  the  several  corporations  enumerated  are,  includ- 
ing the  following :  "  A  corporation  established  for  and  engaged 
in  the  business  of  transmitting  intelligence  by  electricity.  "  Is 
the  American  Bell  Telephone  Company  such  a  corporation  ? 

The  charter  of  the  company  (Statutes  of  1880,  Chapter  117, 
Section  1)  incorporated  it  for  the  purpose  of  "  using,  and  licen- 
sing others  to  use,  electric  speaking  telephones  and  other 
apparatus  and  appliances  pertaining  to  the  transmission  of 
intelligence  by  electricity ;  and  for  that  purpose  constructing 
and  maintaining  public  and  private  lines. " 

The  American  Bell  Telephone  Company,  therefore,  is  a  cor- 
poration "  established  for "  the  business  of  transmitting  intelli- 
gence by  electricity. 

I  understand,  however,  that  it  is  claimed  that  it  is  not 
engaged  in  that  business  for  the  reason  that  it  only  manufac- 
tures telephone  apparatus  to  be  sold  or  loaned  to  other  com- 
panies ;  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  it  may  claim,  as  indeed 
I  am  informed  that  it  is  liable  to  claim,  as  not  being  engaged 
in  the  transmission  of  intelligence  by  electricity,  that  it  is 
not  within  the  provision  of  the  Statute  of  1894,  Chapter 
472. 

It  is  an  ambiguity  which  might  easily  be  remedied  by  a 
proper  section.  As  the  legislation  now  stands,  apparently  it 
may  increase  its  capital  stock  under  the  provision  of  the  pro- 
posed bill  by  issuing  its  shares  to  its  subscribers  upon  the 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  305 

ground  that  it  is  not  now  engaged  in  the  business  of  trans- 
mitting intelligence,  etc.,  and,  having  obtained  its  increase, 
proceed  to  engage  in  the  business. 

Unless  I  am  mistaken,  the  law  is  drawn  with  this  very 
possibility  in  view. 

Nor  does  it  appear  that  this  large  amount  of  increased 
capital  is  at  present  needed;  but  a  more  important  question 
arises :  Is  this  a  quasi-public  corporation  ? 

Legally  and  potentially  it  is.  Its  charter,  as  I  have  before 
stated,  gives  the  company  the  right  of  using  and  licensing 
others  to  use  electric  speaking  telephones  and  other  apparatus 
and  appliances  pertaining  to  the  transmission  of  intelligence 
by  electricity,  and  for  that  purpose  in  constructing  and  main- 
taining public  and  private  lines.  The  company  has,  therefore, 
the  legal  power  to  maintain  and  operate  telephone  lines ;  and 
this  mere  fact  that  its  business  is  done  with  the  public  in  a 
less  open  and  direct  manner  than  by  other  companies  ought 
not  to  exempt  it  from  the  ordinary  and  regular  legal  restric- 
tion and  safeguards  established  by  the  present  policy  of  the 
Commonwealth. 

In  the  Legislature  the  motion  to  pass  the  bill  over  his  veto 
was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  49  yeas  to  115  nays. 

Eequested  about  this  time,  by  a  Boston  journal,  to  write 
for  publication  a  letter  giving  his  idea  as  to  what  an  ideal 
vacation  should  be,  Governor  Greenhalge  sent  the  following 
brief  exposition  of  his  views.  The  letter  was  published  with 
others  on  the  same  subject  written  by  various  distinguished 
men. 

"  My  ideal  vacation  is  to  be  free  from  office-seekers,  in  a 
place  where  I  am  not  obliged  to  give  opinions  on  matters  which 
are  not  before  me,  or  to  consider  speculative  ideas ;  an  oppor- 
tunity to  take  rational  physical  exercise,  and  to  pursue  the 
study  of  literature,  political  justice,  and  poetry,  in  the  society 
of  family  and  friends. 

"  I  care  nothing  about  hunting,  fishing,  or  sports.  These  may 
be  means  to  an  end ;  but  it  must  always  be  remembered  that 
life  is  too  short  to  indulge  in  sporting  fads. 

*  A  true  rest  is  not  idleness,  but  the  opportunity  to  reflect, 

20 


306  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

and  to  pursue  the  studies  that  a  man  loved  in  his  youth,  and 
still  loves  to  follow  when  he  can. 

"  A  mere  stopping  of  mental  work  is  stagnation,  and  helps 
neither  mind  nor  body ;  neither  can  a  man,  nor  ought  he,  to 
get  out  of  touch  with  the  work  of  the  world. " 

One  of  the  last  Acts  of  the  Legislature  of  1894  was  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Eapid  Transit  Bill,  —  or  Meigs  Bill,  as  it  was 
commonly  called,  —  a  bill  to  incorporate  the  Boston  Elevated 
Eailway  Company.  This  bill  was  strongly  opposed  in  the 
House,  but  was  finally  sent  to  the  Senate,  where  the  opposition 
was  continued  with  the  understood  assistance  of  the  Governor, 
who  allowed  it  to  be  known  that  without  material  changes 
and  the  insertion  of  the  referendum  clause  the  bill  would  not 
receive  his  signature.  With  many  of  the  objectionable  fea- 
tures changed,  with  the  referendum  included,  and  by  the  aid  of 
the  Subway  Bill  attachment,  the  bill  passed  the  Senate,  and  on 
the  3d  of  July  received  the  Governor's  signature. 

August  16  Governor  Greenhalge  delivered  a  lecture  at  the 
Old  South  Meeting  House,  Boston,  the  subject  of  which  was 
John  Winthrop,  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  The  following 
report  of  the  lecture  is  fragmentary,  and  inadequately  repre- 
sents his  literary  style  :  — 

"  MY  FRIENDS,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN,  —  I  approach  the 
subject  assigned  to  me  with  a  good  deal  of  diffidence  and 
reverence.  I  wish  that  more  ample  histories  or  biographies 
had  given  an  adequate  conception  of  the  remarkable  man 
whose  life  and  character  I  am  to  briefly  sketch  and  comment 
upon. 

"  I  know  of  no  more  dramatic  period  in  English  or  American 
history  than  the  time  of  John  Winthrop.  And  yet  I  think, 
after  the  scholarly  efforts  of  Fiske,  of  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  the 
illustrious  descendant  of  an  illustrious  ancestry,  after  the  very 
striking  and  dramatic  work  of  Mr.  Twichell,  we  still  must 
admit,  as  I  think  they  themselves  would  admit,  that  this  great 
period  of  history  has  not  been  treated,  either  in  biography  or 
in  history  or  romance  or  dramatic  art,  as  the  mighty  lives  of 
its  partakers  truly  deserve. 

"  I  remember  one  impressive   story  written,  I  think,  by  a 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  307 

descendant  of  the  Connecticut  branch  of  Winthrop,  —  that  won- 
derful novel, '  Edwin  Brothertoft,'  by  Theodore  Winthrop,  —  one 
of  the  best  historical  stories,  by  the  way,  I  remember  to  have 
read,  and  I  commend  it  to  the  attention  of  these  students  and 
searchers  after  historical  knowledge,  with  its  gay  and  striking 
portraiture  of  Major  Andre*,  of  Howe  and  Clinton,  and  many  of 
the  leaders  in  the  time  of  the  Eevolution. 

"  We  all  remember  the  striking  and  gloomy  stories  of  Haw- 
thorne, in  which  some  of  the  early  Governors  appear.  Yet  the 
great,  splendid,  stern,  strong,  and  merciful  man  whom  we  are 
to  speak  about  briefly  to-day,  I  find  almost  unsung  though 
never  to  be  forgotten.  And  therefore  it  is  with  a  good  deal 
of  hesitation,  a  good  deal  of  trepidation,  that  I  approach  a 
topic  so  momentous  and  with  which  this  awakening  spirit  of 
love  for  true  historical  proportions  will  find  an  adequate  and 
proportionate  grandeur  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

"  In  the  annals  of  the  English-speaking  people  everywhere, 
and  also  in  the  evolution  of  civil  liberty  among  all  nations, 
the  year  1629  was  a  memorable  and  significant  period.  For 
many  years  a  struggle  between  king  and  people,  parliament 
and  prerogative,  had  been  going  on  in  England.  This  struggle 
was  imbittered  and  inflamed  by  the  deeper  antagonisms 
developing  between  the  Church  and  the  increasing  body  of 
independent  and  advanced  thinkers,  between  ecclesiastical 
arrogance  and  Puritan  dissent.  The  Puritan  exodus  had 
already  in  1620  been  heralded  and  foreshadowed  by  the 
daring  band  of  godly  pioneers  who  had  reared  the  standard 
of  the  Lord  and  of  liberty  at  Plymouth. 

"  And  several  other  brave  little  garrisons  of  advanced  religious 
and  political  thought  were  '  holding  the  fort '  at  various  points  in 
New  England.  In  March  of  this  eventful  year,  1629,  two  great 
events  occurred.  Parliament  was  angrily  dissolved  by  Charles  I., 
and  at  the  same  time  was  signed  a  great  charter  which  held  the 
destiny  of  Massachusetts  and  the  principles  of  civil  liberty. 
And  it  came  into  the  hand  of  John  Winthrop,  which  never 
relinquished  it.  So  that,  as  the  fated  house  of  Stuart  hurried 
to  its  doom,  as  monarchical  principles  tottered  to  their  fall,  as 
the  cloud  of  smoke  of  civil  war  settled  down  on  the  old 
country,  a  band  of  intelligent  men,  with  full  sense  of  respon- 


308  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

sibility  and  glowing  with  solemn  and  lofty  purposes,  crossed 
the  sea,  and  with  the  inspiration  of  their  efforts  a  new  Eng- 
land, brighter  and  fairer  than  the  old,  arose  in  the  Atlantic 
main  to  cheer  the  sons  of  freedom  all  over  the  world. 

"  Let  us  look  at  the  dominant  figure,  standing  stately,  grave, 
and  gracious,  in  the  portals  of  New  England,  —  John  Win- 
throp.  He  was  a  remarkable  man,  specially  equipped  for  a 
remarkable  work.  He  was  a  Puritan  such  as  Macaulay  loved 
to  paint,  and  a  Puritan  in  action  upon  a  field  as  great  as  that 
on  which  Cromwell  spent  his  'dearest  action'  —  for  Win- 
throp,  too,  'had  a  kingdom  for  a  stage,  princes  to  act,  and 
monarchs  to  behold  the  swelling  scene,'  —  but  the  kingdom 
was  a  commonwealth,  the  princes  were  the  captains  of  free- 
dom, and  the  monarchs  who  beheld  the  scene  were  freemen 
everywhere. 

"Winthrop's  life  and  career  were  not  entirely  marked  by 
felicity  and  success.  He  had  many  trials.  He  was  a  '  man  of 
sorrows  and  acquainted  with  grief.'  Sickness,  death  of  wife, 
children,  and  friends,  poverty  in  advancing  age,  all  these  he 
had  to  bear.  He  had  sharp  conflicts  with  Deputy-Governor 
Dudley,  he  differed  frequently  from  Endicott,  he  had  a  con- 
troversy with  Governor  Bradford  of  Plymouth,  he  was  pestered 
and  annoyed  by  Bellingham,  he  was  impeached  by  Peter 
Hobart  of  Hingham,  he  was  opposed  by  Governor  Vane  and 
a  majority  of  the  Church  in  the  Antinomian  dissension,  and 
several  times  he  was  superseded  by  men  of  mediocre  ability 
for  no  reasons  whatever  except  such  as  mediocre  men  always 
assign  on  such  occasions  to  justify  their  own  preferment. 
But  his  infinite,  almost  divine,  patience  supported  him  under 
all  these  trials.  The  great  charter  was  safe,  the  Common- 
wealth was  safe,  the  supreme  law  —  namely,  the  safety  of  the 
state — had  not  been  violated,  and  therefore  all  was  well. 
He  was  the  guardian,  defender,  and  preserver  of  the  Charter. 
He  guarded,  defended,  and  preserved  it  against  all  enemies, 
against  assailants  from  within  and  from  without,  against 
Koger  Williams,  against  Charles,  and  against  Cromwell.  The 
events  of  Governor  Winthrop's  life  were  some  of  them  extraor- 
dinary. He  was  born  in  1588,  —  a  period  marked  by  trouble 
and  change,  —  the  execution  of  Mary  Stuart  had  just  occurred, 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  309 

the  invincible  Armada  of  Spain  was  about  to  sail.  Winthrop 
entered  college  before  he  was  fourteen ;  he  was  married  very 
early,  at  the  age  of  seventeen  years  three  months  four  days,  — 
and  this  is  one  of  the  early  marriages  which  turned  out  well. 
His  eldest  son  was  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  the  future  Governor  of 
Connecticut,  —  a  man  whose  career  illuminated  the  history  of 
that  noble  Commonwealth  with  living  light,  just  as  Winthrop's 
own  career  illuminated  the  history  of  Massachusetts.  He  had 
many  noble  children  besides.  Winthrop,  the  father,  was  Lord 
of  the  Manor  of  Groton  in  the  county  of  Suffolk ;  he  became 
a  lawyer,  and  had  an  excellent  practice ;  he  was  the  friend  of 
Hampden,  Cromwell,  Sir  John  Eliot,  and  all  the  great  freemen 
of  that  age  which  saw  the  monarchy  of  England  become  the 
Commonwealth  of  England. 

"  Winthrop  was  a  model  in  all  the  domestic  relations,  as 
husband,  father,  neighbor,  and  friend.  At  the  age  of  forty-one 
years  he  was  made  Governor  of  the  Company  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  at  a  General  Court  held  in  London,  Oct.  20,  1629, 
superseding  Endicott  at  Salem  upon  his  arrival  after  a  voyage 
of  eighty-four  days.  Endicott  himself  had  just  superseded 
Roger  Conant.  Winthrop's  life  in  the  New  World  exhibits 
the  growth  and  establishment  of  a  great  State. 

"  As  has  been  said,  Winthrop's  journal  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  compositions  ever  written  or  read,  because  it  tells 
the  real  history  of  New  England,  just  as  Bradford's  record 
gives  the  history  of  the  earliest  colony  of  Massachusetts.  But 
Winthrop,  with  all  his  greatness,  with  all  his  success  (and 
after  all  his  trials  and  struggles,  he  was  undoubtedly  a  man 
whom  the  world  would  crown  with  the  laurels  of  success),  was 
as  human  a  man  as  ever  stood  upon  the  shores  of  Massachu- 
setts. His  journal,  his  letters,  his  every  utterance,  show  how 
true  and  tender,  how  careful  of  everybody's  feelings,  he  always 
was,  and  yet  he  accomplished  the  mightiest  results  of  any  one 
man  in  his  day  and  generation,  and  perhaps  through  a  long 
period.  I  say  he  was  a  very  human  man,  a  man  whom  you 
could  know  and  sit  down  with  and  talk  to,  and  in  finding  out 
the  hidden  springs  of  his  action  you  could  always  find  the 
principle  of  benevolence,  of  truth,  of  justice,  the  love  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  the  fear  of  the  Almighty.  From  birth  and  sta- 


310  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

tion  and  training,  he  was  naturally  and  inevitably  inclined 
to  aristocracy ;  yet  liberal,  just,  and  full  of  humility,  and  al- 
ways ready  to  acknowledge  his  transgressions,  —  to  himself, 
to  the  people,  to  his  Maker.  Beneath  his  placid,  cold,  and 
dignified  exterior,  his  wonderful  journal  and  his  letters  tell 
us  what  warm  passions  burned,  what  strange  emotions  dis- 
turbed. Full  of  tact  and  courteous  consideration,  he  never 
trimmed  or  compromised  where  principle  was  concerned.  He 
was  eager  to  be  forgiven,  often  when  there  was  nothing  to 
forgive.  He  was  more  eager  to  forgive  often  when  he  might 
well  have  condemned.  In  fact,  he  was  charged  by  his  stern 
associates  with  a  crime,  —  the  crime  of  leniency.  Notably  in 
the  case  of  Roger  Williams  he  was  guilty,  and  practically 
confessed  his  crime;  but  he  did  not  amend  his  conduct  in 
this  respect,  and  died  with  this  sin  of  mercy  and  tenderness 
upon  his  soul,  —  his  greatest,  if  not  his  only,  sin  in  public 
office.  He  was  conscious  of  his  own  faults,  sometimes  mor- 
bidly so;  and  his  journal  is  full  of  consideration  for  sins  of 
which  there  was  no  external  evidence  made  known  either  to 
private  or  to  public  judgment.  In  fact,  the  Governor  was  the 
Governor's  severest  critic.  And  the  stern  Pilgrims  of  Plymouth 
and  of  Massachusetts  Bay  loved  him ;  and  when  reverses  came 
upon  him,  for  he  was  not  exempt  from  adversities,  Endicott 
protested  his  regard  for  Winthrop  with  symptoms  of  deep  emo- 
tion. The  towns,  the  Church,  forced  money  upon  him,  and 
even  wild  Tom  Morton  —  the  Wildrake  of  New  England  his- 
tory,—  who  calls  him  'King'  Winthrop  at  one  time  and  com- 
plains that  when  he,  Morton,  wanted  to  speak  in  his  own 
defence,  interrupting  Winthrop,  there  was  a  deep  roar  of  '  Hear 
the  Governor,  hear  the  Governor!'  —  can  find  as  the  harshest 
thing  he  can  say  of  him  only  the  name  of  '  Joshua  Temperwell.' 
He  was  as  stout  a  soldier  of  the  Cross  as  ever  buckled  on  ar- 
mor, yet  he  was  pre-eminently  a  peacemaker.  Upon  the  tomb 
of  his  ancestors,  in  the  Old  World,  are  inscribed  (now  faintly 
seen)  the  words  '  Beati  pacificati,"  —  a  new  force  and  light  from 
Winthrop's  life  has  brought  out  that  half-effaced  inscription. 
With  those  stern,  strong,  resolute  Puritans,  he  knew  when  to 
recede  and  when  to  insist,  when  to  be  gentle  and  when  to  be 
inflexible ;  he  was  a  practical,  reasonable  man,  with  the  light 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  311 

of  genius  and  the  light  of  Christianity  to  guide  and  support 
him. 

"  He  found  in  his  old  age  that  he  had  been  stripped  of  most 
of  his  property,  and  about  the  same  time  a  claim  was  made 
from  the  Deputies  that  he  should  present  a  strict  account  to 
the  Colony,  or  to  the  magistrates,  of  his  expenditures  and  receipts. 
There  is  something  pathetic  in  his  dignified  statement  that,  so 
far  from  having  made  anything  out  of  them,  he  had  expended 
twelve  hundred  pounds  from  his  own  estate  for  public  purposes 
which  he  had  never  asked  to  have  repaid. 

"  And  so  these  critical  people  discovered  the  kind  of  man  he 
was,  and  when  misfortune  and  sickness  came  upon  him  they 
hastened  to  make  such  amends  as  they  could.  Endicott  sent 
messages  of  singular  tenderness  for  that  inflexible  and  icy 
nature. 

"There  was  a  great  contest  going  on  in  this  evolution  of 
civil  and  constitutional  liberty ;  and  it  is  true  that  Winthrop 
sided,  as  I  say,  naturally  and  inevitably,  with  the  magistracy,  — 
with  the  constituted  authorities,  because  they  had  been  put  in 
power  by  the  people  and  by  the  voice  of  the  people,  and  for 
a  certain  term,  at  least,  they  were  almost  as  absolute  as  any 
emperor  or  king,  —  and  this  position  of  his  had  awakened  a  good 
deal  of  ire  among  these  stern  and  independent  souls  who  had 
never  brooked  the  king,  or  a  leader,  or  anybody  who  was  better 
than  themselves.  In  fact,  they  illustrated  their  idea  very  fully 
with  philosophical  statements,  which  were  sometimes  paradoxi- 
cal,— like  one  of  the  sons  of  Hibernia,  who  said  that  one  man  was 
as  good  as  another  and  a  good  deal  better  too ;  and  they  fully 
believed  that  this  principle  meant  that  each  man  had  a  full  and 
equal  right,  and  that  when  any  question  came  between  him  and 
any  constituted  authority,  he  was  as  likely  to  be  right  as  any 
authority.  And  so  when  this  question  came  between  the  magis- 
tracy and  what  we  may  call  the  commonalty,  they  tried  John 
Winthrop,  and  impeached  him  on  the  question  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  captain  of  a  train-band  in  Hingham ;  and  I  think 
the  Governor  speaks  of  Hingham  as  the  '  mutinous  Hingham,' 
though  they  have  long  since  got  rid  of  any  such  title  as  that. 

"  After  the  inquisition  was  over,  and  Winthrop,  who  not  as 
Governor  but  as  Deputy  had  until  then  stood  within  the  bar, 


312  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

the  greatest  among  the  assembly,  yet  giving  the  court  its  full 
right  and  power  and  authority,  claiming  nothing  for  himself  by 
virtue  of  the  previous  office  which  he  had  held,  —  was  acquit- 
ted and  had  resumed  his  seat  upon  the  bench,  the  court  being 
about  to  rise,  he  desired  leave  for  a  little  speech.  That '  little 
speech '  is  a  lesson  in  constitutional  history  and  in  constitu- 
tional government,  —  it  should  be  in  all  the  reading-books. 
And  then  may  I  say  that  the  Governor  was  a  good  deal  more 
than  a  statue. 

"He  wrote  the  finest  love  letters  that  I  have  read  in  the 
English  language.  He  had  the  grace  of  Sidney,  with  less  of 
his  stiffness  and  clumsiness.  He  wrote  in  terms  full  of  poetic 
fire,  full  of  eloquence,  and  every  sentence  marked  by  scholarly 
diction.  He  writes  from  the  vessel,  as  he  was  waiting  for 
favorable  winds  to  cross  an  unknown  sea,  this  farewell  letter 
to  his  wife,  Margaret,  — 

" '  And  now,  my  sweet  soul,  I  must  once  again  take  my  last 
farewell  of  thee  in  Old  England.  It  goeth  very  near  to  my 
heart  to  leave  thee ;  but  I  know  to  whom  I  have  committed 
thee,  even  to  Him,  who  loves  thee  much  better  than  any  hus- 
band can ;  who  hath  taken  account  of  the  hairs  of  thy  head, 
and  puts  all  thy  tears  in  his  bottle ;  who  can,  and  (if  it  be  for 
his  glory)  will,  bring  us  together  again  with  peace  and  comfort. 
Oh,  how  it  refresheth  my  heart  to  think,  that  I  shall  yet  again 
see  thy  sweet  face  in  the  land  of  the  living !  —  that  lovely  coun- 
tenance that  I  have  so  much  delighted  in,  and  beheld  with  so 
great  content !  I  have  hitherto  been  so  taken  up  with  busi- 
ness, as  I  could  seldom  look  back  to  my  former  happiness ;  but 
now  when  I  shall  be  at  some  leisure,  I  shall  not  avoid  the 
remembrance  of  thee,  nor  the  grief  for  thy  absence.  Thou  hast 
thy  share  with  me,  but  I  hope  the  course  we  have  agreed  upon 
will  be  some  ease  to  us  both.  Mondays  and  Fridays,  at  five  of 
the  clock  at  night,  we  shall  meet  in  spirit  till  we  meet  in  per- 
son. Yet  if  all  these  hopes  should  fail,  blessed  be  our  God, 
that  we  are  assured  we  shall  meet  one  day,  if  not  as  husband 
and  wife,  yet  in  a  better  condition.  Let  that  stay  and  comfort 
thine  heart.  Neither  can  the  sea  drown  thy  husband,  nor  ene- 
mies destroy,  nor  any  adversity  deprive  thee  of  thy  husband 
or  children.  Therefore  I  will  only  take  thee  now  and  my  sweet 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  313 

children  in  mine  arms,  and  kiss  and  embrace  you  all,  and  so 
leave  you  with  God.  Farewell,  farewell  I  bless  you  all  in 
the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus.' 

"  And  it  seems  to  me  that  even  the  great  souls  who  wrote  or 
translated  the  Bible  of  King  James  —  not  even  Milton  himself 
—  wrote  any  finer  or  more  exquisite  language,  or  gave  vent  to 
higher,  more  beautiful,  or  more  touching  thoughts,  than  we 
find  here. 

"And  the  whole  collection  of  that  devoted  and  illustrious 
man,  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  in  his  '  Life  and  Letters '  of  the 
Governor,  furnish  so  much  rich  and  beautiful,  abiding  and 
ample  thought,  that  I  would  recommend  the  reading  of  those 
letters  and  of  that  journal  by  every  true  and  earnest  student 
of  American  history. 

"  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  both  the  early  Governors  of  the 
early  Colony  were  historians.  Bradford  was  an  historian  of 
the  highest  merit,  and  of  the  most  complete  authority ;  and  so 
in  the  case  of  Winthrop.  He,  too,  was  an  historian  and  also  an 
orator,  —  not  merely  a  thinker  and  a  statesman,  but  a  man  who 
knew  how  to  put  his  case  in  the  very  best  way,  —  and  he  was 
always  confident,  and  had  a  right  to  be  confident,  that  his  case 
was  a  just  one. 

"Is  it  necessary  to  point  out  that  in  the  case  of  both 
Bradford  and  Winthrop  this  was  a  Caesarian  quality  ?  Julius 
Caesar,  the  one  man  who  could  have  accomplished  the  Gallic 
War,  was  the  one  man  who  could  have  written  of  the  Gallic  War 
as  Caesar  did.  And  so  we  find  the  type  of  these  men  of  action 
to  be  also  the  type  of  men  of  action  and  thought,  and  the 
historian  is  frequently  the  greatest  actor  in  the  things  of  which 
he  writes. 

"  They  gave  Winthrop  an  island  in  the  harbor,  and  it  was 
called  the  Governor's  Garden.  It  is  now  occupied  by  a  frown- 
ing fortress.  We  may  say  to-day  that  all  New  England  is  the 
Governor's  garden.  .  .  .  The  sermon  preached  after  his  death 
spoke  of  that  monument  which  should  always  remain  to  him, 
— Novanglorum  mania,  'the  walls  of  New  England.'  Yes; 
but  the  walls  of  New  England  in  a  changed,  expanded  form,  — 
rising,  enlarging,  and  embracing  millions,  where  a  little  com- 


314  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

munity  lived  before.  And  these  walls  of  New  England,  how- 
ever high  they  may  rise,  and  whatever  glory  may  be  cast  upon 
them  by  the  rising  and  by  the  setting  sun,  will  always  be  a 
monument  to  the  self-sacrificing  spirit,  to  the  earnest  Chris- 
tian purpose,  and  to  the  inflexible  resolution  of  that  soldier 
of  constitutional  liberty,  the  great  guardian  and  preserver  of 
the  charter,  —  John  Winthrop,  Governor  of  Massachusetts." 

The  appointments  to  office  made  by  Governor  Greenhalge 
during  his  three  terms  met  in  some  instances  with  criticism, 
and  it  would  have  been  strange  if  there  had  been  no  case  in 
which  they  were  not  unanimously  approved;  but  the  char- 
acter of  the  men  singled  out  by  him  left  little  to  criticise,  and 
as  a  whole  his  appointments  gave  general  satisfaction  to  the 
people  of  the  State.  It  was  a  somewhat  singular  fact  that  his 
predecessor,  Governor  Eussell,  should  have  had  many  more 
vacancies  to  fill  in  the  Judiciary  than  Governor  Greenhalge. 

On  January  25  the  Governor  sent  to  the  Council  his  first 
list  of  appointments. 

The  first  in  importance  was  that  of  Henry  D.  Sheldon  to  be 
Justice  of  the  Superior  Court,  to  succeed  Judge  Thompson. 
This  appointment  was  a  surprise,  as  Mr.  Sheldon,  though  a 
profound  student  of  law,  had  never  taken  any  active  part  in 
politics.  He  was  a  classmate  of  Governor  Greenhalge,  who, 
besides  the  strong  personal  affection  which  he  bore  him,  had 
the  highest  appreciation  of  his  judicial  ability.  Indeed,  when 
the  opportunity  came  to  him  to  make  this  appointment  to  the 
bench,  his  first  thought  was,  "  Sheldon  is  the  man ; "  from  this 
opinion  he  never  wavered. 

On  April  26  the  Governor  appointed  as  Police  Commissioner, 
in  place  of  Mr.  Lee,  whose  term  had  expired,  Gen.  A.  P.  Martin, 
and  also  designated  him  as  Chairman  of  the  Commission,  which 
caused  much  surprise  and  comment. 

He  also  nominated,  as  members  of  the  new  Commission  of  the 
Unemployed,  M.  D.  K.  Dewey,  of  Boston,  an  instructor  at  the 
Institute  of  Technology ;  D.  F.  Moreland,  of  Woburn,  and  J.  F. 
Carey,  of  Haverhill.  The  appointment  of  the  latter,  who  was  a 
socialist,  met  with  much  disapproval ;  and  the  Council  refused 
to  confirm  it.  The  Governor  afterward  appointed  in  his  place 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  315 

Mr.  Perham,  of  Lowell.  Governor  Greenhalge  never  felt, 
however,  that  his  first  appointment  was  a  mistake.  With  a 
board  of  which  one  member  was  a  scholar  and  trained  statis- 
tician, and  two  representative  (one  conservative  and  the  other 
radical)  of  the  labor  elements,  he  thought  that  some  thoughtful 
and  practical  solution  of  the  problem  might  be  reached. 

On  that  same  day  he  appointed  to  the  new  position  of  Asso- 
ciate Justice  of  the  Municipal  Court  of  Boston,  Mr.  J.  B.  Lord, 
of  Boston.  This  nomination  he  afterwards  withdrew  on  the 
Advisory  Committee  reporting  against  its  confirmation ;  later 
he  nominated  to  the  position  John  F.  Brown,  Clerk  of  the 
Municipal  Court  of  Boston. 

At  the  next  meeting  of  the  Council  the  Governor  sent  in 
the  names  of  Colonel  Borden,  Mr.  Stanton,  and  Dr.  Aldrich  as 
members  of  the  Police  Commission  of  Fall  Eiver.  The  latter 
name  he  afterwards  withdrew,  and  appointed  Mr.  Joseph 
Healey. 

August  16  the  Governor  nominated,  as  members  of  the 
Metropolitan  District  Commission  on  Greater  Boston,  Mr.  B. 
Eice,  of  Quincy,  Osborn  Howes,  of  Brookline,  and  Charles  P. 
Curtis,  Jr.,  of  Boston,  all  of  which  nominations  were  confirmed. 

September  13  he  sent  in  the  name  of  George  Field  Lawton, 
of  Lowell,  to  be  Associate  Justice  of  the  Probate  Court,  which 
nomination  was  confirmed. 

The  State  Eepublican  Convention  of  1894  was  held  in  Music 
Hall  Saturday,  October  6.  It  was  the  shortest  Eepublican 
convention  ever  held  in  Massachusetts ;  and  the  platform,  of 
which  Senator  Hoar  was  the  author,  was  the  briefest  in  the 
history  of  the  party.  The  entire  ticket  of  the  year  before  was 
renominated. 

Gen.  William  Cogswell  had  been  elected  chairman  of  the 
convention,  but  was  too  ill  to  be  present ;  and  Hon.  Samuel  E. 
Winslow  was  elected  in  his  place,  Mr.  Curtis  Guild,  Jr.,  reading 
the  address  which  the  General  had  prepared. 

The  name  of  Governor  Greenhalge  was  presented  for  nomi- 
nation by  Senator  Lodge,  who,  in  his  eloquent  speech,  said: 
"  It  has  always  been  the  custom  of  the  Eepublicans  of  Massa- 
chusetts to  recognize  and  reward  the  faithful  services  of  those 
whom  they  have  placed  in  the  high  offices  of  State  and  nation. 


316  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

...  In  accordance,  then,  with  the  good  traditions  of  New  Eng- 
land, of  Massachusetts,  and  of  Massachusetts  Kepublicans,  I 
have  risen  to  ask  you  to  show  your  appreciation  of  high  char- 
acter and  distinguished  service  by  nominating  the  second  time 
the  present  Governor  of  the  State.  He  led  you  to  a  brilliant 
victory  last  year.  He  has  given  you  the  best  fruits  of  victory 
in  an  honorable  and  successful  administration  of  his  office.  .  .  . 
He  has  met  all  his  responsibilities  face  to  face.  All  bills  sent 
to  him  have  met  either  his  approval  or  his  veto.  He  has 
shown  himself  cool,  brave,  and  effective  in  the  moment  of  sud- 
den emergency,  diligent  and  painstaking  in  the  performance 
of  daily  duty,  always  and  everywhere  the  fit  representative 
of  the  honor,  the  intelligence,  the  free  spirit,  and  the  ordered 
liberty  of  Massachusetts.  His  eloquent  speech,  his  scholar- 
ship, and  his  ability  have  reflected  honor  upon  his  State,  upon 
his  party,  and  upon  himself.  We  can  all  be  proud  of  him, 
and  we  know  that  he  has  deserved  well  of  the  republic.  .  .  . 
Therefore  I  ask  you  to  renominate  Governor  Greenhalge.  I 
ask  you  to  do  it  with  the  enthusiasm  and  the  determination 
which  this  year  of  all  years  demands.  'Do  it  with  a  spirit 
that  shall  start  the  earth  along.'  Nominate  him  as  you  were 
wont  to  nominate  Andrew  in  the  days  of  storm  and  strife. 
The  time  is  again  ripe  for  such  action  and  such  spirit.  Then 
an  armed  South  struck  at  the  nation's  life.  Now  an  unarmed 
South  strikes  at  the  nation's  prosperity.  Massachusetts  did 
not  falter  then ;  she  will  not  fail  us  now.  I  move  you,  sir, 
that  Frederic  T.  Greenhalge,  of  Lowell,  be  declared  by  accla- 
mation the  nominee  of  this  convention  for  the  office  of  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Commonwealth." 

The  name  of  the  Governor  was  greeted  with  great  enthu- 
siasm, and  the  motion  to  nominate  him  by  acclamation  was 
carried  with  a  tremendous  burst  of  cheers.  There  was  not  a 
single  dissenting  voice. 

The  name  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  Wolcott,  was  offered 
for  nomination  by  Hon.  Frederic  H.  Gillette,  of  Springfield ;  he 
also  was  renominated  by  acclamation,  as  were  all  the  other 
nominees. 

In  his  address  of  acceptance,  which  was  received  with  much 
enthusiasm,  the  Governor  spoke  as  follows :  — 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  317 

"  ME.  PRESIDENT,  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION,  — 
I  thank  you,  Eepublicans  of  Massachusetts,  for  the  expression 
of  continued  confidence  conveyed  in  this  renomination.  The 
year  has  not  been  altogether  free  from  trials  and  perplexities. 
I  thank  the  Legislature,  the  State  officials,  and  the  Executive 
Council,  never  more  serviceable  and  helpful  than  now,  for  most 
efficient  co-operation  in  enabling  me  to  meet  these  trials  and 
perplexities  with  whatever  measure  of  success  may  have  been 
attained. 

"  Nor  can  I  refuse  to  pay  my  tribute  to  our  delegation  in  the 
Fifty-third  Congress  who  have  served  the  State  so  well,  —  with 
such  fidelity,  courage,  and  wisdom.  I  rejoice  in  the  presence 
of  our  honored  Senators  and  Representatives,  and  I  join  with 
all  my  heart  in  sending  a  message  of  good  cheer  to  Gen. 
William  Cogswell,  of  Salem,  — '  Good  at  need ! ' 

"  Gentlemen,  I  believe  that  the  best  service  to  the  party  can 
only  be  rendered  by  the  best  service  to  the  Commonwealth. 
Good  administration  is  good  Eepublican  doctrine  and  good 
Republican  work.  It  is  true  that  affairs  of  state  are  not  the 
only  matters  coming  before  the  people  for  judgment  at  this 
time.  The  affairs  of  that  larger  Commonwealth,  the  whole 
country,  must  claim  our  earnest  consideration  now.  We  are 
soon  to  meet  our  ancient  enemy.  In  what  guise  does  he 
come?  He  comes  in  worse  guise  than  ever  before  since  he 
came  as  the  ally  of  rebellion  and  treason.  He  comes  branded 
with  the  misgovernment  of  eighteen  months,  arrayed  in  the 
shreds  and  patches  of  ruined  industries,  and  heralded  by  the 
execrations  of  an  indignant  people. 

"  The  work  of  the  Democratic  party  cannot  be  satisfactory 
to  the  country ;  it  is  not  satisfactory  to  the  Democratic  party. 
That  work  is  based  upon  no  principle ;  it  does  not  even  repre- 
sent Democratic  principles.  And  we  have  the  unparalleled 
spectacle  of  a  great  party  leader  —  a  Democratic  President  — 
sounding  the  knell  of  his  own  party,  and  with  blistering  words 
stigmatizing  the  magnum  opus  of  a  Democratic  Congress  as 
the  consummation  of  'party  perfidy  and  party  dishonor.' 

"We  are  treated  to  the  strange  spectacle  of  a  President 
without  a  party,  and  a  party  without  a  principle.  Our  oppo- 
nents promised  to  reduce  the  burden  of  taxation.  They  fulfilled 


318  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

their  promise  by  placing  a  burden  of  $45,000,000  on  sugar,  and 
by  imposing  an  income  tax,  the  nice  features  of  which  I  leave 
to  the  '  inner  consciousness '  of  our  Democratic  friends.  They 
promised  to  stimulate  our  foreign  commerce,  and  they  destroy 
reciprocity,  which  had  already  carried  the  flag  of  our  commerce 
to  new  realms,  brought  profit  to  American  industry  and  glory 
to  the  country.  Every  dollar  from  the  Eepublican  system  of 
revenue  brought  life  to  our  enterprise ;  every  dollar  from  the 
Democratic  system  is  a  deadly  blow  to  our  industries.  They 
have  lifted  the  burden  from  the  foreign  manufacturer  and 
placed  it  on  the  domestic  manufacturer.  They  have  cringed 
and  fawned  before  the  throne  of  a  barbaric  and  dissolute  sover- 
eign, and  turned  their  backs  upon  liberty  standing  at  the  gate. 

"  They  who  claim  to  be  Democratic  leaders  have  '  crooked 
the  pregnant  hinges  of  the  knee '  to  monopolies,  and  have  vied 
with  each  other  in  servility  to  trusts.  Tariff  reform  ?  What 
crimes  are  committed  in  thy  name !  How  different  the  record 
of  the  Republican  party !  How  its  principles  shine  and  glow 
in  the  letters  of  living  light  coming  from  the  heart  and  brain 
of  our  honored  Senator  !  You  have  placed  the  great  standard 
of  the  party  in  my  hands.  I  accept  it  reverently.  Let  the 
word  ring  along  the  Republican  lines :  Forward  to  the  rescue 
of  the  country  and  its  best  and  dearest  interests  !  Victory 
awaits  you,  I  firmly  believe.  And  when  I  return  this  standard 
to  you,  may  every  one  of  the  principles  blazing  upon  its  folds 
shine  out  untarnished,  clear,  and  bright  as  in  the  golden  days 
of  Lincoln  and  Andrew." 

The  fall  campaign  of  1894  was  spirited  and  full  of  enthusi- 
asm on  the  part  of  the  Republicans.  The  series  of  addresses 
made  by  Governor  Greenhalge  equalled  the  remarkable  efforts 
of  his  first  campaign.  The  feeling  of  revolt  against  the  Demo- 
cratic re'gime  had  increased  during  the  year,  and  a  larger  Repub- 
lican vote  was  confidently  expected.  The  result  was  even 
more  agreeable  to  the  Republicans  than  they  had  hoped  for, 
and  afforded  a  grand  proof  that  the  people  were  greatly  roused, 
and  desired  to  ratify  the  principles  and  policies  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  by  a  tremendous  vote. 

Twelve  Republican  Congressmen,  out  of  a  total  of  thirteen, 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  319 

were  elected,  and  the  city  of  Boston  was  almost  lost  to  the 
Democracy.  The  vote  for  Governor  was :  Eussell,  123,769  ; 
Greenhalge,  187,435,  Governor  Greenhalge's  plurality  being 
63,666.  The  vote  revealed  the  fact  that  the  Governor  had  lost 
no  prestige  during  his  year  of  office,  and  that  the  people  of  the 
State  were  more  than  satisfied  with  his  administration,  —  that 
they  were  enthusiastic,  indeed,  and  resolute  in  their  determi- 
nation to  support  him. 

Hon.  John  E.  Eussell  was  for  the  second  time  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate  for  Governor.  After  the  election  Governor 
Greenhalge  said  in  an  interview :  — 

"  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  result.  The  apparent 
majority,  in  spite  of  unfavorable  weather  and  the  danger  of 
extravagant  confidence,  is  something  surprising,  and  indicates 
the  profound  feeling  of  Massachusetts  on  the  great  issue  of  the 
hour.  .  .  . 

"  The  results  in  the  congressional  districts  are,  of  course, 
of  chief  importance,  the  State  ticket  being  a  secondary  issue, 
because  it  is,  as  it  were,  not  a  disputed  issue.  If  I  could  give 
of  my  plurality  to  help  out  in  the  congressional  districts  in  this 
State  or  elsewhere,  I  would  cheerfully  do  it  ... 

"  New  York  is  the  great  pivotal  centre.  Give  the  Eepub- 
lican  party  possession  there,  and  I  believe  that  the  cause  of 
good  government,  of  law  and  order,  will  be  promoted.  .  .  . 

"  If  any  discrimination  for  any  reason  has  been  made  against 
my  honored  friend  and  associate,  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  it 
is  a  grave  mistake,  which  will  profit  no  good  cause.  He  ought 
to  have  received  every  vote  which  was  given  to  me.  A  truer 
servant  of  the  people  in  the  Executive  Council  or  anywhere  else 
I  have  never  found.  Petty  jealousy  or  inordinate  desire  for 
political  preferment  never  entered  his  mind.  Through  all  the 
trials  of  a  very  difficult  year  I  found  but  one  line  of  action  on 
his  part,  and  that  was  patriotic,  intelligent  business  service  to 
the  Commonwealth.  I  have  made  him  chairman  of  even7  im- 
portant committee  in  the  Executive  Council,  and  his  work  has 
been  performed  as  accurately  and  as  efficiently  as  could  be 
done  by  any  man.  He  is  a  true  son  of  Massachusetts,  with  a 
great  record  of  his  ancestry  before  himself  which  I,  even  as  a 
stranger,  am  bound  to  revere.  .  .  . 


320  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

u  Of  course  my  own  congressional  district,  the  Fifth,  has  been 
a  matter  of  great  concern  to  me.  Next  to  that,  I  have  consid- 
ered the  pivotal  State  of  New  York.  The  defeat  of  Hill  means 
vastly  more  than  a  mere  political  controversy.  It  is  a  matter 
of  morals  and  decency  in  free  government  ;  and  if  the  methods 
of  Hill  and  Tammany  were  strengthened  and  continued,  there 
might  be  danger  to  constitutional  liberty.  But  the  genius  of 
the  American  people  in  finding  out  the  trouble  will  always  be 
able  to  save  the  country.  .  .  . 

"  I  believe  that  the  result  of  the  election  in  New  York  means 
a  great  contribution  to  the  salvation  of  free  government  upon 
the  earth.  The  victory  all  over  this  State  and  country  brands 
the  Democratic  party  and  policy  as  unworthy  the  confidence 
of  the  American  people.  " 

As  the  appointed  time  came  round  during  his  first  year  of 
office,  Governor  Greenhalge,  following  the  established  custom 
of  his  predecessors,  issued  his  Thanksgiving  Proclamation. 
The  spirit  of  the  writer  was  reverent,  and  the  tone  and  expres- 
sion of  the  proclamation  are  such  as  were  natural  to  him  at  a 
time  of  considerable  business  depression  and  hardship  to  the 
people  of  Massachusetts.  It  is  equal  to  the  best  of  those  issued 
in  the  past  history  of  the  State. 

THANKSGIVING  PROCLAMATION,  1894. 


of 

BY 

FREDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE,  Governor. 

In  all  the  trials  and  reverses  of  the  past  year,  the  hand  of 
the  Lord  has  uplifted  us,  and  the  light  of  his  countenance  has 
always  cheered  our  souls.  Well  may  the  Commonwealth  say, 
'  Praise  the  Lord,  0  my  soul,  and  forget  not  all  his  benefits,  '  and 
well  may  the  voice  of  thanksgiving  rise  from  all  her  altars. 

Therefore,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Council, 
I  appoint  Thursday,  the  27th  day  of  November  current,  as  a 
day  of  solemn  thanksgiving  to  Almighty  God,  our  Heavenly 
Father.  On  that  day  let  the  whole  Commonwealth  become 
the  holy  temple  of  the  living  God,  wherein  shall  be  heard  the 
prayers,  praise,  and  thanksgiving  of  the  people.  And  on  that 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  321 

day,  also,  let  the  noble  traditions  of  the  Commonwealth  glow 
with  new  life  and  light,  let  the  wandering  children  gather 
again  in  the  old  homestead,  and  the  comfort  and  peace  of 
every  family  shall  be  for  a  sign  that  the  Lord  has  watched 
over  and  preserved  us. 

At  the  celebration  of  Forefathers'  Day  in  the  City  of  Brook- 
lyn, New  York,  Dec.  21,  1894,  Governor  Greenhalge  was  present 
The  speech  that  he  delivered  there  was  short.  He  said  :  — 

"  It  is  quite  appropriate  that  a  celebration  of  Forefathers' 
Day  should  be  held  here  in  Brooklyn,  the  city  of  churches,  and 
a  city  strongly  marked  by  New  England  ideas.  New  York  is 
cosmopolitan  and  commercial,  and  must  for  a  time  remain  so. 
New  York  is  not  yet  New  Englandized,  if  I  may  have  the 
permission  of  the  '  New  York  Sun  '  to  use  that  word,  though 
a  strong  gust  of  Puritan  freshness  and  coolness  has  just  blown 
through  the  island  from  one  end  to  the  other,  from  the  Park  to 
the  Bowery.  And  it  is  well,  therefore,  to  come  together  in 
Brooklyn  and  on  Forefathers'  Day,  1894,  two  and  three  quarter 
centuries  nearly  since  the  Pilgrim  Eepublic  was  founded,  and 
take  an  account  of  the  descendants  of  the  Forefathers,  and  of 
their  works  in  the  land  of  their  fathers.  And  the  question  is, 
Does  the  line  bid  fair  to  perpetuate  itself  and  to  continue  like 
a  parabola  into  limitless  space  ?  It  is  to  be  noted  at  the  outset 
that  the  Forefathers  and  their  children  were  not  mere  money- 
getters,  not  wholly  devoted  to  commerce  and  wealth,  that  their 
chief  products  were  ideas,  their  richest  wealth  was  the  wealth 
of  the  mind  and  the  soul,  and  their  noblest  work  —  their 
magnum  opus  —  was  the  establishment  of  great  systems  and 
lofty  principles  inspired  by  a  sublime  religious  faith  and  an 
absolute  trust  in  Almighty  God.  Not  a  day  passed  that  they 
did  not  eagerly  seek  the  '  light  of  his  countenance, '  not  a  line 
of  their  laws  was  written  which  was  not  based  upon  his  Holy 
Word. 

"  Mr.  Benjamin  Kidd,  in  his  great  work  on  '  Social  Evolu- 
tion, '  recently  published,  demonstrates  that  the  chief  factor  in 
social  evolution  among  nations  is  religious  belief ;  that  there 
never  has  been  a  rational  sanction  for  the  condition  of  national 
progress,  but  that  nations  march  on  from  strength  to  strength, 

21 


322  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

build  cities,  overcome  enemies,  establish  empires,  under  con- 
ditions and  influences  which  are  not  accepted  by  mere  human 
reason,  but  which  depend  upon  a  super-rational  sanction. 

"  The  Sphinx  of  Egypt  lies  buried  in  the  sands  of  centuries ; 
it  is  silent ;  no  gospel  falls  from  its  stony  lips  to  guide  and 
bless  mankind.  Plymouth  Kock,  too,  may  be  covered  by  the 
tides  of  ocean  or  hidden  beneath  the  sands,  but  the  Eock  is 
not  silent.  Its  message  has  gone  forth;  from  that  Eock, 
smitten  by  the  rod  of  the  Forefathers,  have  poured  forth,  and 
will  forever  flow,  streams  of  living  water  to  develop  and 
fertilize  the  soil  and  soul  of  humanity  over  not  one  nation 
alone,  but  over  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

"  We  come  not  so  much  to  stand  by  the  graves  of  the  Pil- 
grim Fathers ;  we  come  to  glory  in  the  great  nation  of  which 
they  were  the  founders ;  we  come  to  learn  again  in  this  prac- 
tical nineteenth  century  from  the  wisdom  of  Bradford,  to  hear 
again  the  prayer  of  Brewster,  to  see  again  the  lost  sword  of 
Standish  flashing  from  its  sheath. 

"  The  character  of  the  New  Englander  is  as  massive,  as 
strong,  as  unyielding,  as  lofty  to-day  as  it  was  in  the  time  of 
Bradford  and  Winthrop.  In  some  respects  the  New  Englander 
is  quite  as  English  as  the  English  themselves,  if  not  more  so ; 
he  has  changed  less.  In  other  respects  he  is  sui  generis.  He 
is  passionately  attached  to  law  and  order,  to  justice,  to  liberty 
and  equality.  He  is  tenacious  of  his  opinion,  conservative, 
and  yet  liberal  and  tolerant  to  others.  He  readily  adapts 
himself  to  new  places  and  new  associates ;  but  the  adaptation 
is  only  skin  deep.  He  retains  his  ideas,  his  tastes,  his  pecu- 
liarities. How  many  of  the  gentlemen  here  have  risen  discon- 
tented from  a  banquet  like  this,  from  a  feast  of  Lucullus,  to 
explore  the  two  cities  for  a  boiled  dinner?  How  many  are 
there  here  who  have  felt  keenly  one  defect  of  an  otherwise  per- 
fect wife,  namely,  that,  not  being  a  New  England  woman,  she 
could  not  quite  give  that  last  touch  of  grace  to  that  brightest 
glory  of  the  morning,  — buckwheat  cakes?  And  it  must  be  a 
very  dull,  narrow  mind  which  fails  to  perceive  the  intimate 
and  indissoluble  connection  between  baked  beans  and  fish-balls 
upon  the  one  hand  and  the  maintenance  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty  upon  the  other.  He  may  change  his  sky,  but  never 


GOVERNOR  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  323 

his  heart.  If  he  cannot  remain  in  New  England,  he  makes  a 
New  England  wherever  he  goes.  His  institutions,  his  pur- 
poses, his  way  of  life,  such  as  he  knew  on  the  hill-farm,  in  the 
country -store,  and  the  school-house,  he  is  sure  are  the  best  in 
the  world ;  and  he  insists  upon  them,  whether  in  the  metropolis 
of  New  York,  in  Atlanta  in  the  South,  or  in  a  brand-new  city 
of  Colorado.  The  home,  the  family,  education,  religion,  — 
these  are  his  Lares  and  Penates,  the  foundation  of  all  good 
government  and  all  true  happiness. 

"  Plato's  '  Kepublic '  was  a  dream,  Sir  Thomas  More's 
'  Utopia, '  the  fancy  of  a  freeman  and  a  scholar  writing  in  the 
shadow  of  the  scaffold,  Bacon's  '  Atlantis  '  never  rose  from  the 
Atlantic  main ;  but  the  Forefathers  were  not  merely  saints  and 
heroes,  they  were  eminently  practical  men;  and  when  they 
built  their  ten  rude  houses  with  oil-paper  windows,  they  laid 
the  foundations  of  the  first  true  republic  of  the  world.  Its 
majestic  pillars  rise  now  from  the  gulf  and  lake ;  they  beat 
back  the  Atlantic  surge  on  the  one  hand  and  glitter  with  the 
spray  of  the  Pacific  on  the  other;  the  vast  interior  gives  forth, 
not  the  '  still,  sad  music  of  humanity, '  but  the  cheerful  chorus 
of  a  great  people  full  of  heart  and  hope,  and  confident  that  the 
future  holds  for  them  and  for  their  children  the  highest 
glories  of  development  and  achievement  in  estate,  body,  mind, 
and  soul  yet  vouchsafed  to  the  sons  of  men. 

"  Will  the  power  of  New  England  be  continued  and  ex- 
tended ?  There  was  a  time  when  the  development  of  manu- 
facture brought  a  flood  of  foreign  immigration  to  her  shores, 
and  at  the  same  time  the  New  England  family  began  to  shrink 
in  numbers,  and  the  extinction  of  the  great  race  was  foreboded. 
But  the  thin  line  never  gave  way.  It  was  once  said,  '  The 
guard  dies,  but  never  surrenders ; '  the  vanguard  of  the  human 
race  never  dies  and  never  surrenders. " 

The  first  administration  of  Governor  Greenhalge  closed  with 
the  year.  It  had  encountered  few  criticisms  even  by  the  oppo- 
site party.  For  him  it  had  been  a  year  of  incessant  activity  and 
labor,  well  repaid  by  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  the  people. 
At  its  close  his  reputation  stood  very  high  with  all  classes.  He 
enjoyed  their  regard,  and  it  was  the  only  recompense  he  desired. 


324  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

The  following  list  of  his  engagements  for  the  year  shows 
unmistakably  the  immense  amount  of  labor  he  had  undergone. 
It  stands,  I  should  say,  unrivalled  in  this  respect.  On  nearly 
all  these  occasions  he  was  expected  to  speak,  and  did. 

Anniversaries 5 

Balls 25 

Banquets Ill 

Board  of  Trade  Meetings 11 

Military  Camps 5 

Commencements 8 

Convention  and  Campaign  Speeches    ...  20 

Dedication  Addresses       5 

Exercises  —  School  and  Society      ....  22 

Fairs,  etc 29 

G.  A.  R.  Meetings       20 

Lectures 17 

Official  Meetings,  etc 69 

Receptions 12 

Reviews 7 

Weddings 3 

Women's  Clubs,  etc 10 

Total 379 

All  these  burdens  were  additional  to  the  responsibilities  and 
duties  that  properly  belong  to  the  executive  office. 

It  is  a  matter  of  regret  that  he  should  have  been  compelled 
to  answer  so  many  unnecessary  calls,  so  many  demands  upon 
his  strength.  Occasions  insignificant  in  themselves  became 
serious  in  their  results,  taxing  as  they  did  so  severely  his  vital 
forces  in  the  fulfilment  of  their  demands.  He  felt  it  to  be  his 
duty  to  answer  them  all,  and  he  did  so  far  as  he  could.  It  was 
not  because  he  enjoyed  public  appearances  and  displays. 


CHAPTEK  IX. 

SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE. 

THE  inauguration  of  Governor  Greenhalge  for  his  second  term 
occurred  Jan.  3,  1895.  His  first  year  of  office  had  been  very 
successful,  and  the  second  was  to  prove  not  less  so.  The 
Governor  looked  forward  to  it  with  confidence,  unmindful  of 
its  fatigues  and  hazards.  The  calls  upon  his  time  and  energy 
were  not  lessened,  but  continued  to  impose  a  great  burden  upon 
his  strength.  His  second  inaugural  address,  delivered  Jan. 
3,  1895,  was  pronounced  by  the  papers  of  the  day  "  a  clear, 
reasonable,  common-sense  statement  of  the  public  business  of 
the  Commonwealth, "  "  a  strong,  direct  plea  for  comprehensive 
legislation, "  "  characterized  by  good  judgment  and  good  taste. " 
We  give  the  conclusion  of  the  document :  — 

"Charity,  gracious  but  inexorable,  demands  from  you  the 
magnanimous  response  which  Massachusetts  has  never  failed 
to  give.  Education  lays  its  imperial  tax  upon  the  treasury 
with  an  autocratic  power  readily  acknowledged  and  obeyed  by 
the  intelligence  and  conscience  of  the  people.  Justice  insists 
that  her  temples  shall  be  kept  pure ;  that  the  ermine  of  our 
judiciary  shall  continue  to  be  spotless ;  that  the  profession  of 
the  law  shall  be  the  practice  of  exalted  principles  developed  by 
the  wisdom  of  ages ;  and  that  juries  shall  be  '  good  and  true 
men,'  fit  to  decide  honestly  and  wisely  the  rights  of  intelligent 
freemen. 

"Comprehensive  legislation,  not  multiplicity  of  legislation, 
is  to  be  sought ;  the  principle  multum  non  multa  may  well  be 
followed  in  your  law-making  labors.  Special  legislation  is  to 
be  discouraged  on  all  accounts. 

"  You  meet  for  the  first  time  in  this  noble  and  classic  hall ; 
and  may  the  great  memories  and  associations  which  cluster 


326  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

around  the  venerable  building  which  you  have  left  be  only  the 
forerunners  of  the  patriotic  labors  and  achievements  to  be  done 
and  performed  here  by  you  and  your  successors,  and  which 
shall  consecrate  and  endear  this  grand  structure  to  the  hearts 
of  the  people  to  the  latest  generation ! 

"  May  the  true  voice  of  the  people  always  be  heard  in  these 
halls ;  may  the  people  inspire  their  representatives,  and  may 
their  representatives  in  turn  inspire  the  people ;  may  this  build- 
ing, as  long  as  one  stone  rests  upon  another,  be  the  temple  of 
constitutional  liberty;  here  let  the  tongue  of  the  demagogue 
cleave  to  the  roof  of  his  mouth;  let  the  right  hand  of  the 
anarchist  forget  its  cunning;  let  these  walls  echo  only  with 
the  loftiest  hopes  and  the  grandest  purposes  of  freemen ;  may 
here  forever  be  found  the  clear  and  incorruptible  source  of 
the  wise,  just,  and  equal  legislation  of  an  intelligent,  liberal- 
minded,  high-souled  people,  ever  true  to  the  purpose  of  the 
Father,  directing  all  their  efforts  '  to  the  end  that  this  may  be 
a  government  of  laws  and  not  of  men ' !  " 

The  most  important  appointments  of  Governor  Greenhalge's 
second  year  of  office  were  those  of  Mr.  F.  A.  Gaskill  as  a 
Justice  of  the  Superior  Court;  Mr.  Charles  P.  Curtis  as  a 
member  of  the  Police  Commission,  to  succeed  Mr.  Albert  S. 
Whiting,  whose  term  had  expired ;  and  to  succeed  Mr.  Curtis 
on  the  Commission  of  Greater  Boston,  Mr.  William  Power 
Wilson.  As  members  of  the  Water  Supply  Commission,  he 
appointed  Messrs.  H.  H.  Sprague,  of  Boston,  Wilmot  Evans,  of 
Everett,  and  Hon.  J.  J.  Whipple,  of  Brockton.  Mr.  Augustus 
Hemmenway  was  appointed  to  the  Metropolitan  Park  Commis- 
sion, in  place  of  Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  who  had  resigned. 

All  of  these  appointments  were  confirmed  by  the  Council, 
except  that  of  Hon.  J.  J.  Whipple ;  and  in  his  stead  the  Gov- 
ernor appointed  Mr.  J.  J.  Freeman,  of  Winchester. 

January  25  Governor  Greenhalge,  after  much  consideration 
of  the  question,  finally  refused  to  pardon  Sanborn  and  Bailey, 
the  Old  Colony  officials,  at  that  time  confined  in  Plymouth 
jail  under  sentence  of  the  courts.  The  circumstances  of  this 
case  were  such  as  to  give  a  new  proof  of  the  Governor's 
courage  in  his  final  action  upon  the  question,  and  his  decision 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  327 

brought  him  high  commendation  from  many  quarters.  The 
sentence  of  these  men  was  due  to  the  following  cause :  August 
16,  1893,  the  Abington  Street  Railway  Company  attempted  to 
lay  their  tracks  across  those  of  the  New  York,  New  Haven, 
and  Hartford  Eailroad  at  a  street-crossing  in  Abington.  Their 
right  to  do  so  was  disputed  by  the  Eailroad  Company,  and 
some  of  the  officials  of  the  latter  —  Sanborn  and  Bailey  and 
others  —  were  present  with  a  large  force  of  men. 

It  was  afterward  claimed  by  the  railroad  people  that  their 
only  intention  was  to  use  constructive  force,  and  to  make  a 
test  case  for  the  courts.  However,  a  large  crowd  of  people  had 
assembled ;  and  the  result  was  a  disturbance  that  ended  in  a  riot, 
and  acts  were  committed  that  were  clearly  against  the  laws  of 
the  State.  The  railroad  officials  upon  whom  the  respon- 
sibility of  the  riot  rested  were  gentlemen  held  in  high  esteem 
in  the  community.  Captain  Sanborn,  who  had  served  bravely 
in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  was  a  friend  of  the  Governor,  and 
much  respected  by  him. 

Mr.  Robert  0.  Harris,  the  district  attorney  in  charge  of  the 
case,  who  highly  appreciated  the  courage  Governor  Greenhalge 
displayed  in  the  matter,  writes  as  follows  of  the  course  the 
case  took  in  the  courts,  and  the  pardon  subsequently  granted 
by  the  Council,  which  lacked  only  the  Governor's  assent  to 
take  effect :  — 

"  On  Aug.  16,  1893,  the  riot  took  place  at  North  Abing- 
ton. At  the  next  term  of  the  Superior  Court  at  Plymouth,  in 
October,  five  of  the  railroad  men  were  indicted  for  riot 

*  By  order  of  the  court,  the  cases  were  continued  for  trial 
until  the  next  term,  in  February,  1894.  In  February  they 
were  again  continued  until  the  June  term,  and  at  that  term 
the  defendants  pleaded  nolo  contendere,  and  the  cases  were 
continued  for  sentence  to  the  October  term. 

"  At  the  October  term,  on  the  sixth  day  of  November,  the 
defendants  were  called  for  sentence ;  and  Judge  Sherman  im- 
posed sentences  of  four  months  in  the  House  of  Correction  on 
two  of  the  five,  and  two  months  for  each  of  the  other  three. 
The  sentences  were  a  surprise,  as  it  was  hoped  that  the  court 
would  impose  fines  only,  as  the  railroad  had  made  good  all 
damages  caused  during  the  riot  Judge  Sherman,  however, 


328  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

thought  that  fine  would  not  be  adequate  punishment,  and  gave 
the  sentences  of  imprisonment.  On  the  eighth  day  of  Novem- 
ber, two  days  after  sentence  was  imposed,  petitions  were  filed 
for  pardon,  and  hearings  were  given  by  the  Committee  on  Par- 
dons, and  pardon  was  denied. 

"  In  January,  1895,  the  two  months'  sentences  ran  out,  and 
a  new  petition  for  pardon  of  the  other  two  was  filed,  and  a 
strong  effort  was  made  before  the  committee.  In  January 
the  Council  voted,  by  a  vote  of  six  to  three,  to  recommend  the 
granting  of  the  pardon,  thus  leaving  the  matter  entirely  to 
the  Governor.  A  very  great  effort  was  made  to  induce  him 
to  concur  in  the  recommendation  of  the  Council  and  grant  the 
pardon,  and  he  was  besieged  by  petitions,  letters,  and  the 
personal  requests  of  many  of  his  best  friends  and  supporters, 
to  sign  it. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  him, 
he  recognized  the  dangers  of  such  a  course,  and  on  January 
25  finally  refused  to  concur  with  the  Council,  and  refused 
the  pardon.  This  incident  in  his  career  is  useful  as  demon- 
strating his  full  appreciation  of  the  dignity  of  his  office,  his 
duties  to  the  people,  and  his  splendid  courage  in  acting  always 
in  accordance  with  what  he  believed  to  be  right,  even  though 
personal  friendship  and  self-interest  might  offer  more  attrac- 
tive and  easy  paths  to  travel  in. " 

Mr.  Harris  concludes  by  saying  "  The  Governor's  refusal  to 
grant  a  pardon  after  the  Council  had  by  so  decided  a  vote 
recommended  him  to  do  so,  showed  the  man  in  his  full  power 
and  vigor. " 

Among  many  favorable  and  complimentary  editorials  in 
other  papers,  the  "  Boston  Transcript "  said :  "  The  refusal  of 
Governor  Greenhalge  to  pardon  the  Old  Colony  officials  goes 
far  to  enforce  one  wholesome  lesson.  The  act  committed  by 
these  men  was  clearly  and  unmistakably  in  violation  of  the 
laws  of  the  land.  It  is  admitted  that  they  had  no  personal 
criminal  intent.  They  knew  that  what  they  did  was  a  viola- 
tion of  law,  but  they  considered  the  employing  corporation 
as  responsible.  The  lesson  above  spoken  of  is  that  this  cannot 
be ;  that  the  order  of  a  corporation  does  not  protect  a  man  in 


SECOND   YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  329 

the  commission  of  crime  any  more  than  the  order  of  any  idle 
loafer  in  the  street.  * 

Eefusing  to  sign  the  pardon  of  Messrs.  Sanborn  and  Bailey, 
the  Governor  said  to  the  Council :  — 

"  I  consider  the  case  of  Sanborn  and  Bailey,  petitioners  for 
pardon,  as  one  of  the  most  important  matters  yet  submitted  to 
the  Governor  and  Council.  The  language  of  the  Constitution 
as  to  the  pardoning  power  is  as  follows :  '  The  power  of  par- 
doning offences,  except  such  as  persons  may  be  convicted  of 
before  the  Senate  by  impeachment  of  the  House,  shall  be  in 
the  Governor,  by  and  with  the  advice  of  the  Council. ' 

"  The  meaning  of  this  provision  seems  clear,  though  the  lan- 
guage is  peculiar.  Under  this  provision  a  committee  on  par- 
dons is  appointed  by  the  Governor,  and  after  a  preliminary 
examination  by  him  of  an  application  for  pardon,  to  see  if 
there  is  any  reasonable  ground  for  an  inquiry,  the  application 
is  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Pardons  of  the  Council.  The 
investigation,  examination  of  testimony,  the  hearing  of  argu- 
ments, are  conducted  by  this  committee  alone,  and  it  is  clear 
that  their  conclusions  are  entitled  to  great  respect  and  con- 
sideration. The  application  now  before  us  took  the  usual 
course.  It  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Pardons,  and  a 
long,  careful,  and  patient  hearing  was  given  to  the  case.  The 
committee  by  a  vote  of  three  to  two  recommended  that  a 
pardon  be  not  granted.  This  recommendation  was  reversed  by 
a  full  Council ;  and  by  a  vote  of  six  to  three,  it  was  recom- 
mended that  pardon  be  granted. 

"  A  grave  responsibility  is  thus  imposed  upon  the  Governor. 
He  must  reject  the  conclusions  of  the  Committee  on  Pardons, 
which  has  been  specially  deputed  by  himself  to  investigate  the 
matter;  or  he  must  reject  the  advice  of  the  majority  of  the 
Council.  It  is  incumbent  upon  him,  therefore,  to  consider 
carefully  the  facts  and  the  law  of  the  case,  as  well  as  his  rela- 
tions to  the  Council  and  his  duty  to  the  Commonwealth. 

"  The  persons  interested  in  this  application  are  of  no  ordinary 
character.  They  are  all,  including  those  who  have  just  served 
out  their  sentence  for  the  same  offence,  men  of  high  standing 
in  the  community,  and  up  to  the  time  of  this  unfortunate 
occurrence  of  unblemished  reputation ;  and  the  excellent  per- 


330  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

sonal  qualities  of  one  or  more  of  them  have  enlisted  the  warm 
sympathy  of  many,  and  make  it  very  difficult  for  the  executive 
to  refuse  them  clemency.  .  .  . 

"  It  has  been  claimed  that  the  sentence  of  the  court  was 
severe,  erratic,  and  sensational ;  that  an  agreement  between 
counsel  and  the  district  attorney,  by  which  the  petitioners 
were  induced  to  plead  nolo  contendere  upon  condition  that  they 
should  be  required  only  to  pay  a  fine  without  imprisonment, 
was  ignored  by  the  court 

"  Another  claim  is  that  the  petitioners  were  deprived  of  a 
trial  through  a  misunderstanding  between  their  counsel  and  the 
district  attorney,  or  by  the  disregard  of  this  agreement  by  a 
judge  anxious  for  the  notoriety  which  comes  from  ad  captandum 
sentences.  But  frequently  opportunity  for  trial  had  been 
offered  to  the  petitioners.  Many  prisoners  may  well  claim 
that  their  cause  has  suffered  by  reason  of  unwise  counsel,  and 
to  admit  such  a  claim  might  result  in  a  general  jail  delivery. 

"  These  petitioners  had  the  opportunity  of  a  trial  by  jury. 
If  they  by  themselves  or  counsel  declined  that  opportunity, 
they  must  accept  the  result.  There  was  no  mis-trial,  mis- 
carriage, or  failure  of  justice ;  there  was  no  such  error  to  be 
corrected  as  would  be  implied  to  exist  by  granting  a  pardon. 
In  fact,  the  arguments  advanced  for  the  pardon  of  Sanborn  and 
Bailey  will  apply  with  even  greater  force  to  many  unfortunates 
now  confined  in  the  penal  institutions  in  the  Commonwealth. 
Messrs.  Sanborn  and  Bailey  represent  another  and  a  very  dif- 
ferent type,  but  the  same  and  even  a  greater  degree  of  re- 
sponsibility must  apply  to  them;  and  no  consideration  for 
•clemency  or  favor  should  be  expected  which  would  not  apply, 
if  possible,  with  greater  force  to  the  humblest  citizen  in  the 
Commonwealth.  .  .  . 

"  It  is  argued  also  that  the  offence  of  these  petitioners  has 
been  fully  vindicated,  and  that  furthermore  the  quality  of  the 
offence  had  been  exaggerated,  and  that  all  that  was  contem- 
plated by  the  railroad  was  a  formal  act  to  make  a  case  for  the 
courts. 

"  This  last  plea  seems  to  be  one  of  the  chief  grounds  of 
defence;  but  to  effect  such  a  purpose  as  that  mentioned,  a 
small  party  of  men  would  have  been  sufficient 


SECOND   YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  331 

a  It  has  been  said  that  it  was  important  for  the  railroad  to 
prevent  the  crossing  of  its  tracks,  because  if  the  street  railway 
succeeded  in  its  purpose,  the  rights  of  the  Old  Colony  would 
be  lost  or  impaired.  I  know  of  no  such  principle  of  law  as 
is  here  intimated.  The  crossing,  or  attempt  to  cross,  the  steam 
railroad  by  the  street  railway  would  of  itself  have  presented 
just  such  an  issue  as  would  have  enabled  the  parties  to  resort 
to  the  courts.  But  starting  for  Abington  with  a  considerable 
number  of  men,  perhaps  sixty,  and  finding  a  crowd  of  persons 
assembled  at  the  crossing  at  Abington,  the  Old  Colony  Kail- 
road  officials  finally  secured  a  force  of  more  than  one  hundred 
and  thirty  men. 

"  The  street  railway  had  obtained  a  permit  from  the  select- 
men of  Abington  to  cross  the  Old  Colony  track  at  this  point. 
It  was,  therefore,  acting  under  color  of  law,  and  the  steam 
railway  was  not 

"  While  the  crowd  at  Abington  may  not  have  legally  assem- 
bled, that  fact  could  not  justify  the  Old  Colony  Eailroad  in  any 
proceedings  calculated  to  provoke  a  breach  of  peace  even  in 
the  honest  desire  to  maintain  its  legal  rights.  .  .  . 

"  The  law  does  not  favor  the  assertion  of  even  an  undoubted 
right  by  means  of  violence  or  the  show  of  violence ;  even  a 
landlord,  in  attempting  to  evict  a  tenant  or  to  obtain  possession 
of  his  own  real  estate,  commits  a  breach  of  the  peace  at  his 
peril,  and  it  is  safer  for  him  to  resort  to  his  complaint  for 
possession,  for  his  writ  of  entry,  to  maintain  his  rights. 

"  The  very  assembling  of  such  a  force  as  these  petitioners 
had,  and  conveying  it  into  the  town  of  Abington,  as  was  done, 
was  a  menace  to  the  peace  of  the  Commonwealth ;  and  its  very 
appearance  was  likely  to  bring  about  a  collision,  as  actually 
happened,  and  result  in  a  most  serious  affray  and  riot.  While 
these  petitioners,  then,  might  have  had  no  design  to  use  force, 
or  to  make  an  attack  upon  any  person,  their  demonstration, 
their  appearance,  could  not  but  create  disorder,  apprehension, 
and  indignation.  The  massing  of  a  large  number  of  men  or 
women  to  assert  a  legal  claim  by  a  show  of  force  is  very  much 
like  a  naval  '  demonstration  '  which  comes  very  near  to  being 
an  act  of  war;  and  such  an  assembly  in  a  peaceful  Common- 
wealth is  fraught  with  untold  evil,  and  likely  to  precipitate 
tumults  and  affrays. 


332  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

"  It  has  been  argued  that  the  railroad  was  serving  humanity 
in  opposing  a  grade  crossing,  but  even  the  humane  purposes  of 
railroads  must  be  effected  by  legal  and  suitable  means.  Why 
local  authorities  continue  to  legalize  and  multiply  grade  cross- 
ing it  is  hard  to  say  in  the  light  of  civilization,  but  we  cannot 
even  abolish  grade  crossings  by  force  and  without  due  process 
of  law. 

"  These  petitioners  were  acting  under  orders,  it  appears,  and 
it  is  conceded  that,  except  to  direct  the  taking  up  of  a  portion 
of  the  street  railway  track  within  the  limits  of  their  own  loca- 
tion, that  is,  the  Old  Colony's,  they  committed  no  acts  of 
violence.  It  is  said  they  were  loyal  to  the  railroad,  to  their 
superiors ;  and  this  appears  to  be  true.  But  in  so  doing  any 
act  of  violence,  or  making  any  show  of  violence,  they  took 
their  own  risk.  Loyalty  to  the  Commonwealth,  to  the  law, 
and  to  the  public  peace  comes  before  loyalty  to  their  supe- 
riors. .  .  . 

"  My  personal  sympathy  goes  out  to  these  men ;  I  could  have 
wished  to  find  some  good  grounds  upon  which  a  pardon  could 
be  granted.  Their  offence  in  a  moral  sense  is  chargeable  to 
others. 

"  It  has  been  alleged  that  Mr.  Sanborn,  a  brave  army  officer 
in  the  War  of  the  Kebellion,  has  been  treated  harshly  in  being 
forced  to  work  in  prison  in  spite  of  disability  caused  by  a 
wound  received  in  the  service  of  his  country.  If  through  any 
peculiar  notions  of  prison  discipline  in  the  treatment  of  pris- 
oners the  condition  of  his  health  has  not  been  taken  into 
account,  that  matter  can  speedily  be  set  right.  With  the  sturdy 
manliness  and  honesty  which  marked  the  man,  he  leaves  to 
others  the  task  of  making  that  claim. 

"  It  has  been  stated  that  the  vote  of  the  Council  is  a  vindi- 
cation of  these  petitioners ;  it  may  possibly  be  taken  at  least  as 
an  intimation  that  a  majority  of  the  Council  regard  this  offence 
as  technical,  or  slight,  or  as  having  been  sufficiently  atoned 
for.  But  public  considerations  of  a  high  character  seem  to 
require  me  to  refuse  a  pardon,  even  though  recommended  by 
my  constitutional  advisers,  for  whom  I  have  the  greatest  re- 
spect and  esteem. 

"  Massachusetts  prides  herself  on  the  maintenance  of  law 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  333 

and  order.  Public  opinion  will  not  approve  any  remission  of 
the  punishment,  because  the  act  for  which  punishment  was 
inflicted  is  felt  to  be  an  invasion  of  public  rights  and  a  breach 
of  law  and  order.  As  long  as  we  have  a  just  and  impartial 
government,  it  can  never  be  admitted  for  a  moment  that  an 
appeal  to  force  in  the  assertion  of  legal  rights  can  be  tolerated 
or  condoned,  either  in  the  case  of  corporations  or  individuals. 
"  I  must,  therefore,  decline  to  grant  the  pardon.  " 

The  vetoes  of  Greenhalge's  second  year  of  office  were  as 
notable  as  those  of  the  first.  The  first  in  importance  was  the 
Veterans'  Preference  Bill,  already  referred  to  in  these  pages. 
The  veto  of  the  Holyoke  Police  Bill,  and  others  similar  to 
it,  were  generally  approved ;  and  the  principles  of  government 
which  induced  his  action  were  recognized  as  just  and  wise  by 
the  people  of  the  State. 

On  Feb.  13,  1895,  the  Governor  sent  to  the  Legislature  the 
first  veto  of  the  year,  —  a  veto  of  the  bill  to  remove  the  restric- 
tions upon  shad  and  alewife  fishing  in  the  Merrimac  Eiver,  a 
bill  which  he  had  already  vetoed  the  previous  year.  This  bill 
was  passed  over  the  veto  by  a  four-fifths  vote. 

March  27  the  Governor  was  called  upon  to  inaugurate  the 
important  work  of  the  Boston  Subway.  Accompanied  by 
Colonel  Kenny  of  his  staff,  he  met  at  the  Public  Garden 
the  members  of  the  Transit  Commission,  the  engineer  in 
charge  of  the  work  on  the  subway,  and  the  contractors.  It 
was  a  few  minutes  after  nine  o'clock  when  the  Governor  took 
a  shining  spade,  and,  holding  it  before  him,  said  impressively 
to  Chairman  Crocker :  "  Mr.  Crocker,  of  the  Transit  Commis- 
sion of  Boston,  I  hereby  tender  to  you  this  spade,  with  which 
you  will  begin  the  work  on  the  subway  that  has  been  designed 
by  the  city  of  Boston ;  and  I  trust  that  great  relief  and  com- 
fort will  come  to  the  municipality  when  the  plans,  as  laid 
out  by  you  and  your  associates,  shall  have  been  fully  carried 
out." 

Chairman  Crocker  took  the  spade,  and,  after  a  few  words  in 
reply  to  the  Governor,  lifted  the  first  earth  for  the  excavation 
of  the  subway.  Thus  quietly  and  simply  was  inaugurated  the 
great  work  of  the  Boston  Subway,  —  a  work  in  which  the 


334  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

Governor  took  the  greatest  interest,  but  the  completion  of 
which  he  was  not  to  live  to  see. 

May  17  the  Governor  sent  in  his  veto  of  the  Holyoke 
Police  Bill.  The  object  of  this  bill  was  to  place  the  city  of 
Holyoke  under  the  control  of  the  Metropolitan  or  State  police. 

The  necessity  of  this  change  the  Governor  did  not  recognize ; 
though  he  sympathized  with  every  movement  tending  to  bring 
about  a  better  condition  in  the  public  government  of  the  cities 
of  the  Commonwealth,  he  thought  this  general  principle  of 
taking  the  control  of  the  police  of  municipalities  from  the 
citizens  to  place  them  under  that  of  the  State  was  in  some 
danger  of  being  carried  too  far.  He  therefore  vetoed  this  bill, 
and  others  similar,  which  came  before  him,  when  he  thought 
it  to  be  in  the  interests  of  sound  Republican  government. 

He  was  undoubtedly  right  in  his  action.  The  faults  that 
appear  in  the  present  method  and  system  of  the  partisan 
government  of  American  cities  will  be  eradicated  when  the 
citizens  can  be  brought  to  take  a  more  active  part  in  municipal 
politics,  and  not  to  leave  their  power  unexercised  by  them  to 
fall  into  the  hands  of  unprincipled  men;  or,  better  still,  if 
they  can  be  induced  to  unite  in  the  interests  of  good  govern- 
ment irrespective  of  party.  The  duty  of  good  citizenship  con- 
sists in  the  exercise  by  the  people  of  all  its  rights  and  the 
fulfilment  of  all  its  responsibilities.  Whatever  conduces  to 
the  exercise  of  those  rights  by  the  people,  is  right  in  prin- 
ciple; whatever  dulls  their  consciousness  of  responsibility 
and  power,  is  wrong.  In  his  message  the  Governor  said:  — 

"  Several  hearings  have  taken  place  before  me  in  regard  to 
this  bill.  As  a  result  of  those  hearings,  and  from  information 
derived  from  various  sources,  the  following  facts  appear  to  be 
clearly  established :  — 

"  1st  Up  to  within  a  very  recent  period  the  condition  and 
conduct  of  public  affairs  in  the  city  of  Holyoke  were  marked  by 
disorder  and  lawlessness. 

"  2d.  Since  the  establishment  of  the  present  Board  of  License 
Commissioners,  a  decided  and  substantial  improvement  has 
been  made. 

"  3d.  The  License  Commissioners  were  appointed  by  the 
Mayor  of  Holyoke,  and  their  administration  has  been  dis- 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  335 

tinguished  by  integrity,  diligence,  general  efficiency,  and 
success. 

"  4th.  It  appears  that  the  public-spirited  citizens  of  Holyoke, 
without  distinction  of  party,  have  united  on  several  occasions, 
and  have  been  enabled  to  elect  able  and  honest  chief 
magistrates. 

"  5th.  That  the  police  of  Holyoke  appear  to  have  given  all 
necessary  assistance  to  the  License  Board  in  its  official  work, 
and  that  the  present  Mayor  has  the  confidence  of  the  public- 
spirited  citizens  of  Holyoke. 

"  While  it  may  be  well  to  give  police  power  to  the  License 
Board,  as  was  done  in  the  city  of  Lowell,  the  question  arises 
whether  the  State  authorities  or  the  local  authorities  should 
have  the  appointment  of  the  officials  charged  with  these  mul- 
tiform and  most  responsible  duties. 

"  It  is  clear  that  the  Governor  must  always  come  to  this  task 
under  disadvantages.  He  can  seldom  have  personal  knowl- 
edge of  the  candidates;  he  must  depend  upon  others,  often 
partisans  or  interested  parties,  for  information ;  his  judgment 
must  often  be  at  second  hand :  but  the  important  principle  of 
local  self-government  —  the  autonomy  of  the  city  or  town  — 
is  a  material  factor  in  this  inquiry. 

"  Every  citizen  may  claim  the  right  of  trial  by  a  jury  of  the 
vicinage,  and  while  the  guardians  of  the  public  peace  are  agents 
of  the  Commonwealth,  it  has  always  been  deemed  best,  except 
in  special  and  extraordinary  cases,  that  they  should  be  selected 
by  the  local  authorities,  who  have  the  best  means  of  knowing 
their  qualifications,  and  that  those  who  have  the  best  means  of 
observing  the  manner  in  which  officials  discharge  their  duty 
should  have  the  power  of  appointment  and  removal. 

"  The  case  of  the  city  of  Holyoke  does  not  seem  to  be  analo- 
gous to  that  of  the  city  of  Boston  or  of  the  city  of  Fall  River. 
The  former  is  not  only  the  city  of  Boston,  but  may  be  regarded 
as  in  a  certain  degree  the  city  of  Massachusetts,  in  which  many 
persons  not  legal  citizens  thereof  have  vast  property  or  business 
interests,  and  which  almost  every  citizen  of  Massachusetts 
visits  more  or  less  frequently,  and  in  which  all  take  a  peculiar 
and  profound  interest 

"In  the  city  of  Fall  Eiver  the  friends  of  law  and   order 


336  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

appeared  for  a  time  to  be  unable  to  make  head  against  selfish 
and  demoralizing  influences,  and  were  compelled  to  ask  the 
aid  of  the  Commonwealth  to  assist  them  in  a  great  unusual 
emergency. 

"  The  city  of  Holyoke  appears  to  have  within  itself  the  vital 
and  recuperative  energy  requisite  to  effect  its  own  complete 
deliverance  from  all  its  difficulties.  Holyoke  is  now  on  its 
way  to  pure  and  economical  government ;  and  the  result  has  been 
achieved  by  the  courage,  vigor,  and  patience  of  its  own  citizens. 
I  do  not  believe  that  the  power  of  appointment  of  the  Board  of 
Police  as  contemplated  in  the  proposed  Act  should  be  given  to 
the  Governor.  The  principle  involved  militates  against  the 
independence  of  municipalities,  and,  while  necessary  in  ex- 
traordinary cases,  should  be  diminished  instead  of  extended. 
I  therefore  decline  to  approve  the  Act.  " 

This  veto  was  followed  on  the  22d  of  the  same  month  by  that 
of  the  Woburn  Police  Bill.  In  both  these  vetoes  the  Governor 
was  sustained  by  the  Legislature. 

June  1st  the  Governor  signed  the  bill  giving  a  new  charter 
to  the  city  of  Boston.  It  was  insisted  by  the  Democratic  party 
that  this  bill  should  have  a  referendum  attached  to  it,  and  the 
question  be  given  up  to  the  decision  of  the  citizens  of  Boston. 

The  Governor  believed  in  the  exercise  of  all  their  political 
rights  by  the  people  in  every  case  where  practicable,  but  he  also 
thought  the  present  bill  too  complicated  to  be  submitted  to 
them.  He  gave  his  reasons  as  follows :  — 

"  As  to  the  propriety  of  submitting  such  a  measure  to  the 
people,  I  scarcely  think  this  is  a  case  where  the  approval  of 
the  citizens  of  Boston  should  be  asked.  In  the  first  place,  it 
is  decidedly  complicated,  necessarily  perhaps ;  and  it  is  hardly 
to  be  expected  that  all  should  be  so  far  acquainted  with  the 
mechanism  of  government  as  to  pass  on  it  understandingly. 

"Only  broad  plain  propositions,  involving  a  principle  and 
radical  departures,  should  be  subjects  of  referendum.  I  do  not 
conceive  that  the  bill  I  have  signed  involves  any  such  princi- 
ples. It  is  mostly  concerned  with  and  contemplates  matter 
of  detail  and  changes  in  method  of  procedure.  For  instance, 
the  change  from  three-headed  commissioners  to  single-headed 


SECOND   YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  337 

departments  is,  after  all,  but  a  change  in  the  manner  of  trans- 
acting the  business  of  the  city. 

"  The  lengthening  of  the  term  of  the  mayor  is  probably  the 
most  important  feature.  But  of  late  years  the  tendency  has 
been  continually  in  the  direction  of  extending  the  office  of  the 
chief  executive  generally.  The  sentiment  is  decidedly  in  favor 
of  extending  the  term  of  office  of  the  Governor  of  the 
Commonwealth. 

"  I  anticipate  no  evil  results  from  the  lengthening  of  the 
mayor's  term ;  for,  after  all,  the  mayor  of  a  city  like  Boston 
needs  a  year  to  become  familiarized  with  his  duties,  and  for  a 
proper  appreciation  of  the  city's  affairs. 

"Personally  I  might  have  drawn  a  different  charter;  that 
makes  no  difference,  however.  I  did  not  draw  it,  and  do  not 
place  what  I  might  have  done  against  that  which  has  been 
done.  It  is  only  where  a  measure  is  in  any  respect  uncon- 
stitutional, or  where  a  wrong  would  be  likely  to  ensue  from  its 
operation,  that  a  governor  is  called  upon  to  use  his  prerogative 
and  veto  it. 

"  I  think  that  the  amendments  of  the  charter  of  Boston  will 
on  the  whole  give  satisfaction  to  her  citizens,  and  find  favor 
with  those  interested  in  and  anxious  for  good  government." 

Of  the  Governor's  vetoes,  there  was  none  that  excited  more 
interest  or  called  forth  more  commendation  than  that  of  the 
Veterans'  Preference  Bill,  —  a  bill  which  gave  to  the  veterans 
of  the  War  of  the  Eebellion  the  preference  for  employment  in 
the  public  service,  and  moreover  exempted  them  from  the  civil- 
service  examinations,  requiring  only  a  sworn  statement  of  the 
applicant  that  he  is  qualified  to  perform  the  duties  of  such 
office  as  he  seeks,  accompanied  by  a  certificate,  signed  by  three 
citizens  of  good  repute,  stating  their  knowledge  of  the  appli- 
cant's competency. 

On  the  morning  of  June  3d  the  Governor  sent  to  the  Legis- 
lature the  veto  message :  — 

To  the  Honorable  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

I  return  without  my  approval  Senate  Bill  No.  317,  entitled 
"An  Act  relative  to  the  preference  of  veterans  for  employment 
in  the  public  service,"  and  assign  the  following  reasons :  — 

22 


338  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

The  language  of  the  proposed  Act  is  somewhat  ambiguous, 
and  the  provisions  do  not  seem  to  be  harmonious.  Section  1 
provides  for  the  preference  of  veterans  who  have  been  exam- 
ined and  found  qualified,  and  apparently  without  regard  to  the 
age  limit. 

Section  2  provides  for  the  absolute  preference  of  veterans 
to  all  other  applicants  except  women ;  it  further  permits  the 
age  limit  to  be  disregarded,  and  a  civil-service  rule  which 
may  be  modified  at  any  time  is. thus  modified  or  controlled  by 
statute.  It  would  seem  as  if  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  applica- 
tions would  be  made  under  Section  2,  where  no  examination  is 
necessary. 

Section  3  apparently  is  intended  to  emphasize  section  1. 

Section  4  provides  that  within  five  days  the  Civil  Service 
Commission  shall,  after  any  examination  or  certification  of  can- 
didates, cause  a  list  of  names  of  those  examined  to  be  prepared, 
with  the  standing  attained,  and  said  lists  shall  be  opened  to 
public  inspection  from  10  A.  M.  to  3  P.  M.  I  am  informed  that 
it  will  be  scarcely  possible  to  carry  out  the  provisions  of  this 
section  in  so  short  a  time  as  five  days. 

Section  5  provides  penalties  for  violations  of  the  law. 

Section  6  provides  that  the  word  "  application,"  as  used  in 
this  Act,  shall  be  construed  to  mean  a  petition  for  employment, 
containing  a  sworn  statement  by  the  applicant  that  he  is  quali- 
fied to  perform  the  duties  of  the  position  which  he  seeks,  and 
accompanied  by  certificates  from  three  citizens  of  good  repute 
in  the  community,  stating  that  they  know  said  applicant  to  be 
fully  competent  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  position  sought. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  citizens  who  are  to  furnish 
certificates  of  the  applicant's  fitness  are  not  required  to  make 
oath  to  their  statements,  while  the  applicant  himself  is.  The 
reason  of  this  distinction  does  not  seem  clear,  but  it  is  plain 
that  the  power  of  selection  and  appointment  is  given  to  the 
applicant  and  "  three  citizens  of  good  repute,"  and  taken  away 
from  the  magistrates  chosen  or  appointed  to  perform  this  re- 
sponsible duty. 

This  section  also  defines  "  veteran  "  as  a  "  person  who  served 
in  the  United  States  army  or  navy  during  the  War  of  the  Rebel- 
lion, and  was  honorably  discharged  therefrom,"  thus  excluding 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  339 

from  the  benefits  of  the  Act  the  men  who  served  under  Ouster 
or  in  any  Indian  warfare,  who  are  included  in  the  Civil  Service 
Act  and  existing  rules.  In  view  of  these  proposed  radical 
alterations  in  the  existing  law,  the  following  considerations  are 
offered  as  bearing  on  the  question  involved :  — 

In  administering  the  public  service,  the  authorities  are  by 
the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  bound  to  obtain  the 
best  service  possible.  Any  attempt  to  so  limit  and  hamper  the 
appointing  authority  as  to  prevent  the  best  possible  selection 
for  the  performance  of  a  public  duty  is  an  injury  done  to  the 
Commonwealth  and  to  the  people.  It  is  the  duty  and  should 
be  the  aim  of  every  magistrate  to  secure  to  the  Commonwealth 
as  perfect  a  public  service  as  can  be  obtained ;  and  if  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  public  service  is  confused  by  efforts  to  turn 
it  into  a  system  of  bounty  or  reward,  instead  of  qualification 
and  merit,  such  a  duty  is  made  impossible  of  performance,  and 
such  a  laudable  aim  is  defeated.  Under  existing  law  the  vet- 
eran may,  without  examination,  be  placed  upon  the  qualified 
list  and  have  preference  over  others  equally  qualified. 

With  these  provisions,  preference  may  now  be  given  to  the 
veteran,  while  at  the  same  time  the  principles  of  good  adminis- 
tration of  the  public  service  are  not  violated;  and  the  large 
number  of  appointments  of  veterans  will  serve  to  prove  that 
in  State,  county,  town,  and  in  all  departments,  the  authorities 
have,  wherever  the  public  interests  permitted,  given  preference 
to  the  veterans. 

Since  1885,  when  the  civil-service  rules  went  into  effect, 
nearly  twenty-seven  per  cent  of  all  the  appointments  and  pro- 
motions (excluding  positions  held  by  women  or  where  the  age 
limit  governs)  have  been  of  veterans.  The  gratitude  and 
respect  felt  towards  the  veteran  seldom  fail  to  manifest  them- 
selves wherever  opportunity  offers. 

Massachusetts  has  gained  renown  by  her  system  of  civil- 
service  reform,  that  system  has  been  copied  by  other  States, 
and  its  rules  and  regulations  obtain  wider  imitation  every  day. 
Massachusetts  was  the  first  to  apply  the  system  to  the  day 
laborer.  President  Harrison  and  Secretary  Tracy  adopted  the 
principle,  and  applied  it  to  the  navy  yards  of  the  country.  The 
proposed  Act  will  be  a  severe  blow  to  this  system,  and  is  not 


340  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

in  the  true  interests  of  the  veteran.  The  principle  has  been 
tried  and  approved ;  it  has  benefited  the  cause  of  free  govern- 
ment much,  and  will  produce  greater  results  in  the  future. 

The  veteran  will  not  destroy  any  system  which  makes  for 
the  good  of  his  country  and  State,  which  tends  to  preserve  the 
safety  and  to  enhance  the  glory  of  the  republic  he  preserved. 

I  earnestly  beg  you  to  take  this  important  subject  once 
more  into  your  most  serious  consideration. 

FREDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE. 

On  the  afternoon  of  that  same  day  the  House  of  Eepresenta- 
tives  passed  the  bill  over  the  Governor's  veto  by  a  vote  of 
172  to  23,  which  example  was  later  followed  by  the  Senate 
by  a  vote  of  28  to  7. 

Among  the  many  letters  of  congratulation  which  the  Gov- 
ernor received  in  regard  to  this  veto,  none  pleased  him  more  than 
those  from  the  veterans  themselves.  Of  these  he  received  many, 
all  breathing  the  same  sentiment  of  gratitude  for  his  attempt  to 
preserve  the  honor  of  the  old  soldier.  As  it  may  be  interesting 
to  see  how  this  Veterans'  Bill  was  regarded  by  some  of  these 
old  soldiers,  we  quote  two  of  the  Governor's  many  letters :  — 

MY  DEAR  GOVERNOR,  —  Permit  me  as  an  old  friend,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Eepublic,  but  above  all  as  a 
citizen  of  Massachusetts,  to  thank  you  for  the  veto  of  the 
"  Preference  Bill." 

Whatever  may  be  the  action  of  our  representatives  at  the 
State  House,  I  feel  very  sure  that  their  feelings  are  in  accord 
with  the  large  majority  outside  of  the  legislative  halls.  Even 
in  the  G.  A.  E.  I  believe  the  majority  will  approve  of  your 
action;  for  it  is  only  the  barking  minority  that  have  been 
heard  in  favor  of  this  bill,  and  whose  influence  has  carried  it 
through.  Thanks  again  for  your  courage  and  sound  sense  in 
this  action. 

Sincerely  yours,  C.  H.  C . 

MY  DEAR  GOVERNOR,  —  As  a  private  volunteer  ex-soldier 
who  enlisted  as  soon  as  Fort  Sumter  was  fired  upon,  and 
served  until  disabled  by  wounds,  I  wish  to  thank  you  for  your 
courageous  attitude  in  your  veto  of  the  Veterans'  Exemption 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  341 

Bill  .  .  .  You  have  done  the  cause  of  good  government  and 
the  reform  of  the  civil  service  a  great  benefit,  and  have  added  a 
new  obligation  to  the  many  which  the  people  of  this  Common- 
wealth owe  you  for  your  manly  independence  and  distinguished 
services.  I  was  born  an  abolitionist,  brought  up  a  free-soiler, 
and  naturally  upon  attaining  man's  estate  became  a  Republican ; 
and  I  continued  to  be  a  Eepublican  until  driven  out  of  the 
party  by  disgust  with  some  of  the  demagogues  who  have  held 
high  positions  within  its  ranks.  Nothing  that  one  man  has 
ever  done  or  said  has  so  inclined  me  to  a  return  of  allegiance 
to  the  party  which  you  so  honorably  represent  in  this  Com- 
monwealth as  your  last  veto ;  and  if  the  recording  of  my  vote 
for  you  for  any  office  in  the  gift  of  the  people  to  which  you  are 
willing  to  accept  the  nomination  constitutes  me  a  Eepublican, 
I  am  one  already. 

Again  thanking  you  for  your  endeavor  to  save  the  good 
name  of  the  veteran  soldiers  from  the  political  blatherskites 
who  would  drag  it  in  the  mud, 

I  am,  etc. 

The  "  Boston  Transcript "  of  June  3d  contained  the  following 
editorial  in  praise  of  the  Governor's  action :  — 

"  The  veto  power  has  seldom  been  used  with  greater  judg- 
ment either  in  this  State  or  in  the  United  States  than  by 
Governor  Greenhalge  to-day,  in  returning  without  his  signa- 
ture the  Veterans'  Preference  Bill  to  the  branch  in  which  it 
originated. 

"Governor  Greenhalge  has  been  winning  golden  opinions 
from  all  classes  for  the  freedom  and  good  judgment  with  which 
he  has  called  upon  the  Legislature  to  reconsider  its  action  on 
bills  having  a  chiefly  local  significance.  This  is  the  first  time 
in  his  political  career  that  he  has  been  summoned  to  exercise 
the  authority  vested  in  him  by  the  State  Constitution  on  what 
may  fairly  be  called  a  great  political  question.  He  asks  the 
Legislature  to  reconsider  its  recent  action,  and  vote  against 
a  bill  which  it  adopted  in  order  to  obtain  the  soldiers'  vote, 
and  for  nothing  else.  .  .  . 

"  The  other  day  Senator  Hoar  said  that  Governor  Greenhalge 
had  that  degree  of  inspiration  as  a  public  man  which  stops  very 


342  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

little  short  of  genius.  But  he  has  something  fully  as  impor- 
tant in  a  Governor.  He  has  pluck,  undoubted  pluck,  and 
will  do  his  duty  as  he  sees  it,  with  little  regard  to  the  opposi- 
tion his  course  may  arouse.  Ever  since  he  has  been  in  the 
gubernatorial  chair,  he  has  been  a  growing  man.  And  now 
the  people  of  the  country  will  see  in  him  a  Governor  of 
statesmanlike  proportions,  —  a  worthy  successor  of  John  A. 
Andrew." 

The  vote  passing  this  bill  over  the  Governor's  wise  and 
fearless  veto  by  a  majority  of  172  to  23  is  a  truly  astonishing 
example  of  the  power  over  the  minds  of  men  of  a  patriotic 
principle  carried  to  such  an  extreme  as  to  obscure  totally  the 
pure  vision  of  justice. 

The  Eepublican  party  seems  sometimes  a  little  bewildered 
by  its  memories  of  the  heroic  past.  Csesar  himself,  who  planted 
his  soldiers  over  all  the  land  of  Italy  without  regarding  a 
single  right  of  possession  and  occupancy,  might  have  had  some 
regard  for  the  efficiency  of  the  public  service, —  which  this  bill 
put  at  the  mercy  of  chance. 

During  this  year  the  Governor  vetoed  several  bills  to  raise 
the  salaries  of  public  officials.  The  first  of  these  was  an  act  to 
increase  the  salary  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Police  Commission.  In 
his  veto  of  this  bill  the  Governor  said :  — 

"  While  it  is  true  many  inequalities  are  to  be  found  in  the 
scale  of  salaries  as  now  established  in  the  various  departments 
of  the  Commonwealth  which  ought  at  some  suitable  time  to  be 
adjusted  or  corrected,  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the  present 
year  does  not  offer  favorable  opportunity  for  securing  such  a 
result. 

"The  tendency  in  private  enterprises  has  been  towards 
rigorous  economy,  reduction  in  the  number  of  employees,  and 
in  salaries  and  wages.  The  profits  of  business  are  small,  and 
competition  is  close  and  severe.  In  such  a  condition  of  affairs 
it  would  seem  inconsistent  for  the  Commonwealth  to  move  in 
the  opposite  direction,  and  to  adopt  the  general  policy  of  in- 
creasing rather  than  diminishing  the  salaries  of  public  officials, 
however  plausible  might  seem  the  reasons  for  such  a  course. 

"  Without  any  disparagement  to  the  ability  and  efficiency  of 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  343 

the  official  named  in  this  act,  and  regarding  the  claim  that  the 
city  of  Boston  is  chiefly  concerned  in  this  increase  in  salary  as 
not  affecting  the  principle  involved,  I  respectfully  decline  to 
approve  this  Act." 

The  first  of  these  vetoes,  that  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Police  Com- 
mission, the  Legislature  refused  to  sustain,  and  the  bill  was 
passed  by  a  large  vote ;  in  most  of  the  others  the  Governor 
was  sustained. 

On  June  19,  1895,  Governor  Greenhalge  was  present  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Masonic  celebration  at  Bunker  Hill,  in  com- 
memoration of  Gen.  Joseph  Warren.  The  Governor's  speech 
was  eloquent  and  timely,  —  one  of  the  most  brilliant  of  his 
many  speeches.  We  give  the  conclusion :  — 

"  Let  the  message  of  Warren  to-day  strike  this  dark  spirit 
as  a  scorching  blast  of  God's  lightning.  Take  these  self-seek- 
ers at  this  moment.  Let  them  stand,  if  they  dare,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  this  '  sceptred  spirit  of  the  past,'  this  patriot  who  flung 
his  all  into  the  scale  when  his  country's  fate  trembled  in 
the  balance,  —  rank,  fortune,  and  future  hope  and  ambition, 
and  life  itself ;  who  with  the  highest  commission  on  the  field 
drew  that  sword  of  Bunker  Hill  as  a  volunteer  and  fought  as 
a  private  soldier  where  he  might  have  demanded  obedience  as 
a  leader.  So  ^Eschylus  fought  at  Marathon;  and  of  such 
patriots  are  everlasting  commonwealths  composed.  '  The  great- 
est gift  a  hero  leaves  his  race  is  to  have  been  a  hero.' 

"What  sort  of  commonwealth  did  Warren  wish  to  build? 
He  had  seen  and  sighed  over  the  wrongs  and  follies  of  ancient 
governments.  He  desired  a  new  commonwealth,  which  should 
give  freedom,  hope,  repose,  and  comfort  to  its  people.  He  de- 
sired to  build  up 

'  A  commonwealth  whose  potent  unity  and  concentric  force 
Can  draw  these  scattered  joints  and  parts  of  men 
Into  a  whole  ideal  man  once  more  ; 
Which  sucks  not  from  its  limhs  the  life  away, 
But  sends  its  flood  tide  and  creates  itself 
Over  again  in  every  citizen.' 

"  If  there  are  evils  in  the  Commonwealth,  some  of  the  fault 
is  yours ;  if  there  are  glories,  some  portion  should  be  yours. 


344  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  Patriotism  calls  to-day,  not  for  great  sacrifices,  not  for  life 
or  fortune.  Patriotism  calls  for  patient  labor  in  quiet  paths, 
for  endurance  of  abuse,  misrepresentation,  association  and  con- 
tact with  the  selfish  and  ignorant.  Are  you  not  willing  to 
take  up  the  burden,  to  fight  for  your  country  even  in  obscure 
places  ?  Do  you  wish  to  drive  hard  bargains  with  your  coun- 
try, to  sell  your  service  at  an  exorbitant  price,  to  stand 
Shylock-like  upon  your  bond  to  exact  your  pound  of  flesh 
from  the  spot  nearest  to  the  heart  ?  Are  you  eager,  not  to 
perform,  but  to  evade  your  duty  as  a  citizen  in  the  militia, 
the  jury-box,  the  caucus,  the  town-meeting,  —  in  the  church, 
in  the  hospital,  in  charity  or  brotherly  service  ?  Then  the 
brand  of  treason  is  upon  you,  and  the  message  of  Warren  will 
come  as  a  curse  and  not  a  blessing. 

"A  great  orator  once  exclaimed  on  this  hill:  'Is  Warren 
dead  ?  Can  we  not  see  him,  the  rose  of  heaven  on  his  cheek, 
the  fire  of  liberty  in  his  eye  ? ' 

"  Is  Warren  dead  ?  I  repeat.  No,  he  lives  to-day.  He  lives  in 
every  star  on  every  flag.  He  lives  in  the  kindling  eye  of  that 
old  patriot  who  stood  here  fifty  years  ago.  He  lives  in  the  heart 
of  every  boy  and  girl  of  Charlestown  and  of  the  country.  He 
lives  in  every  noble  purpose,  in  every  patriotic  impulse.  Hear 
his  message ;  keep  his  memory  green.  Imitate  his  example. 

"  Here  Warren  fell,  and  here  he  shall  be  raised.  Here  he 
died,  and  here  he  shall  live  forever. 

"  So  mote  it  be." 

One  very  marked  characteristic  of  Greenhalge  was  his 
religious  breadth.  His  great  good-nature  in  responding  to 
all  calls  upon  Mm  naturally  led  to  his  appearance  before  audi- 
ences almost  antipodal  in  their  foundation  principles.  So  great 
was  his  catholicity  that  he  could  easily  and  consistently  speak 
some  word  of  encouragement  and  cheer  to  all.  The  three 
following  speeches  well  illustrate  this  fact  in  his  character. 
His  appearance  and  speech  at  Archbishop  Williams'  jubilee 
excited  some  animosity  toward  him  in  the  ranks  of  the  A.  P.  A. 
He  had  never  hesitated  to  voice  his  liking  for  the  best  qualities 
of  the  Irish  race.  He  scorned  the  prejudices  of  religion  or 
race,  and  his  broad  mind  allowed  him  to  appear  with  pleasure 


SECOND   YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  345 

* 

at  the  celebrations  of  every  creed  and  people.  The  following 
is  his  speech  at  the  Jubilee :  — 

"I  consider  it  eminently  fitting  that  I  should  bring  the 
congratulations  of  the  Commonwealth  to  this  day  of  golden 
jubilee  of  your  beloved  archbishop.  It  is  true  that  the  legal 
bonds  between  state  and  church  have  been  long  since  severed, 
but  it  would  be  a  sad  day  for  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachu- 
setts if  at  any  time  every  church  of  Christ,  Catholic  or  Protes- 
tant, Methodist  or  Baptist,  were  not  a  citadel  of  the  principles 
of  God's  truth  and  of  the  ever-living  principles  at  the  foun- 
dation of  this  fabric  of  our  government. 

"  So,  my  friends,  while  it  is  difficult  for  one  man  either  to 
tell  what  the  creed  of  another  man  is  or  to  understand  it  when 
it  is  declared,  we  at  least  know  what  a  man's  character  is, 
what  his  life  and  what  the  fruit  of  the  tree.  And  so,  coming 
here  to-night,  I  can  say,  with  a  full  and  earnest  heart,  the  fifty 
years  of  godly,  righteous,  and  sober  life  which  you  have  met 
to  recognize  is  something  which  comes  home  even  to  the 
narrowest  bigotry,  to  the  meanest  mind.  These  things  in  a 
saintly  life  may  be  read  of  all  men  and  understood  by  all  men. 
'  Integer  vitse  scelerisque  purus.'  We  commemorate  just  such 
a  character  on  this  occasion. 

"  It  was  Sir  Thomas  Browne  who  said,  speaking  at  an  early 
age, '  My  life  is  a  miracle  of  thirty  years ; '  but  what  a  larger 
miracle  confronts  you  here  to-night,  a  miracle  of  fifty  years 
consecrated  to  the  service  of  the  Lord  and  to  the  service  of 
humanity.  I  know  something  about  this  most  reverend  man. 
I  come  here  to  pay  to  him  my  tribute,  official  and  personal,  as 
a  man  of  God  and  as  a  man  of  humanity,  as  the  boy  of  Boston 
and  as  the  citizen  of  Massachusetts.  Whether  at  some  time 
during  these  fifty  years  such  a  magistrate  as  I  happen  to  be 
would  have  been  invited  to  such  a  festival  as  this,  whether 
these  Protestant  bishops  and  clergymen  and  citizens  would 
have  been  sitting  upon  this  platform,  I  very  much  doubt. 

"But,  my  friends,  we  have  been  growing  all  together.  A 
spirit  of  liberalism  has  brightened  every  sect,  every  denomina- 
tion, every  party,  every  race.  Your  church  has  not  stood  still 
in  these  fifty  years.  I  love  to  hear  the  words  recognizing  the 
virtues  of  the  great  governors  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers.  More 


346  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

¥ 

liberal  spirits  never  drew  breath,  and  they  said  in  the  olden 
days,  '  We  won't  even  write  our  creed,  because  God's  light  may 
break  upon  it  and  greater  truth  may  shine  from  it  still.' 

"And  I  say  that  the  hand  of  man  cannot  write  any  creed  for 
man  upon  which  God's  sunlight  will  not  fall  with  increasing 
brightness  day  by  day.  And  we  have  come  together  more  and 
more  as  we  have  known  each  other  better.  I  have  found  the 
great  and  good  archbishop  a  true  citizen  of  the  Commonwealth 
in  the  actual  affairs  of  government.  He  has  given  ready  aid 
to  the  authorities  in  difficult  matters,  and  his  broad  spirit  and 
liberality  have  never  been  found  wanting.  I  want  to  say  here 
that  I  have  found  him  always  loyal  to  the  tone,  spirit,  and 
principles  of  civil  liberty,  as  we  understand  it  under  the  Con- 
stitution of  Massachusetts  and  of  the  United  States. 

"  I  rejoice  to  meet  the  eminent  representatives  of  religion 
present  here  to-day.  I  like  to  see  some  of  these  men  of  whose 
works  I  know  something.  I  know  with  what  interest  they 
have  given  of  their  strength,  of  their  energy,  to  the  cause 
of  the  whole  American  Republic.  It  is  not  the  first  time  I 
have  heard  the  honored  name  of  my  distinguished  friend,  His 
Eminence  Cardinal  Gibbons,  and  somewhere  it  seems  to  me 
that  I  have  heard  something  about  Archbishop  Ireland.  As 
to  Monseigneur  Satolli,  I  am  surprised  to  find  him  so  gentle 
and  so  quiet.  The  only  rivalry  between  us  is  that  I  under- 
stand he  claims  the  title  of  '  His  Excellency ; '  but,  of  course, 
before  he  can  come  into  any  active  competition  with  the  other 
'  His  Excellency,'  we  shall  be  careful  to  examine  his  naturali- 
zation papers. 

"  My  friends,  this  is  truly  an  occasion  worthy  to  go  into  the 
past  and  to  illumine  the  future.  I  remember  that  the  last 
time  I  stood  in  this  historic  hall  it  was  on  a  memorable  occa- 
sion too.  It  was  on  the  occasion  of  the  celebration  given  to 
the  author  of  the  national  hymn  'America.'  And  as  I  look 
into  these  eager  and  earnest  faces  and  contemplate  these 
crowded  galleries ;  as  I  look  at  these  decorations ;  as  I  see  the 
old  flag  with  the  same  red  incarnadined  by  the  blood  of  citi- 
zens and  patriots,  without  distinction  of  sect  or  race  or  any 
narrow  difference ;  as  I  see  the  white  representing  the  stain- 
less purity  of  all  blameless  lives,  and  the  blue  of  that  heaven 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  347 

which  protects  and  defends  and  invites  us  all,  —  I  say,  why 
is  there  not  a  patriotic  occasion  here  present  at  this  time  as 
well  as  then,  and  where 's  the  difference? 

"To  the  most  reverend  archbishop  I  give  my  deepest  and 
best  wishes  for  the  future ;  and  as  this  day  floats  into  the  past, 
freighted  with  the  prayers  and  blessings  of  all  good  and  earnest 
men  and  women,  may  the  fragrance  that  comes  from  it  and 
may  the  melodious  echoes  that  come  from  it  sweeten  and 
make  musical  and  beautiful  the  future  from  generation  to 
generation." 

The  following  is  an  address  on  "The  Citizen  and  Thanks- 
giving," delivered  by  the  Governor  in  the  First  Congregational 
Church,  in  Lowell,  Nov.  28, 1895:  — 

"MY  FKIENDS  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS, — You  have  heard  the 
subject  assigned  upon  which  a  few  words  are  expected  from  me. 
You  remember  also  the  subject  assigned  to  the  preceding 
speaker,  upon  which  he  has  made  so  forcible  and  eloquent 
an  address ;  but  I  declare  that  I  do  not  see  any  practical  dif- 
ference between  the  two  subjects,  '  The  Christian  and  Thanks- 
giving '  and  '  The  Citizen  and  Thanksgiving.'  It  seems  to  me, 
my  friends,  that  the  two  topics  are  identical,  or,  if  they  are 
not,  they  ought  to  be ;  that  the  Christian  ought  to  be  a  citizen, 
and  the  citizen  ought  to  be  a  Christian.  If  we  view  the  prac- 
tical work  of  the  Christian,  we  shall  find  him  doing  practical 
and  substantial  work  as  a  citizen.  If  we  find  the  citizen  doing 
his  full  duty  to  the  Commonwealth,  not  by  loud  proclamations, 
but  in  real  active  work,  we  shall  find  the  citizen  prominent  in 
the  work  of  the  Church.  So  I  say  we  ought  to  be  thankful  to 
realize  the  indissoluble  bond,  the  unmistakable  identity,  be- 
tween the  Christian  and  the  citizen. 

"We  have  a  right  to  be  thankful,  in  the  first  place,  my 
friends,  for  this  beautiful  day.  I  do  not  imagine  that  because 
one  day  out  of  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  and  one-fourth 
was  set  apart  by  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  that  they  meant  the 
other  three  hundred  and  sixty-four  and  one-fourth  should  be 
given  up  to  repining,  to  complaining,  to  fault-finding,  and  to 
criticism  and  censure ;  and  yet  it  must  be  remembered,  when 
we  find  so  many  who  are  so  eager  to  criticise  throughout  the 


348  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

year,  that  some  people  are  never  really  happy  unless  they  have 
an  opportunity  to  find  fault  with  something  or  other.  As  the 
gloomy  members  of  the  ancient  colony  sometimes  missed  God's 
smile  to  catch  his  frown,  so  it  is  that,  for  a  great  part  of  the 
year,  the  ninety-five  per  cent  of  good  is  lost  sight  of  and  the 
five  per  cent  of  failure  and  evil  is  unduly  and  disproportionately 
magnified. 

"  It  may  be  well,  therefore,  my  friends,  to  come  here  on  this 
holy  day  and  take  an  account  of  stock,  and  see  if  the  fault-finders 
are  justified,  and  if  it  is  not  true  that  we  who  with  full  hearts 
return  thanks  to  Almighty  God  are  not  justified  in  our  action. 

"  I  say  we  are  bound  to  return  thanks,  in  the  first  place,  for 
this  God's  day,  with  its  sunshine  and  its  beauty.  Why,  it  seems 
as  if  Autumn,  in  all  her  robes  of  loveliness,  were  pausing  to 
deliver  a  sweet  farewell,  while  Winter,  clad  in  icy  mail,  like  a 
grim  knight,  still  had  courtesy  enough  to  allow  her  to  pause 
ere  she  passes  away  forever,  and  we  get  the  beauty  of  autumn 
with  scarcely  a  suggestion  of  the  winter  that  is  at  hand.  So  I 
say,  even  in  this  outward  manifestation  of  the  beauty  of  the 
Lord,  we  are  called  upon  for  gratitude. 

"And  then  the  Fathers  believed  in  publicly  coming  together 
and  rendering  thanks  to  the  Almighty  Father  for  the  mercies 
which  he  had  given,  and  for  the  misfortunes  which  he  had 
spared  them.  As  Massachusetts  kneels  to-day  in  her  robes  of 
splendor  and  majesty,  she  does  it  not  in  the  spirit  of  the  Phari- 
sees, thanking  God  she  is  not  as  others  are ;  she  kneels  there 
with  all  the  traditional  grandeur  about  her,  and  with  the 
jewels  of  Atlanta  just  won,  and  yet  not  in  a  spirit  of  vain- 
glory, not  in  a  spirit  of  pride  or  boastfulness,  but  in  the  spirit 
of  devout  thankfulness  to  the  God  of  the  Fathers,  who  has  been 
with  the  children  as  he  was  with  them.  Yes,  we  have  a  right  to 
be  thankful,  my  friends. 

"  What  makes  the  glory  of  a  citizen  ?  What  makes  the  glory 
of  a  commonwealth  ?  In  the  age  of  Pericles  it  was  believed 
that  with  the  glowing  walls  of  Athens,  with  the  splendor  of 
art  and  of  beauty  and  science,  there  was  the  glory  of  a  com- 
monwealth. To-day  only  the  ruins  of  this  beautiful  creation 
remain ;  we  have  the  statue  that  Phidias's  mighty  genius  cre- 
ated ;  we  have  a  few  crumbling  stones  of  the  Parthenon.  And 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  349 

the  greatness  of  Eome  was  to  be  in  the  invincibility  of  her 
legions,  in  the  majestic  strength  of  her  structures,  —  the  Appian 
Way,  the  Cloaca  Maxima,  and  a  thousand  other  things,  of  which 
to-day  only  the  ruins  remain. 

"  Is  it  not  a  lesson,  my  friends,  that  not  in  creations  of  this 
sort  is  the  permanent  and  abiding  glory  of  a  commonwealth 
found  ?  Does  it  not  all  come  down  to  this, — that  the  greatest 
political  economist  this  world  has  ever  seen  or  ever  will  see 
was  the  Saviour  of  mankind,  and  that  a  nation  or  common- 
wealth can  find  in  his  teaching  only  the  practical  and  ever- 
living  safety  which  makes  the  bulwarks  and  foundations  of  the 
commonwealth  ? 

"  And  it  is  in  those  applied  doctrines,  it  is  not  in  declaration, 
it  is  not  in  sermon  or  speech,  it  is  in  the  life  as  well  as  with 
the  lips,  that  these  principles  must  ever  be  manifested ;  and  cer- 
tainly it  is  all  the  more  necessary  in  the  life  of  a  common- 
weath.  This  is  a  Christian  commonwealth,  —  it  has  been  from 
the  beginning ;  and  yet  freedom,  civil  and  religious,  has  been 
the  very  keynote,  the  very  divine  music,  which  has  sounded 
from  the  beginning,  when  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  landed  upon  the 
desolate  seashore,  down  to  this  Thanksgiving  Day  of  1895. 
And  we  have  a  right  to  thank  God  to-day,  because,  other  things 
being  equal,  the  citizen  of  Massachusetts  has  more  opportunity 
to  follow  out  his  way  of  everlasting  life,  to  get  more  out  of  life, 
which  is  a  suggestion  of  immortality,  we  believe,  than  the  citi- 
zens of  any  other  commonwealth  in  the  world.  Our  institu- 
tions are  based  upon  that  principle,  —  the  right  of  education, 
God  given. 

"  And  I  take  especial  pride  in  assuring  those  who  are  doubt- 
ful or  faint-hearted  that  the  system  of  public  education  in 
Massachusetts  is  the  foundation-stone  which  has  just  received 
its  reward.  It  has  received  the  mark  of  approbation  from  the 
great  Exposition  of  the  Southern  States ;  and  you  can  imagine 
the  feeling  of  pride  with  which  the  chief  magistrate  accepts 
these  grand  attestations  of  the  progress,  the  real  work,  which 
the  great  Commonwealth  is  doing,  and  which  is  watched  so 
eagerly,  not  only  by  our  sister  States  here,  but  by  communities 
all  over  the  world,  even  from  far-off  and  stricken  Armenia. 

"  I  say,  while  we  thank  God  for  our  privileges,  while  we 


350  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

thank  God  for  the  blessings  which  he  has  given  us,  let  us  re- 
member that  we,  above  almost  every  other  State  and  com- 
munity, hold  as  a  sacred  trust  these  institutions  which  are 
of  the  very  life,  are  of  the  very  soul,  of  the  Commonwealth ; 
and  no  light  word,  no  expression  of  doubt  even,  is  to  be 
tolerated. 

"I  believe  these  institutions  will  remain  as  long  as  this 
fabric  of  the  universe  remains,  and  doubt  is  cowardice.  I 
have  full  confidence  that  neither  the  gates  of  hell  nor  any 
other  force  in  the  world  or  beneath  it  can  prevail  against  these 
powers  of  the  soul  which  make  Massachusetts  the  greatest  com- 
munity on  this  hemisphere  or  upon  any  other.  But  it  entails 
upon  us  all  the  more  work ;  it,  as  I  say,  imposes  upon  us  a 
trust  in  which  humanity  is  the  beneficiary,  and  so  let  us  thank 
God  even  for  the  work  he  has  imposed  upon  us. 

"  The  earthly  commonwealth  can  be  measured  in  its  glory 
only  as  it  resembles  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  it  is  in  the 
near  approach  to  the  likeness  of  that  kingdom  that  common- 
wealths lose  or  find  their  final  destiny. 

"  So,  my  friends,  these  maxims  of  the  Bible,  these  teachings 
of  the  Saviour,  are,  I  believe,  the  best  guides  to  political  wis- 
dom. When  we  talk  of  the  problems  of  labor  and  capital, 
when  we  talk  of  monopoly  here,  of  everlasting  powers  there, 
the  one  solution  is  when,  in  the  spirit  of  the  Lord,  the  employ- 
ers shall  meet  the  employed,  and  the  employed  shall  respond 
to  the  employer.  May  not  I  do  what  I  will  with  my  own 
property?  Not  necessarily.  Have  we  not  all  learned  that 
whatever  gift,  whatever  wealth,  whatever  property,  is  put  into 
our  hands  or  into  our  minds,  we  are  still  only  stewards  for  our 
fellow-men,  for  our  brothers  and  sisters  ?  and  I  say  that  the 
solution  of  all  the  problems  which  are  confronting  us  to-day,  — 
the  establishment  of  godliness,  the  establishment  of  simple 
honesty,  the  establishment  of  temperance,  of  righteous  living 
of  every  sort, — comes  from  the  doctrines  which  we  find  in  Holy 
Writ ;  and  it  is  the  practical  man  who  is  the  citizen  who  has 
more  opportunity  than  the  ordinary  Christian. 

"  And  yet  I  find  the  Christian  women  at  work  in  all  practical 
lines.  It  is  a  glorious  development  of  womanhood.  They  be- 
come acquainted  with  public  questions ;  they  do  not  degrade 


SECOND   YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  351 

and  slander  public  men ;  they  understand  more  and  more  the 
difficulties  of  the  case. 

"  It  is  so  easy  to  sit  at  one  side  and  comment  upon  the  com- 
batants engaged  in  hot  strife !  Why  was  not  this  blow  struck 
there  ?  Why  was  this  not  done  so  and  so  ?  Yet  it  must  be 
remembered  that  the  public  man  is  bound  in  his  duty  of  citi- 
zenship by  his  highest  duty  as  a  Christian;  he  is  bound  to 
remember  that  the  whole  people  of  the  Commonwealth  are,  as 
it  were,  the  objects  of  his  care,  and  by  the  manner  in  which 
he  treats  all  alike,  with  equal  justice  and  with  equal  charity, 
his  work  as  an  official  will  finally  be  judged  by  right-thinking 
people. 

"  So  I  say,  my  friends,  it  is  the  duty  of  every  Christian  to  be 
a  citizen,  and  to  be  actively  at  work  as  a  citizen.  He  cannot 
sit  quiet  and  count  his  dividends  or  estimate  his  profits  while 
a  city  is  going  down  to  the  shame  and  guilt  of  Sodom  and 
Gomorrah.  In  New  York,  at  the  last  election,  there  were 
281,000  registered  voters ;  of  that  number  40,000  proved  them- 
selves recreants  and  traitors  by  not  lifting  a  hand  or  uttering  a 
word  in  defence  of  good  government.  I  think,  my  friends,  the 
condition  of  our  own  city  is  one  that  calls  for  earnest  work  on 
the  part  of  the  citizen,  on  the  part  of  the  Christian,  —  or,  I  will 
say,  on  the  part  of  the  Christian  citizen,  which  is  one  and  the 
same  thing. 

"  We  must  no  longer  commit  to  our  most  inferior  people  the 
business  of  managing  our  dearest  interests.  It  is  the  man  of 
brains,  of  power,  of  business  experience,  and  of  business  sa- 
gacity, who  must  come  to  the  front.  If  you  do  not  do  it,  it  is 
because  you  are  not  either  Christians  or  citizens.  So,  my 
friends,  take  the  work  in  hand. 

"  I  think  we  have  a  right  to  thank  God  to-day,  because,  how- 
ever active,  however  mighty,  the  forces  of  evil  are  in  any  com- 
munity, the  forces  of  right  are  there ;  and  when  the  Word  of 
God  reaches  those  forces  of  right  and  puts  them  in  battle  array, 
the  cause  of  good  government  will  be  maintained  here,  in  New 
York,  all  over  our  country.  In  that  hope  we  all  live,  and  in 
that  sign  of  the  Master  we  shall  conquer,  and  we  shall  have 
again  another  great  reason  for  uttering  our  thanksgiving  to  the 
Almighty  Father." 


352  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

The  third  speech  in  this  trinity  was  delivered  before  the 
Salvation  Army :  — 

"  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN,  —  I  come  here  to  act  as  chairman 
of  this  meeting  for  a  very  brief  period.  I  consider  it  a  duty, 
as  the  representative  of  a  Christian  Commonwealth,  to  extend 
a  most  hearty  welcome  to  any  benign  and  Christian  influences 
that  come  to  that  Commonwealth.  And  so  I  think  I  may 
simply  emphasize  the  welcome  already  given  by  Boston  and 
by  the  Commonwealth  to  General  Booth  here  to-night. 

"  I  remember  when  the  Army  which  he  represents  was  con- 
sidered of  little  value ;  when  it  did  not  seem  to  command  the 
support  and  approbation  of  the  careful,  thinking  people  of 
intelligent  communities.  Yet  in  the  last  few  years  we  have 
seen  this  work  grow,  expand,  bloom,  and  flourish  until  the 
Salvation  Army  has  become  one  of  the  recognized  institutions 
of  Christianity. 

"  That  is  a  mighty  gain,  a  great  step  forward.  We  cannot 
have,  in  these  days  of  trouble  and  anxiety  and  unrest,  too 
much  religion.  All  religion,  if  it  is  true,  is  true  religion. 
The  people  need,  in  one  way  and  in  another  and  every- 
where, this  spirit  of  religion.  I  remember  the  words  of  the 
prophet  foreshadowing  the  evil  days,  and  saying  that '  the  Lord 
God  will  send  a  famine  in  the  land,'  —  not  a  famine  of  bread, 
nor  of  thirst  for  water,  but  of  the  Word  of  the  Lord,  — '  and 
they  shall  wander  from  sea  to  sea ;  they  shall  go  to  and  fro, 
and  shall  not  find  it.  In  that  day  the  fair  maidens  and  the 
young  men  shall  faint  for  thirst ! '  God  grant  that  that  day 
may  be  far  off!  It  is  in  just  such  living  agencies  —  instru- 
ments of  the  Lord  —  as  these  which  we  see  to-night,  that  that 
want  will  be  satisfied,  and  that  evil  day  be  put  off  or  indefi- 
nitely postponed,  if  I  may  use  a  legislative  term. 

"  My  friends,  it  is  in  upliftings  of  this  sort  that  the  whole 
people  are  benefited ;  and  when  we  find  men  and  women  pro- 
fessing a  religion  which  has  for  its  cathedral  the  alley  and  the 
lane,  the  haunts  of  vice  and  the  home  of  misery,  then  we 
know  that  religion  is  at  least  attempting  a  task  which  Christ 
himself  would  approve. 

"  It  is  in  this  work  for  the  poor  and  needy  that  this  Army 
of  Salvation  commends  itself  to  the  judgment  of  reasonable 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  353 

and  thinking  individuals.  It  makes  for  peace !  It  makes  for 
comfort !  It  is  benevolent  and  not  malevolent !  Consequently, 
I  may  say,  on  the  part  of  this  great  Commonwealth,  that  I 
welcome  a  great  power,  a  great  spirit  here  in  Boston,  here 
in  Massachusetts,  —  the  spirit  of  Christianity,  which  is  not 
limited  by  oceans,  by  continents,  by  sections,  but  which  com- 
prehends the  whole  habitable  globe. 

"  A  great  work  has  already  been  done,  and  I  can  only  say  to 
the  General,  coming  here,  in  a  manner,  in  his  hour  of  triumph : 
'  Deal  rightly  with  this  people  of  Massachusetts  ! '  If  by  your 
coming,  sir,  through  any  alley  or  street  or  section  of  Boston 
or  of  the  Commonwealth,  you  can  give  one  breath  of  life  and 
comfort  that  will  make  the  humblest,  the  meanest,  the  most 
miserable  feel  that  he  too  is  the  child  of  God,  entitled  to  fair 
and  equal  terms,  even  at  the  tribunal  of  Heaven,  the  blessings 
of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  will  go  with  you.  We  shall 
hold  you  to  strict  account,  —  we  shall  ask,  when  you  have 
passed  from  these  triumphant  scenes,  'Has  the  coming  of 
General  Booth  really  given  encouragement  and  cheer  and  the 
spirit  of  betterment  to  our  own  people  ? ' 

"I  know  what  the  answer  will  be!  Already  there  has 
been  a  manifestation  of  this  singular  power;  and  just  as  I 
would  hold  to  account  my  Adjutant-General,  the  Chairman 
of  the  Board  of  Police,  the  Chief  Justice,  or  any  other  great 
official  or  magistrate,  so  spiritually  I  have  to  hold  to  account 
these  mighty  magistrates  of  the  Lord. 

"  In  this  spirit,  my  friends,  and  in  the  full  confidence  that 
doubts  will  be  resolved  and  that  the  account  will  be  written 
as  shining  pages  on  the  books  of  Heaven,  I  introduce  that 
Great  Bishop  of  the  Established  Church  of  the  Poor,  —  General 
William  Booth!" 

Perhaps  the  most  enjoyable  to  Governor  Greenhalge  of  the 
occasions  when  he  was  called  upon  to  address  the  people  in 
an  official  capacity  were  the  agricultural  fairs  so  commonly 
held  throughout  the  State  during  the  season  of  autumn.  He 
loved  the  homely  manners  of  the  agricultural  class,  and  de- 
lighted in  meeting  the  country  folk,  the  sterling  nature  of 
whose  character  he  appreciated.  During  the  season  when  these 

23 


354  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

meetings  usually  occur  the  country-side  is  perhaps  seen  at  its 
best.  The  rich  tints  of  the  autumn  foliage,  the  coolness  and 
clearness  of  the  atmosphere,  render  nature  most  beautiful  and 
delightful,  and  seem  to  gratify  all  the  senses.  Governor  Green- 
fa  alge  did  not  pretend  to  know  much  about  practical  farming, 
but  he  knew  how  to  interest  the  farmers,  perhaps  because  he 
was  interested  in  them ;  and  some  of  his  agricultural  addresses 
are  among  his  best.  I  select  one  that  he  delivered  at  the  Ply- 
mouth County  Fair,  Bridgewater,  Sept.  6,  1895,  as  a  fair  ex- 
ample of  his  speeches  on  many  such  occasions  :  — 

"  When  I  last  attended  your  dinner,  which  I  do  not  think 
keeps  up  to  the  old-time  fashion  of  a  frugal  repast,  but  goes 
considerably  beyond  that,  I  remember  that  it  was  the  time  of  a 
storm,  when  the  rain  fell  upon  the  just  and  the  unjust  alike, 
and  interfered  materially  with  the  attendance  at  the  fair  and 
with  your  general  success  and  prosperity.  I  congratulate  you, 
Mr.  President  and  friends,  that  to-day  we  have  the  sunshine 
with  us,  plenty  of  it,  perhaps  at  times  a  little  too  much ;  but, 
with  the  utilitarian  spirit  which  marks  the  intelligent  citizen, 
you  will  coin  that  sunshine  into  dollars  and  put  them  into  the 
treasury  of  this  ancient  agricultural  society.  So  I  am  glad  to 
be  here  to  rejoice  with  you  in  your  day  of  success  as  I  was 
pleased  to  be  here  to  attempt  to  take  my  share  of  any  adversity 
that  might  have  come  to  you  last  year. 

"  I  suppose  there  is  nothing  which  excites  so  much  the  risi- 
bilities of  the  critic,  the  wit  of  the  humorist,  as  the  attendance 
of  the  governor  at  what  are  called  cattle  shows.  If  a  man 
invites  me  to  a  gathering  of  this  sort,  he  asks  me  to  an  agri- 
cultural fair ;  but  if  he  finds  I  am  going  to  some  other  fellow's 
attraction,  he  speaks  of  it  as  a  cattle  show.  The  point  of  view 
is  quite  important  in  determining  the  epithet  or  appellation 
which  shall  be  given  to  an  occasion  of  this  sort.  And  some  of 
the  kindly  critics  always  find  a  good  deal  of  amusement  in  the 
extent  of  agricultural  knowledge  possessed  by  an  official  who 
is  invited  to  occasions  like  this. 

"  Why,  my  friends,  is  there  no  serious,  no  earnest  purpose, 
no  true  significance,  in  visitations  of  the  executive  to  gatherings 
of  the  people  ?  Is  it  not  right  that  the  executive  should  find 
out  what  manner  of  people  he  has  to  deal  with  ?  Is  it  not 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  355 

right  that  the  people  should  know  the  manner  of  man  they 
have  to  deal  with  in  official  station  ?  Is  it  not  right  that  the 
chief  magistrate  should  sit  at  meat  with  his  people,  should 
meet  them  as  man  to  man,  should  understand  something  of 
them  beside  the  relations  which  exist  between  him  and  them 
from  the  platform,  in  the  chair  of  office,  and  in  their  voting 
precincts  ?  After  all,  my  friends,  we  are  men  and  women,  and 
it  is  the  character  of  the  men  and  women  which  makes  the 
character  of  Massachusetts,  which  makes  the  character  of  the 
whole  country. 

"  I  might  say,  if  we  came  here  simply  as  critics,  it  would  be 
an  easy  role  to  perform.  The  critic  does  not  need  to  know 
anything  of  the  subject  he  criticises.  We  see  ample  evidence 
of  that  in  every  magazine  and  every  newspaper.  But  I  come, 
aside  from  my  official  capacity,  in  a  character  which  I  think 
entitles  a  man,  in  a  sort  of  impersonal  way,  to  respect  and  con- 
sideration, because  I  come  here  as  a  consumer,  and  the  consumer 
is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  producer.  The  consumer  is 
the  keenest  and  most  intelligent  critic  of  the  producer.  He 
knows  something  of  the  product  of  the  farm,  can  tell  good 
butter  and  knows  if  the  milk  is  half  water.  We  all  know  so 
much  about  the  products  of  the  farm  that  a  man  of  average 
intelligence  may  be  able  to  learn  something  from  a  gathering 
like  this. 

"  I  learned  something  at  the  great  fair  at  Worcester,  which  I 
visited  Wednesday,  and  which  had  the  finest  exhibit  of  live- 
stock that  has  been  seen  for  many  years.  I  learned  that  they 
are  now  introducing  two  new  breeds  of  cattle,  and  I  am  glad 
to  say  this  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Seth  Bryant,  who  sits  here, 
at  the  age  of  ninety-five  years,  and  who,  I  trust,  in  the  provi- 
dence of  the  Almighty,  may  live  out  the  full  term  of  one  hundred. 

"  I  know  that  we  have  reached  an  epoch  in  the  history 
of  the  introduction  of  cattle.  Mr.  Bryant,  as  I  am  informed, 
first  brought  into  this  Commonwealth  the  Jersey ;  and  now  it  is 
proposed  to  give  strength  and  calibre  to  that  breed  by  crossing 
it  with  the  Simmenthaler  and  the  Normandy,  the  two  new 
breeds  which  were  shown  here  for  the  first  time  at  the  fair  at 
Worcester.  This  is  of  interest  to  every  man,  woman,  and  child 
in  the  Commonwealth,  because  we  all  want  good,  pure  milk  and 


356  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

honest  butter.  We  all  want  the  best  that  can  be  produced, 
particularly  if  it  is  true,  as  Sir  Thomas  Browne  has  said,  that 
man  is  simply  what  he  has  eaten. 

"  Now,  iny  friends,  here  in  Plymouth  County  there  is  some 
special  interest  attaching  to  a  society  of  this  sort.  The  man 
who  touches  the  soil  of  Plymouth  County  ought  to  find  in  it  a 
liberal  education,  a  patriotic  inspiration.  The  Almighty  said 
in  that  beginning  of  things  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic :  '  I  do 
not  give  you  broad  prairies  and  wide  fields  of  wheat,  but  here 
on  this  rock  of  Plymouth  I  will  plant  the  noblest,  the  first  free 
commonwealth  the  world  has  ever  seen,  and  from  that  rock 
shall  living  waters  flow,  which  shall  enrich  the  soil  of  every 
State  and  territory,  and  shall  gladden  the  eyes  and  hearts  of 
all  the  peoples  upon  the  earth.'  That  is  the  story  of  Ply- 
mouth. 

"  I  want  to  see  this  society  keep  its  membership  full.  I  am 
glad  to  see  about  me  these  men  advanced  in  years.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  there  have  been  good  living  and  spiritual  righteousness 
here  to  give  that  strength  and  life  and  vigor  to  old  age  which 
make  it  as  beautiful  as  if  crowned  again  with  youth.  I  thank 
you  again  for  the  opportunity  of  being  here." 

The  illiberal  movement  in  American  politics  known  as  the 
A.  P.  A.  —  the  American  Protective  Association,  as  the  sound- 
ing and  pretentious  title  runs  when  taken  from  the  obscurity  of 
capital  letters  —  rose  into  prominence  during  the  first  adminis- 
tration of  Governor  Greenhalge.  From  the  first,  it  roused  his 
indignation.  To  his  broad  liberal  ideas  and  to  his  "loving 
catholic  heart,"  such  an  organization  was  most  antagonistic; 
its  secret  methods  were  opposed  to  his  singularly  open  nature, 
and  in  his  second  campaign  he  desired  to  assert  frankly  his 
opinions  in  regard  to  it.  But  the  organization  was  a  secret  one ; 
its  members,  as  far  as  possible,  concealing  their  membership,  it 
was  difficult  to  estimate  its  strength ;  it  made  great  claims,  and 
indeed  in  several  cities  and  towns  had  succeeded  in  carrying 
the  Republican  caucuses.  This  was  a  critical  year.  Before 
another  election  the  organization  would  decrease  in  strength. 
So  thought  the  party  managers,  and  counselled  silence ;  and  the 
Governor  yielded  his  judgment  to  theirs.  When,  however,  the 


SECOND   YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  357 

time  approached  for  the  holding  of  the  State  convention  of  1895, 
the  organisation,  instead  of  decreasing  in  influence,  appeared  to 
have  increased.  Many  of  the  Governor's  acts  had  called  forth 
adverse  criticism  from  the  members  of  the  order,  —  he  had 
appointed  Catholics  to  office  ;  he  had  attended  Commencement 
at  Holy  Cross  College;  worse  than  all,  he  had  attended  the 
jubilee  banquet  to  Archbishop  Williams  and  shaken  hands 
with  Satolli  !  The  organization  ranged  itself  in  opposition ;  its 
strength,  however,  was  not  so  great  as  had  been  feared.  But 
the  votes  given  to  Morse  in  the  convention  which  nominated 
Greenhalge  for  the  governorship  for  the  third  time,  were  like 
blows  to  him.  He  felt  that  he  had  deserved  the  full  support 
of  his  party. 

The  State  Republican  Convention  of  1895  was  held  in  Music 
Hall  upon  the  5th  of  October.  Curtis  Guild,  Jr.,  was  the 
permanent  chairman  of  the  convention ;  Hon.  Frederick  H. 
Gillette  was  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  Ex- 
Governor  Long  proposed  the  name  of  Governor  Greenhalge  for 
renomination  in  these  eloquent  words :  — 

"  Sometimes  our  constituency  —  the  great  Republican  party 
of  Massachusetts  —  sends  us  here  to  make  selection  for  it  of  a 
candidate  for  Governor.  At  other  times  it  sends  us  here  to 
announce  the  selection  which  it  has  itself  already  made. 

"  That  is  the  case  to-day.  In  tones  clear  as  a  bell  the  Repub- 
lican party — let  me  say  the  Commonwealth  herself  —  has  long 
since  proclaimed  the  name  of  her  chief  magistrate  for  the  next 
ensuing  year.  If  for  a  moment  any  have  questioned  that 
choice,  the  result  has  been  only  to  make  more  certain  to  them 
and  to  everybody  else  that  it  is  as  foregone  and  inevitable  as 
to-morrow's  sunrise.  Fortunate  indeed  the  candidate  the  dis- 
cussion of  whom  confirms  the  assurance  of  those  who  enthusi- 
astically rush  to  his  support,  and  dissipates  the  doubts  of  those 
who  come  to  it  at  first  with  some  hesitation,  but  anon  with 
equal  constancy. 

"Gentlemen,  Massachusetts  has  come  to  have  faith  in  the 
ability,  the  integrity,  and  the  courage  of  her  present  Governor. 
Not  by  any  winning  personality,  not  by  the  grace  and  rare  elo- 
quence of  speech  which  are  his,  not  by  the  aptness  with  which 
on  many  occasions  he  has  represented  her  within  and  beyond 


358  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

her  borders,  but  by  his  unflinching  discharge  of  his  duty  as  he 
has  seen  it,  and  by  his  fidelity  to  his  own  convictions,  he  has 
won  her  approval,  and  she  now  bids  us  say  to  him,  '  Well  done, 
good  and  faithful  servant ! ' 

"  On  his  record  he  stands,  and  on  that  as  on  a  rock.  He  has 
shirked  no  responsibility ;  he  has  feared  to  face  no  exigency 
and  no  man ;  he  has  recognized  no  limitation  upon  the  equal 
rights  of  the  American  citizen,  be  he  of  whatever  color,  race, 
birth,  or  religion.  So  thoroughly  has  he  thus  secured  the  con- 
fidence of  the  great  body  of  the  people,  —  even  of  those  who 
differ  from  him  in  this  or  that  measure  or  in  this  or  that 
appointment,  —  that  of  his  own  political  party  those  who  at 
first  most  questioned  his  fitness  are  now  among  his  stanchest 
supporters;  while  of  the  other  great  political  party  nothing 
but  the  frail  and  tumbling  fences  of  partisan  organization  pre- 
vent, even  if  they  do  altogether  prevent,  its  members  from  a 
wholesale  lurch  and  flocking  to  his  standard. 

"  In  the  name,  therefore,  of  the  grand  old  party  whose  dele- 
gates we  are ;  in  the  name  of  the  grand  old  Commonwealth 
whose  commanding  voice  we  utter  to-day ;  in  the  name  of  what 
is  large  and  liberal  and  sound  in  American  political  principles ; 
and  in  recognition  of  honest  desert  and  faithful  service,  I 
move  the  nomination  for  Governor  for  the  next  ensuing  year  of 
Frederic  T.  Greenhalge." 

After  Governor  Long  had  finished  his  speech,  a  ballot  was 
called  for.  The  result  was  1,363  votes  for  Governor  Green- 
halge, 391  for  the  Hon.  Elijah  A.  Morse,  and  8  scattering. 

In  accepting  the  nomination,  the  Governor  said :  — 

"GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION,  —  I  thank  you  most 
heartily  for  the  honor  you  have  just  conferred  on  me  ;  it 
calls  for  my  most  profound  gratitude  and  my  most  earnest 
acknowledgment.  Your  nomination,  coming  to  me  at  this 
time  and  under  existing  circumstances,  is,  indeed,  an  honor 
of  triple  magnitude  and  full  of  uncommon  significance. 

"  I  think  it  may  be  said  that  your  action  is  not  limited  by 
the  lines  of  mere  routine.  Perhaps  it  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  it  represents  the  deliberate  judgment  of  the  Republican 
party  upon  an  administration  of  two  years.  During  that  ad- 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  359 

ministration  many  vital  and  momentous  questions  have  arisen. 
In  the  onward  movement  of  a  great  commonwealth  like  Massa- 
chusetts there  is  a  necessary  friction  and  disturbance  occa- 
sioned by  the  velocity  of  progress.  Upon  these  questions, 
involving  the  interests  of  property,  the  fortunes  of  parties,  the 
triumph  or  defeat  of  systems,  and  the  sacred  rights  of  men,  it 
is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  honest  and  marked  differences 
of  opinion  have  arisen,  and  a  great  deal  of  interest  and  zeal 
aroused.  While  I  am  uncharitable  to  no  man  who  differs  from 
me,  while  I  ascribe  to  sincere  opposition  no  unworthy  motive, 
while  I  acknowledge  my  own  many  errors  and  shortcomings 
I  must  say,  as  I  look  back  upon  the  past  and  note  the  many 
instances  where  perplexities  arose,  where  prompt  and  decided 
action  was  required,  that  I  must  still  hold  fast  to  the  principles 
by  which  I  have  endeavored  to  guide  and  regulate  my  course, 
and,  in  humble  imitation  of  the  great  reformer,  say, '  So  help 
me  God,  I  cannot  do  otherwise ! ' 

"  I  have  always  believed,  I  still  believe,  that  to  be  a  good 
Republican  it  is  necessary  for  a  man  to  be  a  good  citizen, 
true  and  loyal  to  his  country,  with  a  supreme  and  single  devo- 
tion. The  principles  of  the  Republican  party  mean  progress 
and  development,  the  lifting  up  of  the  individual  and  of  the 
State.  Those  principles  favor  sober,  righteous,  and  intelligent 
living ;  they  are  at  once  the  lamps  of  the  State,  the  nation,  and 
the  home.  Education,  free  as  air  and  lofty  as  heaven ;  tem- 
perance in  thought,  word,  and  life ;  justice,  blind  to  artificial 
distinctions  of  wealth  or  station,  eagle-eyed  to  the  distinction 
of  right  and  wrong;  loyalty  to  State  and  nation,  rising  to  a 
love  that  'passeth  understanding,'  —  these,  and  every  principle 
that  makes  for  good  government,  are  written  in  the  hearts  of  all 
Republicans. 

"Again,  the  Republican  party  believes  in  the  indivisibility  of 
the  country ;  it  desires  to  stimulate  and  develop  that  glowing 
spirit  of  American  nationality  which  is  already  stirring  in 
every  heart  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  We  think  that 
the  ship  of  state  will  meet  the  stormy  seas  quite  as  success- 
fully as  one  beautiful  integral  fabric  as  in  sections  or  compart- 
ments loosely  jointed  together.  The  unification  of  States  is  a 
noble  object,  worthy  the  highest  ambitions  and  the  grandest 


360  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE, 

efforts  of  statesmanship;  the  unification  of  a  people  making 
all  Massachusetts  one  family  bound  together  by  ties  of  affection 
and  esteem,  inspired  by  the  Almighty  with  the  loftiest  ideals  of 
citizenship,  is,  I  am  sure,  a  step  in  the  direction  of  that 

'far-off,  divine  event 
To  which  the  whole  creation  moves.' 

"  Gentlemen,  I  do  not  think  that  our  party  has  lost  anything 
of  power  or  prestige  in  the  last  few  years.  In  State  and  nation, 
here  at  home  and  in  the  country  at  large,  that  power  and 
prestige  have  grown  and  strengthened ;  it  is  therefore  fair  to 
assume  that  the  administration  of  affairs  here  in  Massachu- 
setts, to  a  limited  degree,  in  New  York,  and  elsewhere  in  the 
country,  has  met  with  the  approval  of  the  people ;  and  it  is 
the  people  in  whose  service  we  are  enlisted,  whose  good  is  our 
highest  aim,  and  whose  commands  we,  as  a  party  and  as  indi- 
viduals, must  obey. 

"  Gentlemen,  let  us  move  forward  to  the  coming  contest  with 
all  courage  and  confidence,  and,  above  all,  with  a  profound  sense 
of  the  immense  responsibility  which  Massachusetts  is  once 
more  about  to  impose  upon  the  Republican  party.  Gentlemen, 
again  I  tender  you  my  profound  gratitude  for  what  I  must 
consider  the  crowning  honor  of  my  public  life." 

"When  the  Governor  appeared"  (I  quote  from  the  "  Spring- 
field Republican "),  "  the  feeling  was  even  too  intense  for  de- 
monstrative applause.  The  platform  and  speeches  had  been 
with  the  anti-Greenhalge  men ;  but  here  was  the  living  person- 
ality at  whom  their  attacks  had  been  directed,  and  he  had 
been  vindicated.  The  stern  set  face  of  the  Governor,  and  the 
rigor  of  the  muscles  that  grew  tense  as  he  marched  towards  the 
desk  on  the  platform,  seemed  more  inflexible  than  ever.  It 
was  not  an  attitude  of  triumph,  but  rather  the  soberness  of 
one  who  had  won  a  serious  victory.  The  Governor's  voice, 
always  harsh  as  he  begins  an  address,  was  softened,  and  seemed 
unusually  clear  a'nd  strong.  When  he  reached  the  climax,  and 
repeated  Luther's  immortal  words, '  So  help  me  God,  I  cannot 
do  otherwise,'  the  most  unsympathetic  were  thrilled." 

Governor  Greenhalge  had  not  been  desirous  of  a  third  term,  — 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  361 

as  he  said  to  his  friends,  "  I  have  had  two  terms,  and  am  satis- 
fied ;"  but  the  leaders  of  the  Kepublican  party  believed  that  if 
he  refused  to  be  a  candidate  there  might  be  trouble,  because  of 
the  sharp  contest  apprehended  for  the  governorship  through 
the  new  element  in  the  Kepublican  party.  Having  consented 
to  assume  again  the  leadership  of  the  party,  he  entered  upon 
his  third  campaign  with  very  different  feelings  from  those  that 
had  influenced  him  in  the  two  former  campaigns.  For  two 
years  he  had  filled  the  executive  chair;  he  had  made  Ms 
record,  it  was  before  the  people  for  them  to  consider  and  pass 
judgment  upon;  he  felt  that  the  more  dignified  position  for 
him  was  to  await  that  judgment  quietly.  He  was  weary,  and 
longed  for  rest ;  let  others  speak.  But  again  the  party  man- 
agers thought  otherwise.  The  Governor's  re-election  was  as- 
sured, but  for  the  good  of  the  party  a  large  vote  was  needed, 
and  he  must  help  to  call  it  forth.  As  ever,  when  it  was  only 
his  own  interest  that  was  in  question,  he  yielded,  and  gave  his 
strength  to  his  party.  In  this  campaign,  however,  he  felt  that 
he  could  follow  his  own  judgment,  and  speak  out  the  truth  he 
held  in  his  heart.  While  on  his  way  to  Holyoke,  October  12, 
where  they  were  to  speak  that  evening,  he  said  to  the  Lieuten- 
ant-Governor,  who  was  with  him:  "Roger,  I  do  not  know 
what  you  mean  to  do,  but  I  shall  speak  frankly  to-night 
against  this  narrow  bigotry."  "  I  will  do  the  same,"  was  the 
reply ;  and  most  eloquently  and  unequivocally  did  they  speak. 
In  the  Governor's  speech  he  said :  "  I  say,  for  the  first  and 
last  time,  if  any  organization  means  to  extend  and  strengthen 
the  beautiful  and  beneficent  system  of  public  education  in 
Massachusetts,  if  they  mean  an  intelligent  and  loyal  spirit  to 
the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  I  say  to  every  true  and 
loyal  citizen  of  the  Commonwealth,  '  God  speed.'  But  if  they 
mean  proscription,  ostracism,  hostility  to  any  man  who  is  a 
true  and  loyal  citizen,  and  the  stirring  up  of  race  prejudice, 
I  would  rather  be  defeated  than  elected  by  a  hundred  thou- 
sand votes,  if  one  of  those  votes  was  meant  to  favor  ostracism 
and  proscription." 

After  an  arduous  campaign  during  which  Governor  Green- 
halge  spoke  with  his  accustomed  vigor  in  many  places,  he  was 


362  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

elected  for  the  third  time  Governor  of  Massachusetts  on 
November  5.  Had  the  truth  been  known  which  was  con- 
cealed even  from  himself,  there  would  have  been  something 
very  pathetic  in  Governor  Greenhalge's  third  campaign.  It 
presents  to  the  mind  the  idea  of  a  person  overtaken,  in  the 
midst  of  overwhelming  labors  and  duties  which  cannot  be 
laid  aside,  by  ill  health,  and  consequently  unable  to  accom- 
plish an  inexorable  task  without  immense  self-sacrifice  and 
personal  loss.  It  is  true  that  Governor  Greenhalge  did  not 
appreciate  the  fact  that  he  was  seriously  ill;  at  the  same 
time  he  must  have  felt  a  real  indisposition,  and  that  the  work 
he  had  to  do  grew  ever  harder.  There  was,  however,  no  appear- 
ance of  lack  of  vigor  in  his  speeches  and  addresses ;  he  would 
not  suffer  the  fire  of  his  oratory  to  diminish,  nor  allow  the 
least  duty  to  be  sacrificed.  He  had  not  desired  a  third  nomi- 
nation, but  the  election  gave  him  pleasure.  He  carried  the 
State  with  an  increased  majority  over  that  of  the  previous 
year.  There  was  greater  enthusiasm  in  his  cause  than  ever, 
and  the  success  of  the  Republican  party  was  very  dear  to  his 
heart.  The  vote  for  Governor  stood:  Greenhalge,  173,250; 
Williams,  112,938,  Greenhalge's  plurality,  62,371 ;  Mr.  George 
Fred  Williams,  of  Boston,  being  the  Democratic  candidate. 

After  the  election  Governor  Greenhalge  expressed  his  satis- 
faction at  the  results.  He  said:  "Of  course,  there  are  two 
reasons  why  it  was  desirable  to  have  a  large  majority,  and  very 
gratifying  to  me.  The  first,  and  the  most  important,  is  that  it 
is  a  commendation  of  my  management  of  the  affairs  of  the 
Commonwealth  during  the  time  I  have  been  in  office.  The 
second  is  for  the  sake  of  the  influence  which  a  large  majority 
may  have  on  the  national  election.  For  both  these  reasons 
this  election  gives  me  great  satisfaction." 

The  dedication  of  a  national  military  park,  Sept.  19,  1895,  on 
the  battlefields  of  Chattanooga  and  Chickamauga  called  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge  in  his  official  capacity  to  the  South,  with  the 
governors  of  other  Northern  States.  The  event  was  national, 
and  attracted  the  attention  of  the  country.  Governor  Greenhalge 
was  accompanied  by  members  of  his  staff  and  the  official  delega- 
tion from  Massachusetts.  The  ceremonies  comprised  the  dedi- 
cation of  a  Massachusetts  monument  to  her  honored  heroes. 


SECOND   YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  363 

The  Governor's  party  reached  Chattanooga  early  on  the 
19th,  and  at  four  in  the  afternoon  formally  dedicated  the 
monument,  which  was  surmounted  by  a  bank  of  flowers  bearing 
in  immortelles  the  inscription,  "Massachusetts  Tribute  to 
Valor."  At  the  base  of  the  monument  were  a  crescent  of  white 
roses  to  the  Second  Eegiment,  Eleventh  Corps,  and  a  star  of 
red  roses  to  the  Thirty-third  Eegiment,  Twelfth  Corps. 

Governor  Greenhalge  began  his  dedicatory  speech  at  once, 
and  closed  with  enthusiastic  applause.  It  was  a  masterly 
effort,  and  attracted  wide  attention. 

"  FELLOW-CITIZENS,  BRETHREN  OF  THE  NORTH  AND  SOUTH 
EAST  AND  WEST,  —  The  history  of  the  evolution  of  constitu- 
tional government  has  almost  always  been  written  in  the 
blood  of  freemen.  From  the  days  of  Simon  De  Montfort,  slain 
at  Evesham,  down  to  the  days  of  Hampden  and  Chalgrove,  the 
fields  of  Naseby  and  Marston  Moor,  and  thence  on  to  1688  (a 
period  of  constitutional  development  both  in  Old  England  and 
New  England),  and  later  to  the  days  of  Bunker  Hill  and  Appo- 
mattox,  great  principles  have  been  established  by  the  arbitra- 
ment of  war.  And  with  the  best  advantages  for  determining 
questions  of  law  with  honest  and  independent  judicatures, 
servile  to  no  king  or  party,  with  the  most  intelligent  legislative 
thought  in  the  world,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
the  scope  and  meaning  of  governmental  principles  were  settled, 
not  in  senates  or  courts,  but  on  the  mountain  heights  around 
Chattanooga,  and  the  decrees  of  that  august  and  terrible  tri- 
bunal were  written  in  the  best  blood  of  the  country  and  pro- 
claimed by  the  thunder  of  artillery. 

"We  are  to  contemplate  to-day  a  great  crisis  in  a  great 
struggle,  and  to  dedicate  to  eternal  peace  and  rest  under  the 
starry  flag  this  place,  where  the  battle  raged  so  fierce,  and 
where  the  victor  'sank  to  rest  by  all  his  country's  wishes 
blest/  and  the  vanquished,  in  his  children,  shares  in  the  prizes 
of  victory. 

"  The  rapid  advance  of  Eosecrans,  the  skilful  strategy  which 
compelled  Bragg  to  evacuate  Chattanooga,  the  forward  move- 
ment of  the  Union  forces  later,  the  repulse  at  Chickamauga, 
the  holding  of  Chattanooga  until  reinforcements  arrived  to  com- 
plete the  rout  of  General  Bragg  and  to  relieve  Burnside  at  Knox- 


364  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

ville,  —  all  these  facts  are  well  known.  The  story  of  this  crisis 
and  of  the  great  battle  of  the  West,  of  the  services  of  the  Thirty- 
third  and  Second  Massachusetts,  has  been  told  many  times. 
In  such  a  crisis  of  the  nation  be  sure  that  Massachusetts 
was  represented.  When  did  Massachusetts  ever  fail  in  the 
hour  of  peril  ?  The  two  gallant  regiments  she  contributed  at 
this  time  —  the  Second  and  the  Thirty-third  —  were  the  flower 
of  the  Union  forces.  It  would  be  difficult,  if  not  invidious,  to 
rehearse  to  you  the  achievements  of  these  two  regiments  upon 
these  and  so  many  other  fields,  embracing  East  and  West, 
North  and  South,  previous  to  Chattanooga  and  after,  on  to 
Atlanta  and  Savannah.  .  .  . 

"This  is  a  story  of  heroes  told  by  heroes.  Thomas  and 
Hooker  and  other  great  captains  have  told  it  in  the  simplicity 
and  grandeur  of  official  orders.  But  the  men  of  the  Second  and 
Thirty-third  understood  well  the  principles  they  were  fighting 
for ;  so,  too,  did  their  great  leaders.  They  came  hither  bearing 
colors  blistered  and  torn,  indeed,  in  the  fierce  breath  of  many 
a  battle,  and  yet  in  every  ragged  fold  emblazoned  with  victory. 
The  stern  eye  of  Joseph  Hooker  gleamed  with  pride  and  joy, 
when,  as  a  soldier  and  as  a  son  of  Massachusetts,  he  watched 
these  Pilgrims  of  the  Old  Colony,  these  Ironsides  of  the  old 
Commonwealth,  march  by.  If  crisis  of  peril  to  the  country 
were  near,  Massachusetts,  with  her  best  blood  and  her  best 
brain,  was  at  hand  to  hold  up  the  arms  of  the  republic. 
Webster,  the  mightiest  statesman  of  the  North  and  of  the 
South,  had  pleaded  for  '  Liberty  and  union,  now  and  forever, 
one  and  inseparable;'  and  probably  every  man  in  these  two 
Massachusetts  regiments  knew  the  great  words  of  the  con- 
stitutional expounder  by  heart,  and  as  they  marched  up 
the  rugged  sides  of  Lookout,  these  words  rang  in  their  ears 
above  the  roar  of  battle.  Sherman,  hurling  his  flaming  lines 
upon  the  foe,  knew  they  were  going  to  bring  back  liberty  and 
union  on  their  bayonets.  Thomas,  the  rock  of  Chickamauga, 
immovable  and  steadfast,  while  the  billows  of  Confederate 
valor  hissed  and  seethed  around  him,  saw  the  vision  of  liberty 
and  union.  Hooker,  the  boy  of  Massachusetts,  the  plumed 
Bayard  of  our  armies,  planting  the  victorious  flag  of  his  coun- 
try above  the  clouds  of  Lookout,  knew  that  liberty  and  union 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  365 

were  safe ;  and  it  is  well  to  remember  that  the  '  Cracker  line '  of 
Hooker  furnished  the  very  bread  of  life  to  the  republic  in  its 
hour  of  direst  need  and  suffering. 

"  Burnside,  beleaguered  in  Knoxville,  heard  the  hurrying  feet 
of  the  Thirty-third  Massachusetts  among  the  foremost  rushing 
to  the  rescue,  and,  cheered  by  their  far-off  cheers,  hurled  off,  by 
a  supreme  effort,  his  desperate  and  heroic  foe;  and  Grant,  the 
master  mind  of  all,  controlling  and  inspiring  all,  the  incompa- 
rable and  invincible  captain,  amid  the  shouts  of  victory,  was 
calmly  projecting  new  battles  and  new  triumph  for  the  cause 
of  liberty  and  union. 

"  Cogswell,  with  his  famous  regiment,  holding  with  bull-dog 
grip  the  line  of  railroad  from  Tallahoma,  probably  repeated  to 
himself  the  magic  words  of  Webster,  which  he  heard  so  often 
declaimed  in  the  public  schools  of  old  Essex ;  and  the  watch- 
words of  Underwood,  charging  into  the  very  lines  of  the 
enemy,  were  'Liberty  and  union.'  .  .  . 

"  The  victors  of  Chickamauga  were  fighting  for  their  homes 
and  firesides.  So,  too,  were  these  children  of  Massachusetts. 
In  the  broad  spirit  of  our  principles,  there  is  not  a  foot  nor  an 
inch  of  foreign  soil,  from  Puget's  Sound  to  Tampa  Bay,  from 
Boston  to  Galveston.  State  lines,  sectional  divisions,  in  that 
glowing  spirit  of  nationality  which  makes  every  citizen  a  brother 
and  every  sovereign  state  an  integral  and  indissoluble  part  of  our 
country,  were  obliterated  by  the  flashing  wisdom  of  statesmen 
like  Webster,  and  by  the  hearts'  blood  of  freemen  like  those 
who  sleep  beneath  this  sod.  The  men  of  Massachusetts  fought 
for  the  homes  of  Massachusetts,  and  they  fought,  too,  for  the 
homes  of  Tennessee,  of  California  and  the  Carolinas.  It  is  true 
that  those  who  loved  them  might  have  yearned  to  have  their 
precious  ashes  laid  in  some  shaded  New  England  sepulchre, 
where  their  eternal  sleep  might  be  lulled  by  the  patter  of  their 
childrens'  feet  and  the  turf  above  them  brightened  by  spring 
flowers,  bedewed  with  the  tears  of  their  comrades.  But  we  com- 
mit them  to  the  care  of  Tennessee,  knowing  they  are  at  home. . .  . 

"There  is  not  opportunity  to  describe  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
grand  series  of  conflicts  which  raged  along  these  mountain 
heights.  The  armies  on  each  side  were  marked  by  dauntless 
valor,  the  commanders  were  renowned  captains ;  the  brave  and 


366  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

sagacious  Braxton  Bragg  and  the  indomitable  and  unconquer- 
able Longstreet  were  foremost  among  the  Confederate  leaders, 
while  the  names  of  Sherman  and  Sheridan,  Thomas,  Howard, 
Eosecrans,  and  Hooker,  were  watchwords  in  the  Union  army, 
and  their  mighty  forces  were  inspired  and  directed  by  the 
inflexible  and  irresistible  genius  of  Grant. 

"  Listen  to  Chickamauga  speak  to  Chattanooga,  —  deep  unto 
deep,  —  and  the  dead  of  Chickamauga  stand  in  line  with  the 
dead  of  Chattanooga.  You  may  hear  a  voice  from  heaven 
saying  above  these  Confederate  graves,  '  You  fought  for  no  lost 
cause,  your  cause  was  won  at  Chattanooga.  Though  van- 
quished, you  were  victorious,  sharing  in  the  fruits  of  victory. 
Liberty  and  union  are  henceforth  the  heritage  of  your  chil- 
dren. The  flag  is  yours,  and  the  bright  particular  star  of  your 
State  must  only  increase  your  love  and  devotion  to  the  glory 
of  the  whole  constellation,  Peace  and  love,  union  and  pros- 
perity, be  with  your  country  forevermore.' 

"  So  speaks  this  voice  over  the  graves  of  Chickamauga  and 
Chattanooga  to-day.  And  Massachusetts,  as  she  bends  over 
her  sons  sleeping  their  last  sleep  here,  under  the  skies  of 
Tennessee,  her  grief  chastened  by  just  pride  in  their  deep 
loyalty  and  precious  sacrifices,  claims  from  her  sister  State, 
and  from  every  sister  State  and  from  every  citizen  of  the 
republic,  the  tender  yet  mighty  sympathy  which  America 
yields  to  men  who  pour  forth  their  life  blood  to  save  and  to 
strengthen  our  common  country. 

"  Forever  shall  be  remembered,  as  illustrated  on  the  field  of 
Chickamauga  with  unwonted  splendor,  and  on  many  a  battle- 
field, the  desperate  valor,  the  chivalric  spirit,  the  fervid  devo- 
tion, which  leads  brave  men  to  fight  and  to  die  for  a  cause  and 
a  principle  in  which  they  believe  to  the  last.  That  valor,  that 
spirit,  that  devotion,  shall  gleam  and  flash  in  the  pages  of 
history,  over  shattered  armies,  over  bloody  defeats,  over  car- 
nage and  ruin,  over  causes  lost  and  shrivelled  up  in  the  flame 
of  battle,  and  principle  trampled  in  blood  and  mire.  The  glory 
of  the  Union  soldier  depends  for  its  very  life  and  quality  upon 
the  glory  which  crowns  his  heroic  opponent.  Under  the  ban- 
ners of  North  and  South  we  have  '  one  equal  temper  of  heroic 
hearts.'  . 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  367 

"  Well,  we  have  talked  over  the  old  days,  of  the  '  old,  un- 
happy, far-off  things,  and  battles  long  ago,'  but  we  have  come 
together  now.  We  are  brethren.  The  snows  and  flowers  of 
more  than  thirty  years  have  come  and  gone.  A  new  day  has 
dawned.  Commerce,  trade,  manufacture  are  coming,  and  they 
care  nothing  for  sectional  lines.  Chattanooga  has  got  a  firm 
grip  on  civilization.  The  steady,  indomitable  energy  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  Maine  are  blended  with  the  dash  and  elan  of 
Tennessee  and  Georgia. 

"  Northern  capital  shakes  hands  with  Southern  and  Western 
resources,  and,  with  water  power,  coal  fields,  iron  mines,  stone 
quarries,  giving  employment  and  wages  alike  to  every  portion 
of  the  country,  we  realize  the  utilitarian  and  practical  value  of 
the  sentiment,  '  E  Pluribus  Unum.'  These  grand  old  mottoes 
take  on  new  meanings  in  the  light  of  this  new  day.  Union 
and  Confederate  stand  together  to-day.  The  blaze  of  artillery 
lights  the  mountain  peaks  no  more.  The  tender  sunlight 
wraps  them  in  soft  radiance.  The  great  flag  of  the  republic, 
streaming  over  the  blue  and  the  gray,  over  the  living  and  the 
dead,  over  the  North  and  South,  East  and  West,  proclaims  to 
us  and  to  the  world  that  we  are  one  people,  animated  by  one 
purpose,  as  splendid  as  ever  glowed  in  the  soul  of  man,  with 
one  destiny,  so  grand  and  high  that  it  fills  the  future  with 
a  glory  such  as  the  sons  of  men  never  looked  on  before,  and 
standing  here,  under  that  banner  all  together,  close  together, 
we  hear  the  mighty  music  of  the  Union.  Rising  from  every 
lip  and  every  heart,  comes  the  great  anthem  of  the  free,  '  My 
country,  'tis  of  thee,'  swelling  into  a  diapason  sweeter  in  the 
ears  of  the  Almighty  and  of  all  mankind  than  any  ever  heard 
since  '  the  morning  stars  sang  together  and  the  sons  of  God 
shouted  for  joy.' 

"The  patriotic  dead  who  died  for  Massachusetts  and  for  the 
whole  country  we  shall  all  hold  in  everlasting  remembrance  and 
gratitude  for  the  mighty  work  they  did  to  secure  to  us  all 
liberty  and  union  in  a  country  which  shall  remain  one  and 
inseparable,  now  and  forever.  This  nation  holds  the  right  of 
the  line. 

"  It  leads ;  it  is  the  vanguard  of  humanity.  In  general  intel- 
lect, development,  in  social  culture,  in  political  improvement, 


368  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

in  swiftness  of  ship  or  locomotive,  in  all-roundness  of  capacity, 
in  adaptability  to  new  conditions,  in  quick  concentration  of 
powers  to  meet  emergencies,  the  American  is  '  in  the  foremost 
files  of  time.' " 

During  the  fall  and  winter  of  1895  the  Cotton  States  and 
International  Exposition  was  held  in  Atlanta,  Georgia.  In  the 
Massachusetts  exhibit  at  the  Exposition,  Governor  Greenhalge 
had  taken  great  interest,  and  had  done  much  to  insure  its 
success.  The  15th  of  November  was  made  Massachusetts  Day, 
and  the  Colonial  Committee  of  Massachusetts  was  invited  to 
select  the  orator  of  the  occasion.  This  committee  was  com- 
posed of  ladies  appointed  in  part  by  the  Colonial  Committee  of 
Atlanta  and  in  part  by  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  It 
was  their  duty  to  collect  and  care  for  the  Colonial  and  Revolu- 
tionary relics,  an  exhibit  of  which  each  of  the  thirteen  original 
States  had  been  solicited  to  contribute  to  the  Exposition.  It 
was  intimated  to  this  committee  that  should  their  choice 
fall  upon  ex-Governor  Russell,  who  was  a  great  favorite  in 
Atlanta,  it  would  be  pleasing  to  the  people  of  that  city.  The 
ladies  of  the  Massachusetts  committee,  however,  feeling  that 
the  presence  of  the  Governor  of  the  State  would  give  dignity 
and  brilliancy  to  the  day,  and  that  the  honor  of  the  Common- 
wealth could  with  safety  be  intrusted  to  him,  invited  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge  to  deliver  the  oration.  Though  shrinking  from 
the  extra  labor  and  the  fatigue  of  the  long  journey,  coming, 
as  it  must,  just  after  the  exhausting  work  of  the  campaign, 
the  Governor  accepted  the  duty,  and  in  his  fulfilment  of  it 
brought  new  honor  to  his  beloved  Commonwealth.  During 
the  stress  of  the  campaign,  however,  the  Governor  had  found 
no  time  to  prepare  his  address,  and  it  was  written  in  the  train 
as  it  sped  on  its  way  to  Atlanta.  For  the  Massachusetts 
exhibit  the  State  had  erected  a  beautiful  building,  —  a  repro- 
duction of  the  old  Craigie  or  Longfellow  house  in  Cambridge. 
From  the  steps  of  this  building  the  Governor  on  Massachusetts 
Day  delivered  his  oration. 

"  Your  cordial  greeting,  my  friends,  is  a  most  inspiring  pre- 
lude of  the  performance  of  a  delightful  duty. 

"  I  come  here  charged  with  a  message  as  lofty  and  loving, 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  369 

as  full  of  affection  and  respect,  as  the  ancient  Commonwealth 
of  Massachusetts  can  send  or  the  imperial  State  of  Georgia 
can  receive.  And  if  the  voice  of  Massachusetts  fails,  if  we, 
the  representatives  of  Massachusetts,  fail  adequately  and  suffi- 
ciently to  express  to  you  all  the  love  and  good-fellowship, 
all  the  sisterly  affection,  she  bears  to  her  sister  State  of 
Georgia,  we  know  that  our  deficiencies,  our  weak  utterances, 
will  be  hidden,  lost,  or  made  good  in  the  great,  undying, 
ever-increasing  song  of  the  angelic  choir  proclaiming  'Peace 
on  earth,  good-will  to  men,'  first  heard  on  the  plains  of 
Bethlehem  when  Christ  the  Lord  was  born,  and  which  has 
filled  the  world  with  divine  music  ever  since. 

"  I  bring  this  message  of  Massachusetts  to  Georgia,  and  it 
is  delivered  in  a  most  appropriate  place.  This  mansion  of 
Massachusetts  speaks  for  Massachusetts  more  clearly  than 
any  lips,  than  any  mortal  voice.  This  structure  is  the  coun- 
terfeit presentment,  the  verisimilitude,  the  true  image  of  per- 
haps the  noblest  mansion  of  Massachusetts,  which,  though 
silent,  proclaims  her  history,  her  life,  her  thought,  her  purpose. 

"  This  house  stands  in  Cambridge  by  the  placid  Charles.  We 
may  not  catch  here  to-day  except  in  fancy  the  murmur  of  the 
river  sweeping  by  the  poet's  study  ;  we  may  not  see 

'  the  lights  of  the  village 
Gleam  through  the  rain  and  the  mist,' 

but  we  may  hear  the  old  clock  on  the  stairs  ticking,  — 

'  Forever  —  never  — 
Never  —  forever.' 

The  sweetness  of  the  '  Children's  Hour '  has  soothed  many  a 
mother's  and  father's  heart  here  in  Georgia,  and  the  trumpet 
blast  of  the  '  Psalm  of  Life '  has  stirred  every  young  man's 
heart  from  Boston  to  Atlanta. 

"  We  know,  then,  that  the  soul  of  Longfellow  is  with  us  here 
to-day.  And  the  other  great  tenant  of  the  Craigie  House, 
the  grandest,  standing  alone,  supreme,  —  Washington,  —  his 
spirit  is  present  here.  Under  the  old  elm  of  Cambridge  he 
drew  that  sword  which  flashed  freedom  from  Massachusetts  to 
Georgia. 

24 


370  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

"  And  be  sure  that  as  we  gather  here  to-day  a  brighter  ray 
of  sunlight  than  common  plays  around  the  summit  of  the  gray 
shaft  on  Bunker  Hill,  and  the  old  war-echoes  which  haunt  the 
peaceful  vales  of  Concord  and  Lexington  come  to  us  softened 
into  murmurs  of  peace  and  love. 

"  We  come,  then,  to  encourage,  to  aid  you  in  a  slight  degree 
in  your  great  undertaking.  We  earnestly  hope  that  you  may 
win  solid  success  and  derive  substantial  profit  from  your  earnest 
and  untiring  labors.  May  they  bring  you  material  wealth,  and, 
better  still,  may  they  bring  you  the  riches  of  the  mind,  the 
broadening  and  uplifting  of  soul  more  precious  than  jewels  of 
silver  and  jewels  of  gold,  and  the  strengthening  of  the  spirit  of 
fraternity,  of  patriotic  love,  which  shall  warm  the  great  heart 
of  America,  giving  to  seventy  millions  one  flag,  one  purpose, 
one  destiny,  one  glory. 

"  Already  upon  your  State  seal  you  have  written, '  Agricul- 
ture and  Commerce.'  To-day  you  may  proudly  add  '  Manufac- 
tures ; '  and  the  progress  of  a  community  in  art  and  skill  and 
handiwork  in  the  industrial  arts  means  a  step  in  the  direction 
of  the  highest  civilization. 

"We  see  here  the  dawn  of  a  grand  future.  The  funeral 
drums  of  the  past  are  dying  away  in  the  distance.  This  grand 
exposition ;  the  sympathy  and  cheer  of  your  sister  States  from 
every  quarter ;  the  grand  message  delivered  in  Boston  by  that 
chivalric  and  high-souled  son  of  Georgia,  John  B.  Gordon, 
which  is  even  now  ringing  in  our  ears ;  the  increasing  trade  ; 
the  closer  business  relations,  social  and  political  ties ;  the  clearer 
understanding  of  the  community  of  interests ;  the  similarity  of 
conditions,  —  all  point  to  a  grander  and  higher  development,  a 
wider  and  nobler  future,  not  only  for  Georgia,  but  for  the  Union. 

"  As  for  Massachusetts,  she  fears  no  rivalry ;  she  invites  each 
and  all  to  a  generous  and  friendly  emulation.  We  do  not  re- 
pine because  you  have  captured  some  of  our  cotton  mills,  —  be 
careful  that  some  of  the  owners  do  not  capture  you.  If  some 
of  the  blood  of  Massachusetts  is  injected  into  the  veins  and 
arteries  of  Georgia,  it  will  not  be  found  cold  or  sluggish ;  it  will 
give  strength  of  heart  and  clearness  of  brain,  sound  judgment 
and  high  courage. 

"Massachusetts  cannot  boast  of  treasures  of  the  earth,  of 


SECOND  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  371 

vast  territory,  of  coal  or  cotton,  iron  or  lumber.  The  best  prod- 
uct of  Massachusetts  is  Massachusetts  ;  the  best  work  of  her 
people  is  her  people.  As  they  wring  from  the  barrenness  of 
Plymouth  Eock  the  everlasting  riches  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty  and  well-ordered  government,  so  from  every  adverse 
condition,  from  every  grim  obstacle,  they  wrest  the  jewel  of 
success.  They  see  in  your  glory  and  prosperity  no  menace 
to  their  own,  but  a  help  and  a  stimulus. 

"  If  you  catch  up  with  us  in  one  line  of  industry,  we  must 
try  to  increase  our  pace.  If  we  cannot  do  that,  we  will  strike 
out  in  another  line.  If  you  must  manufacture  cotton  cloth, 
we  will  dye  and  print  it,  and  decorate  it.  If  you  make  our 
product  more  cheaply  than  we,  we  will  diversify,  —  invent  more 
delicate  textures,  more  artistic  designs.  If  we  cannot  do  this, 
we  will  make  the  machinery  for  you  to  do  the  work.  '  One 
star  differeth  from  another  star  in  glory/  and  the  glory  of  this 
star  of  the  South  adds  to  the  glory  of  our  star  of  the  East. 

"  '  The  heavens  declare  the  glory  of  God.'  Yes  !  and  what 
brighter  vision  of  heaven  can  mortal  eyes  ever  see,  what  heaven 
better  declares  the  glory  of  God,  than  that  heaven  in  which  the 
constellation  of  the  union  shines  with  increasing  splendor,  every 
star  lending  lustre  and  beauty  to  every  other  ? 

"  In  bringing  our  message  we  do  not  hide  a  single  page  of 
history.  In  1799  you  wrote  upon  your  State  seal,  '  The  Con- 
stitution, Wisdom,  Justice,  Moderation.'  These  still  you  have. 
There  is  the  whole  story.  In  the  new  Georgia,  the  new  Atlanta, 
there  is  so  much  of  promise  and  hope  that  we  need  not  dwell  on 

«  Old,  unhappy,  far-off  things 
And  battles  long  ago.' 

"  And  upon  the  most  urgent  problems  of  our  day,  a  word  of 
power  and  light  has  been  spoken  by  one  of  those  most  inter- 
ested, Professor  Booker  T.  Washington.  It  is  words  of  wisdom 
like  his  which  give  life  to  nations. 

"  If  we  must  go  back,  let  us  go  back  to  the  inspiring  recollec- 
tions of  the  very  origin  and  foundation  of  freedom.  Let  us 
remember  how,  as  Pallas  sprang,  fully  armed  with  spear  and 
shield,  from  the  glowing  intellect  of  Omnipotence,  so  the 
genius  of  constitutional  freedom  sprang  in  perfect  panoply 


372  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

from  the  glowing  thought  of  the  Revolution,  —  the  mightiest 
revolution  in  the  recorded  history  of  mankind,  whose  great 
waves  are  even  now  beating  against  every  throne  of  oppression 
in  the  world.  No  later  shock  or  disturbance  can  impair  or 
destroy  the  grand  results  of  that  divine  movement  of  hu- 
manity. No  subsequent  convulsion  can  dissolve  the  eternal 
ties  then  formed  among  the  thirteen  colonies. 

"  Representing,  then,  the  Sons  and  Daughters  of  the  American 
Revolution  in  Massachusetts,  I  greet  with  warmest  welcome 
the  Sons  and  Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution  in  Georgia 
and  throughout  the  broad  land.  Keep  forever  burning  the  pure 
fire  of  patriotic  love  and  patriotic  purpose  here  in  Georgia,  in 
Massachusetts,  and  elsewhere." 

The  address  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm.  The  warm- 
hearted Southerners  expressed  with  fervor  their  delight  and 
admiration.  Among  the  guests  of  Massachusetts  was  Gov- 
ernor Bradley,  of  Kentucky,  whose  State  day  followed  that 
of  Massachusetts.  He  earnestly  solicited  Governor  Greenhalge 
to  be  present  at  their  celebration,  and  speak  to  his  brethren 
of  Kentucky.  To  this  request  the  Massachusetts  Governor 
willingly  assented.  Again  he  was,  as  a  prominent  Kentuckian 
expressed  it,  "the  star  of  the  occasion."  His  address  was 
as  follows:  — 

"  Massachusetts  and  Kentucky  and  Georgia  are  not  divided. 
They  should  not  be  looked  upon  as  States  distantly  separated, 
but  as  Americans  closely  related.  One  touch  of  nature  has 
made  the  whole  world  kin.  We  are  brothers  and  sisters,  and 
we  have  a  common  cause  and  a  common  destiny.  There  is  no 
dividing  line.  That  was  done  away  with  many  years  ago,  and 
we  have  been  brought  closer  and  closer  together  as  the  years 
have  rolled  by. 

"We  have  a  way  in  Massachusetts,  as  was  demonstrated 
yesterday,  of  claiming  everything.  We  just  come  along  and 
take  what  there  is  in  sight.  Yesterday  we  talked  about  colonels. 
But  colonels  have  got  to  be  just  a  common  every-day  affair ; 
and  unless  the  inpour  of  governors  is  stopped,  governors  will 
be  as  common  as  colonels.  Now,  there  is  Governor  Bradley ; 
he  will  soon  be  just  as  common  as  we  are  to-day,  for  now  he  is 


SECOND   YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  373 

one  of  the  elect.  He  talks  about  Clay.  Why,  does  not  Clay 
belong  to  Massachusetts  just  as  much  as  he  does  to  Kentucky  ? 
And  what  does  he  say  about  Lincoln  ?  My  friends,  do  not  you 
know  that  there  are  more  pictures  of  Abe  Lincoln  in  Massa- 
chusetts than  in  the  whole  State  of  Kentucky  ?  Those  great 
men  belong  to  the  Union,  for  which  they  devoted  the  best  por- 
tion of  their  lives. 

"  The  history  of  the  State  of  Kentucky  is  different  in  some 
respects  from  the  others.  She  stands  upon  the  dark  and  bloody 
ground.  It  is  an  easy  matter  for  the  North  to  stand  guard  and 
fight  back  the  foreign  foe.  It  is  an  easy  matter  for  California 
to  protect  the  Western  coast ;  but  Kentucky  stands  between, 
and  keeps  peace  among  her  children  and  brothers.  Well  do  I 
remember  when  the  question  of  the  late  war  was  brought  up 
in  Congress,  Kentucky  was  the  peacemaker.  She  understood 
the  situation,  and  she  said  to  the  North,  '  Go  slow,'  and  to  the 
South, '  Hold  back  ;  you  are  all  brothers,  and  do  not  be  the  first 
to  take  up  arms  against  your  own  blood.'  Kentucky  has  never 
yet  in  the  hour  of  peril  hesitated  to  cast  in  her  lot  and  destiny 
with  that  of  the  other  States  of  the  Union,  and  she  never  will. 
Kentucky  is  the  grand  link  that  binds  the  North  and  the 
South,  and  she  will  ever  be  the  one  State  that  will  be  the  first 
to  lift  the  flag  of  the  Union  to  the  top  of  the  pole. 

"  Now,  I  do  not  care  to  have  politics  altogether.  I  would  be 
just  as  proud  to  welcome  the  Democrats  as  I  am  the  Kepubli- 
cans,  provided  I  could  find  them.  We  are  all  working  for  one 
end  and  one  cause.  We  are  marching  side  by  side.  In  every 
earnest  endeavor  you  will  find  the  hearty  support  of  every 
Massachusetts  man.  Let  us  remember  the  glorious  stars  and 
stripes.  Out  of  the  forty-four  stars,  the  star  of  Massachusetts 
is  the  brightest,  and  is  the  one  particular  star  in  the  great  con- 
stellation. We  love  the  white  in  the  flag,  because  it  is  the 
emblem  of  that  which  is  noble  in  man ;  and  we  love  the  blue, 
which,  like  a  type  of  heaven,  floats  above  us  and  bids  us  god- 
speed in  our  great  work  and  blesses  us. 

"  If  my  coming  to  the  Commonwealth  of  Georgia  has  been  of 
any  good  result,  I  count  myself  more  than  repaid.  I  am  first 
for  the  good  of  the  country,  and  I  have  several  thousand  people 
in  my  glorious  State  who  are  of  the  same  opinion." 


374  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

After  three  days,  full  of  social  and  official  duties,  the  Gov- 
ernor, accompanied  by  his  staff  and  the  members  of  the  Exec- 
utive Council,  returned  home.  Governor  Greenhalge,  by  his 
cordial  genial  manner  and  genuine  interest  in  their  affairs,  had 
roused  a  kindly  feeling  in  all  who  met  him;  and  with  the 
fond  recollections  which  the  people  of  Atlanta  cherish  of  Gov- 
ernor Eussell,  who  came  to  them  bringing  his  eloquent  tribute 
to  lay  upon  the  grave  of  their  beloved  dead,  will  doubtless 
mingle  pleasant  memories  of  that  other  Massachusetts  Governor 
who  came  to  bring  his  message  of  peace  and  good- will. 

One  of  the  Governor's  staff  tells  us  how  on  their  homeward 
way,  as  they  sat  Sunday  eve  talking  in  the  car,  the  Governor 
came  to  join  them,  saying,  "  Let  us  sing  some  good  old-fashioned 
hymns."  And  for  two  hours  they  sang,  the  Governor  calling  for 
hymn  after  hymn ;  "  and  if  we  hesitated  over  any  verse  he 
prompted  us,  finally  closing  by  singing  '  Abide  with  me.' 

"  At  the  request  of  one  of  the  party  for  the  words  of  the  last 
verse,  the  Governor  repeated  in  an  impressive,  tender  way,  — 

'  Swift  to  its  close  ebbs  out  life's  little  day  ; 
Earth's  joys  grow  dim,  its  glories  fade  away  ; 
Change  and  decay  in  all  around  I  see. 
0  thou  who  changest  not,  abide  with  me.'" 

The  Governor  reached  Boston  on  the  20th,  and  two  days 
after  we  find  him  again  at  his  work  for  humanity,  speaking  in 
behalf  of  the  Armenians  in  Faneuil  Hall. 

The  second  Thanksgiving  Proclamation  of  Governor  Green- 
halge was  given  to  the  people  on  November  5.  Like  the  first, 
it  is  such  as  would  naturally  come  from  its  author,  —  reverent 
in  tone  and  finished  in  expression.  It  was  as  follows :  — 

THANKSGIVING  PROCLAMATION. 

CommotttoeaUb  of  CBassadiusctrtf. 

BY 
FREDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE,  Governor. 

It  is  fitting  that  the  people  of  the  Commonwealth  should 
remember  and  acknowledge  the  manifold  mercies  shown  them 
by  Almighty  God  during  the  year  now  drawing  to  a  close.  No 
signal  or  overwhelming  calamity  has  visited  them ;  and  such 


SECOND-  YEAR  OF  OFFICE.  375 

troubles  or  misfortunes  as  have  come  to  them  they  have  been 
enabled  to  meet  with  patience  and  courage,  brightened  by  faith 
and  hope. 

The  family  and  home  are  the  strong  foundations  of  the 
Commonwealth,  and  the  light  of  our  political  structure  is  the 
Word  of  the  Lord.  In  the  family  and  the  home,  therefore,  as 
well  as  in  the  house  of  God,  the  voice  of  Massachusetts  should 
be  heard  in  praise  and  thanksgiving  for  the  blessings  and 
mercies  of  the  year.  "Blessed  is  the  nation  whose  God  is 
the  Lord;  and  the  people  whom  he  hath  chosen  for  his 
own  inheritance." 

I  therefore,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Council,  appoint  the  28th  day  of  November  current  as  a  day 
of  solemn  thanksgiving  and  praise  to  the  Lord,  whose  loving 
kindness  has  been  so  constantly  shown  to  us  in  the  past,  and 
whose  strength  and  tender  care  will  protect  his  people  from 
one  generation  to  another. 

FREDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE,  Governor. 

The  second  administration  of  Governor  Greenhalge  ended, 
like  the  first,  with  general  approbation.  The  list  of  his 
engagements  was  as  long  as  that  of  his  first  year  of  office.  His 
duties  were  not  lessened.  The  wear  and  tear  upon  his  strength 
had  been  enormous,  and  he  plainly  showed  its  effects.  I,  who 
heard  him  deliver  the  last  speech  of  the  fall  campaign  in 
Lowell,  could  not  help  noticing  his  extreme  fatigue.  I  had 
never  noticed  the  least  irritation  on  his  part,  but  that  night 
he  was  extremely  worn  and  sensitive.  His  speech  was  full  of 
fire  as  usual,  but  the  effort  he  made  was  plainly  visible. 


CHAPTEK  X. 

LAST  ILLNESS   AND   DEATH. 

GREENHALGE'S  third  inauguration  as  Governor  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  Massachusetts  took  place  Jan.  2,  1896.  He  began 
his  third  year  of  office  with  the  congratulations  of  the  people 
and  the  good  wishes  of  all.  It  must  have  been  a  great  satis- 
faction to  him  to  know  that  his  administration  had  given  such 
general  satisfaction,  and  that  he  had  secured  so  high  a  place  in 
the  estimation  of  his  fellow-citizens.  He  no  doubt  looked  for- 
ward to  a  successful  year  of  activity  and  usefulness.  Alas ! 
how  soon  he  was  called  away  from  his  sphere  of  duty.  His 
last  inaugural  was  as  high  in  tone  and  as  comprehensive  as 
were  those  which  preceded  it.  The  following  quotations  are 
taken  from  it,  and  show  its  general  character,  —  practical  at 
once  and  patriotic.  The  passage  on  Legislation  reaches  a  very 
high  level  of  thought  and  expression ;  it  is  worthy  to  stand  as 
the  last  counsel  of  Governor  Greenhalge. 

EAPID   TRANSIT   IN   BOSTON. 

In  conformity  with  the  recommendation  which  I  made  a 
year  ago,  the  Legislature  of  1895  passed  certain  amendments 
to  the  laws  relating  to  the  construction  of  subways  in  the  city 
of  Boston.  Among  other  things,  the  powers  of  the  commission 
in  building  the  subway  under  the  Boylston  Street  and  Tremont 
Street  malls  were  enlarged  and  more  fully  defined. 

As  a  result  of  this  legislation,  alterations  in  the  plans  were 
made,  furnishing  improved  and  more  ample  accommodations  for 
the  public.  The  work  of  construction  is  already  well  advanced, 
and  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  state  that  there  is  good  reason  to 
hope  that  before  the  end  of  the  year  the  subway  will  be  ready 


LAST  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH.  377 

for  operation  from  the  entrance  in  the  Public  Garden  to  Park 
Street,  and  that  the  present  most  burdensome  congestion  on 
Tremont  and  Boylston  Streets  will  be  materially  relieved  by 
the  transferring  from  the  surface  of  the  street  to  the  subway 
of  those  Boylston  Street  cars  which  now  reverse  at  the  Gran- 
ary burial-ground. 

Again  I  ask  the  Legislature  to  give  consideration  to  such 
amendments,  if  any,  of  the  acts  relating  to  subways  as  the 
commission  may  recommend  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  the 
construction  or  increasing  the  utility  of  this  novel  and  much- 
needed  public  improvement. 

I  am  confirmed  in  the  opinion  that  the  subway,  when  com- 
pleted, will  add  greatly  to  the  convenience  of  the  public,  and 
will  be  found  to  be  in  every  way  a  profitable  and  progressive 
enterprise.  The  greatest  care  must,  however,  be  taken  to  pre- 
vent its  being  the  object  of  selfish  speculation,  and  to  insure 
that  conservative  management  of  it  which  will  regard  the 
public  interests  as  the  prime  purpose  to  be  attained;  and 
I  am  confident  that  satisfactory  arrangements  can  be  made  to 
this  end.  .  .  . 

CORPORATIONS. 

I  ask  you  to  consider  whether  it  would  not  be  for  the  pub- 
lic interest  to  secure  some  legislation  which  shall  require  the 
terms  of  consolidation  of  gas  or  electric  light  companies  to  be 
approved  by  the  board  of  gas  and  electric  light  commissioners, 
substantially  in  harmony  with  Chapter  506  of  the  Acts  of  1894, 
applicable  to  railroad  companies. 

Section  4  of  Chapter  346  of  the  Acts  of  1886  forbids  a  gas 
company  to  transfer  its  franchise,  lease  its  works,  or  contract 
with  any  other  person  for  carrying  them  on,  and  there  seems  to 
be  no  general  law  authorizing  the  consolidation  of  any  of  these 
companies ;  but  if  this  power  exists,  or  should  be  granted,  it 
should  be  exercised  subject  to  the  restrictions  of  said  Section  4. 

Chapter  506,  however,  seems  to  apply  to  special  railway  con- 
solidation acts,  similar  to  those  which  may  be  passed  applying 
to  gas  or  electric  companies. 

A  strict  supervision  of  the  operations  of  corporations,  both 
public  and  quasi-public,  would  seem  to  be  demanded  for  the 
protection  of  the  public,  whether  as  to  increase  of  capital,  ex- 


378  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

tension  of  functions,  leases,  or  consolidations.  And  the  granjr 
ing  of  special  charters  should  be  regulated  and  carefully 
guarded.  The  granting  of  charters  to  be  used  only  as  menaces 
to  legitimate  enterprises,  or  to  be  sold  for  speculative  purposes, 
must  ultimately  work  injury  to  the  public. 

The  recent  legislation  directed  against  stock  watering  has 
proved  effective  and  beneficial.  It  would  be  well,  further,  to 
require  all  corporations  chartered  elsewhere  than  in  the  Com- 
monwealth to  come  under  all  the  conditions  and  restrictions 
applicable  to  domestic  corporations,  especially  in  regard  to 
paying  in  of  capital. 

So  much  complaint  is  made  of  the  harsh  and  questionable 
methods  of  so-called  mutual  benefit  insurance  societies  or 
companies  that  it  is  incumbent  upon  you  to  consider  the  ex- 
pediency of  exercising  more  ample  State  supervision  over  them. 

Let  me  call  your  attention  to  what  seems  to  me  a  grow- 
ing evil.  Last  year  more  than  $50,000  was  expended  by  the 
various  commissions  and  boards  for  counsel  fees  and  legal 
expenses.  This  amount  will  increase  rather  than  dimmish,  if 
the  present  system  continues.  I  recommend  your  consideration 
of  the  following  suggestions :  Reorganize  and  enlarge  the  law 
department  of  the  Commonwealth.  Let  the  attorney-general 
have  compensation  sufficient  to  command  his  whole  time ;  fur- 
nish the  department  with  all  the  assistants  or  deputies  necessary 
to  perform  substantially  all  the  law  business  of  the  Common- 
wealth in  the  way  of  advising  the  several  administrative  de- 
partments or  furnishing  other  legal  assistance.  In  this  way 
more  unity  of  system  and  of  legal  and  consistent  policy  will  be 
obtained  than  by  committing  this  responsible  labor  to  a  dozen 
or  a  score  of  attorneys,  acting  without  reference  to  any  general 
plan  or  purpose.  .  .  . 

GOOD   CITIZENSHIP. 

But  education,  material  and  intellectual  progress,  the  heap- 
ing up  of  riches,  the  improvement  of  our  institutions  of  correc- 
tion and  charity,  the  strengthening  of  police  and  militia,  the 
purification  of  political  methods,  the  exaltation  of  justice  and 
its  administration,  will  avail  us  nothing,  if  out  of  all  this 
improvement,  development,  and  progress  we  do  not  secure  a 


LAST  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH.  379 

high  standard  of  citizenship,  which  is  not  only  the  foundation, 
but  the  end  and  aim  of  all  good  government. 

There  are  various  suggestions  as  to  the  mode  of  improving 
the  quality  of  citizenship,  among  them  the  following :  — 

1.  Greater  care  should  be  exercised  in  the  administration  of 
naturalization  laws,  so  far  as  our  State  courts  are  concerned. 

2.  A  probationary  period  of   residence  after  naturalization 
might  be  prescribed  by  constitutional  amendment.   The  twenty- 
third  amendment  was    such  a  constitutional  provision ;  this 
was  repealed  as  unnecessary  and  oppressive  ;  but  existing  cir- 
cumstances may  seem  tc\  justify  at  least  a  shorter  term  of  pro- 
bation. 

3.  While  there  may  be  a  division  of  opinion   as  to   dis- 
franchising for  felony,  as  is  done  in  some  States,  it  seems  clear 
that  persons  undergoing  sentence  in  penal  institutions  should 
not  be  permitted  to  vote.    .-. 

The  decisive  vote  on  woman  suffrage  at  the  recent  State 
election  would  seem  to  show  that  public  opinion  will  not  for 
some  time  be  prepared  to  accept  any  radical  change  in  the 
established  system  of  suffrage;  on  the  contrary,  the  public 
mind  appears  to  be  growing  more  and  more  in  favor  of  biennial 
elections,  and  there  is  no  good  reason  why  the  question  should 
not  be  submitted  to  the  people.  .  .  . 

LEGISLATION. 

The  purity  and  character  of  a  legislature  rest  largely  with 
the  legislature  itself,  and  ultimately  —  or,  rather,  primarily  — 
with  the  people.  All  laws  based  upon  a  reckless  assumption 
of  the  inherent  baseness  of  legislatures  are  as  likely  to  aggra- 
vate as  to  remedy  real  evils,  which  are,  I  trust,  at  present  small 
rather  than  great.  The  character  of  the  legislator  of  Massachu- 
setts should  be  as  high  as  the  character  of  Massachusetts ;  it 
is,  in  fact,  the  character  of  Massachusetts.  Yet  every  safe- 
guard, every  precaution,  every  danger  signal,  must  be  used  to 
warn,  to  admonish,  to  deter  the  weakest  —  or  the  meanest  — 
mind  which  could  possibly  entertain  the  thought  of  prostitut- 
ing the  high  public  trust  reposed  in  a  legislator  to  selfish  or 
sordid  ends.  Stringent  legislation,  calculated  to  emphasize  to 
the  legislator  the  necessity  of  being  above  suspicion,  and  to 


380  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

warn  the  lobbyist  of  the  peril  he  runs  in  even  approaching 
the  legislator  with  corrupt  proposals,  will  serve  to  prevent 
those  vague  rumors  which  from  time  to  time  disturb  the  pub- 
lic mind  without  crystallizing  into  specific  cases.  Such  legis- 
lation would  prevent  rather  than  recognize  the  alleged  abuses 
of  the  lobby.  .  .  . 

CONCLUSION. 

The  growth  and  improvement  of  the  Commonwealth  as 
here  set  forth  are  not  limited  by  material  or  physical  lines. 
Charity  is  learning  to  be  business-like  without  being  sordid; 
correction  is  becoming  gentle  without  becoming  weak ;  educa- 
tion is  bountiful  in  her  gifts,  but  not  extravagant.  We  must 
not,  however,  fall  into  any  such  self-complacency  as  to  reject 
or  discourage  improvement  and  further  progress.  We  must 
not  be  unwilling  to  learn  from  others.  Only  by  maintaining 
this  earnest,  open,  emulous  spirit  can  we  hold  and  maintain 
the  "  glorious  gains "  of  the  past  and  reacH  out  to  the  future 
for  equal  or  greater  achievements. 

Gentlemen,  I  have  thus  rapidly  sketched  for  you  the  pres- 
ent condition  of  the  Commonwealth.  Massachusetts  now  com- 
mits her  affairs  to  you.  You  take  upon  yourselves  a  great 
trust.  May  you  be  inspired  in  the  performance  of  your  duty 
by  a  spirit  of  genuine  patriotic  love  and  pride.  In  all  con- 
fidence, the  people  commit  to  your  care  the  future  of  the 
Commonwealth. 

The  last  public  utterance  of  Governor  Greenhalge  was  a 
speech  delivered  at  the  Twentieth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Bos- 
ton Druggists'  Association,  at  the  Parker  House,  Tuesday, 
Jan.  28,  1896. 

During  Governor  Greenhalge's  third  year  of  office  the  citi- 
zens of  Lowell  inaugurated  a  movement  to  have  made  a  bust 
of  him,  to  be  paid  for  by  public  subscription,  and  presented 
to  the  State  in  their  name.  The  bust  was  executed  in  marble 
by  Samuel  Kitson ;  and  the  date  for  its  formal  presentation  to 
the  State  at  the  Capitol  in  Boston,  arranged  before  his  illness, 
was  fixed  for  February  28.  While  he  lay  upon  his  death-bed, 
the  presentation  was  made  by  Mayor  Courtney,  of  Lowell. 
The  occasion  was  made  very  impressive  by  the  sad  circum- 


LAST  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH.  381 

stance  of  his  illness,  and  the  people's  fear  for  its  result. 
Lieutenant-Governor  Wolcott  received  the  bust  on  the  part 
of  the  State. 

Ill  as  he  was,  Governor  Greenhalge  still  showed  interest 
in  the  proceedings,  and  desired  to  hear  about  them  from 
the  writer,  who  was  present.  Courage  at  any  time  never 
failed  him. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  first  act  of  the  Governor's 
official  life  was  to  write  a  letter  of  condolence  to  the 
wife  of  ex-Governor  Gaston  upon  the  death  of  her  honored 
husband,  as  his  last  was  to  write  a  similar  note  of  sympathy 
to  the  wife  of  ex-Governor  Eobinson.  How  little  it  was  fore- 
seen that  the  death  of  the  writer  was  so  soon  to  follow  that 
of  the  latter  honored  citizen  ! 

On  the  evening  of  Friday,  February  7,  a  new  armory  in 
Springfield  was  dedicated  by  a  grand  ball,  —  "  Governor's 
Ball,"  as  it  was  called,  —  and,  though  wearied  and  far  from  well, 
the  Governor  felt  that  he  must  be  present.  It  was  the  last 
time  he  was  to  meet  the  people  of  the  Commonwealth,  —  his 
people,  as  he  liked  to  think  of  them. 

The  day  following  he  returned  to  his  home  in  Lowell, 
never  again  to  resume  his  official  duties,  —  duties  so  dear  to 
him. 

In  spite  of  the  trials  and  anxieties  which  must  come  to  every 
conscientious  man  in  positions  of  public  trust  and  responsi- 
bility, the  years  of  his  governorship  were  happy  years  to  him. 
During  his  illness,  when  his  wife  spoke  regretfully  of  the  great 
tax  that  had  been  put  upon  his  strength,  how  earnestly  and 
with  what  emphasis  he  replied,  "  But  I  loved  it,  I  love  to 
work."  "  I  am  so  interested  in  all  these  things,"  he  said 
another  time.  In  all  the  vast  machinery  which  is  necessary  in 
the  government  of  a  great  State,  there  was  no  part  so  small 
that  he  did  not  make  its  interests  his  own.  It  gladdened  his 
heart  to  feel  he  was  in  touch  with  the  people,  that  they  trusted 
and  loved  him. 

"  Yes,"  he  said,  half  sadly,  a  few  days  before  he  died,  as  he 
listened  to  an  editorial  from  a  paper  that  had  formerly  been  one 
of  his  harshest  critics,  which  spoke  of  him  as  "  our  dearly  loved 
Governor,"  in  words  of  sympathy  and  commendation,  —  "  yes,  I 


382  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

think  they  are  beginning  to  understand  me."  Happy  it  was 
that  the  understanding  came  while  he  was  with  us,  for  no  man 
appreciated  more  affection  and  just  commendation,  or  felt  more 
keenly  mis  judgment  and  misrepresentation. 

It  was  hoped  that,  wearied  and  worn  out  with  his  many 
duties,  with  rest  and  change  to  a  warmer  climate,  health  and 
strength  might  return  ;  and  preparations  were  made  for  a 
journey  south,  but  on  the  eve  of  departure  the  stroke  fell 
that  told  to  his  dear  ones  that  hope  was  vain.  For  a  few 
days  he  lingered,  days  full  of  beautiful  memories  to  those 
who  were  with  him.  With  his  mind  as  clear  as  ever,  and 
his  wit  as  keen,  many  were  the  smiles  his  fun  called  forth 
from  those  about  him.  Every  little  incident  was  greeted 
with  an  apt  remark  or  quotation.  True  to  his  love  of  poetry, 
the  last  book  he  asked  to  hear  read  was  the  Iliad. 

He  met  death,  as  he  had  ever  met  all  troubles,  bravely  ; 
however  great  his  sufferings  he  uttered  no  word  of  complaint, 
words  only  of  cheer  and  thought  for  those  about  him.  "  I  have 
never  known  finer  courage,  or  more  beautiful  cheerfulness,  or 
more  tender  consideration  for  others."  Such  was  the  testimony 
of  that  kind  physician  who,  coming  to  him  a  stranger,  "  learned 
to  love  him."  "  It  is  wonderful,  wonderful.  I  never  saw  any- 
thing like  it,"  said  his  own  faithful  physician  and  friend  of 
many  years. 

At  midnight,  March  5,  while  the  fierce  tempest  raged  with- 
out, the  summons  came,  "Enter  thou  into  the  joy  of  thy 
Lord;"  and  out  from  the  turmoil  and  unrest  of  this  life  he 
passed  into  that  peace  for  which  he  had  longed,  that  "  peace 
that  passeth  understanding." 

So  ended  a  life  of  singular  beneficence  and  power.  Green- 
halge  possesed  a  combination  of  qualities  which  made  him  a 
unique  figure  in  the  Commonwealth.  An  absolutely  pure  poli- 
tician, he  was  perfectly  fearless  in  word  and  action.  In  "  the 
scorn  of  consequence,"  he  followed  the  convictions  of  an  honest 
and  upright  man.  In  spite  of  his  unbending  integrity,  he 
succeeded  in  political  life.  Indeed,  it  was  because  of  his  high- 
mindedness  and  uprightness  that  he  did  succeed  to  a  degree 
well-nigh  unprecedented  in  his  State.  He  sowed  good  seed, 
and  reaped  precious  fruit  in  the  respect  of  the  community, 


LAST  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH.  383 

the  highest  interests  of  which  it  was  ever  the  object  of  his 
labors  to  raise  and  multiply.  He  loved  Massachusetts.  The 
State  was  to  him  an  almost  ideal  community,  —  as  it  were,  the 
conscience  of  the  country. 

Though  an  orator  of  power,  and  distinguished  by  a  never- 
failing  faculty  of  eloquence,  the  basis  of  his  character  was 
calm  and  stable.  He  was  just  and  reasonable ;  one  could  rely 
always  on  his  judgment. 

The  significance  of  such  a  career  is  wide-reaching.  It  is 
typical  of  the  strength  of  honest  purpose.  It  shows  the  power 
of  high-mindedness.  It  teaches  to  the  young  aspirant  for 
public  honor  that  there  is  nothing  so  successful  in  the  end  as 
personal  probity  and  unselfish  devotion  to  the  best  interests 
of  the  people,  —  that  they  can  be  made  the  means  of  advance- 
ment to  the  chief  stations  of  trust  and  authority. 

The  public  expressions  of  grief  and  sorrow  called  forth  by 
Governor  Greenhalge's  unlooked-for  death  were  well-nigh  un- 
paralleled in  their  intensity  and  earnestness  by  aught  in  the 
past  history  of  Massachusetts.  Not  for  seventy  years  had  the 
death  of  any  of  her  governors  occurred  while  in  office.  But  it 
was  more  than  the  loss  of  their  chief  executive  officer  which  the 
people  mourned.  His  death  had  something  tragic  in  it  which 
appealed  to  all  men.  Mourning  draperies  were  everywhere 
seen  upon  the  public  buildings.  That  was  public  usage,  and 
to  be  expected.  What  was  moving  and  human  was  that  the 
people  seemed  to  feel  his  death  like  a  personal  grief.  Many 
instances  have  been  recalled  which  revealed  in  unexpected 
ways,  in  all  classes,  how  deeply  the  people  felt  his  loss.  A 
desire  for  public  and  military  obsequies,  and  that  his  body 
should  lie  in  state  at  the  Capitol,  was  widely  manifested ;  but 
the  wishes  of  the  family  were  respected,  and  his  funeral  was 
that  of  a  private  citizen.  Yet  it  was  most  impressive.  Nearly 
all  who  were  most  distinguished  in  the  State  were  gathered 
there  to  do  honor  to  the  dead.  The  funeral  cortege  passed 
through  streets  lined  with  people,  who  seemed  moved  by  a 
common  sentiment  and  were  hushed  in  silent  respect.  On 
Saturday,  April  18,  the  State  of  Massachusetts  paid  her  final 
honors  to  her  dead  Governor.  The  public  ceremonies  in 
Mechanics'  Hall  in  Boston  were  simple,  yet  they  expressed  a 


384  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

grand  sentiment,  —  the  loyalty  of  Massachusetts  and  her 
appreciation  of  all  that  is  best  in  the  character  of  those  whom 
she  exalts. 

It  is  almost  with  reluctance  that  the  writer  brings  to  a  con- 
clusion this  record  of  the  life  of  Governor  Greenhalge,  lest  the 
full  measure  of  justice  be  not  done,  and  the  portrait  remain 
incomplete  in  some  essential.  The  attempt  might  well  fail 
to  paint  the  character  of  the  man.  To  be  gifted  with  great 
talents  is  but  an  accident ;  but  character  grows  with  the 
growing  spirit  of  man  in  the  contentions  and  struggles  of 
life.  It  comes  not  without  effort,  without  self-conquest  and 
sacrifice  upon  the  altar  of  some  high  purpose. 

He  possessed  an  instinct  for  truth,  —  an  instinct  inseparable 
from  any  great  or  permanent  work  whatever,  yet  not  too  com- 
mon in  a  world  where  shams  masquerade  on  all  sides,  where 
prejudice  and  partisanship  sometimes  appear  as  patriotism, 
political  manreuvring  as  statesmanship,  and  mere  words  and 
formulas  come  disguised  as  if  clothed  with  divine  right. 

His  nature  rested  on  great  fundamental  realities.  There 
was  no  duplicity  about  him.  He  did  not  believe  too  much 
in  the  dupability  of  men,  and  knew  that  truth  would  make 
itself  known  among  them.  His  belief  in  men  gave  him 
courage,  so  that  here  was  a  man  who  could  dare  and  do.  He 
had  the  simplicity  of  nature  which  endears  itself,  so  that 
no  political  leader  in  Massachusetts  possessed  a  more  numer- 
ous and  enthusiastic  personal  following.  Through  them  his 
influence  will  long  be  felt  in  the  politics  of  the  State  for 
good ;  for  in  the  circle  in  which  he  moved  a  liberal  tolerance 
and  breadth  of  view  were  sure  to  be  taught  by  contact  with 
him. 

More  and  more  as  time  goes  on  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
will  demand  a  high  order  of  leaders,  —  more  liberality,  a 
broader  nature,  real  intellectual  pre-eminence, — for  things  have 
changed.  Life  and  its  interests  are  more  complex ;  the  people 
themselves  are  growing  into  something  greater.  The  mere 
figure-head  should  disappear  from  American  politics,  and  the 
real  chief  be  found.  Wealth  alone  should  be  no  recommen- 
dation, nor  mere  political  wire-pulling  and  skill. 


LAST  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH.  385 

Few  men  could  have  dealings  with  Governor  Greenhalge 
without  owning  to  themselves  that  here  was  a  man,  —  a  man 
of  real  intellect  and  power,  —  needing  no  notary  parchment, 
no  installation,  to  give  him  precedence.  Time  will  show  what 
his  influence  is  to  be.  I  believe  that  his  career  and  that  of 
Governor  Kussell  will  raise  the  level  of  party  nominations ; 
that  the  people  of  both  parties  have  learned  by  them  to  know 
that  success  will  follow  the  lead  of  men  who  have  real  char- 
acter and  power,  —  even  with  no  adventitious  circumstance 
to  help  them,  and  needing  none.  By  the  character  of  its  rulers 
this  republic  is  to  rise  or  fall. 


25 


POEMS. 


PEEFACE. 


THE  best  of  the  verses  written  by  Greenhalge  during  his  busy 
life  have  already  been  presented  to  the  reader  in  the  preceding 
biography.  All  of  them  were  written  without  an  idea  that 
they  would  ever  be  collected  and  published. 

They  are  not  put  forward  now  as  being  in  all  cases  worthy 
of  him,  nor  wholly  because  of  their  intrinsic  merit ;  but  it  is 
thought  that  they  will  have  an  interest  and  attraction  to  many 
who  knew  the  author  as  distinguished  in  a  very  different 
field.  Some  are  school  and  college  productions,  written  in 
early  youth. 

The  writer  feels  bound  to  make  these  few  remarks  because 
it  may  be  that  the  author  of  the  verses  would  not  have  per- 
mitted their  publication  as  a  whole,  though  there  are  among 
them  many  beautiful  and  characteristic  poems. 

J.   E.   NESMITH. 


POEMS. 


THE  YOUNG  MAMMA  TO  HER  MOTHER 
IN   ITALY. 

BOAST  not  of  soft  Italian  skies, 

Of  moon-lit  lake  and  calm  blue  sea, 

My  baby-boy's  clear  laughing  eyes 
Are  softer,  lovelier  far,  to  me. 

I  know  how  well  Murillo  paints ; 

His  angels  surely  could  have  flown  1 
But  I  can  see  all  those  young  saints 

By  turns  in  my  sweet  boy  alone. 

And  Raphael's  cherubim  are  sweet,  — 
On  that  point  we  can  have  no  strife,  — 

A  thousand  graces  in  them  meet ; 
But  where 's  the  royal  grace  of  life  ? 

Here 's  life  and  motion,  smile  and  tear,  — 
The  freak,  the  pet,  the  sweet  amaze, 

The  baby  rashness  and  the  baby  fear, 
And  beauty  shines  through  every  phase. 

I  love  the  bards  that  filled  the  land 
With  strains  of  melody  divine ; 

Round  Petrarch's,  Dante's  brow  my  hand 
The  votive  wreath  would  gladly  twine. 

But  there's  a  music  sweeter  still 
That  fills  my  quiet  home  with  joy, 

And,  sad  or  merry,  soft  or  shrill, 
Give  me  the  prattling  of  my  boy ! 


392  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

IN  A  DIAKY. 

1871. 

As  naiads  bathing  in  a  crystal  rill 

To  the  clear  water  lend  a  clearer  glory, 

So,  love,  this  snowy  page  make  whiter  still 
With  all  the  sweetness  of  thy  pure  life's  story. 

As  rose-bud  June  breathes  fragrance  through  the  year, 
And  cheers  a  little  grim  December's  gloom, 

Tliy  life  shines  rose-like  in  Time's  pathway  drear, 
And  gladdens  troubled  hearts  with  its  soft  bloom. 

From  one  sweet  fault,  dear  girl,  thou  art  not  free,  — 

Love  for  a  sinner  is  that  single  taint ; 
The  precious  love  that  cheers  my  life  makes  thee 

A  truer  woman  —  and  so  less  a  saint. 


TO  MY  WIFE. 

TO-DAY  a  strain  of  melody  is  heard 

Within  the  storm-beat  mansion  of  my  life ; 

It  hails  with  all  the  glee  of  some  wild  bird 

The  morn  that  gemmed  the  world  with  thee,  sweet  wife. 

See  what  a  light  shines  in  kind  Memory's  eyes, 
As,  smiling,  she  brings  forth  her  treasures  rare ; 

Mark  too  the  crown  that  decks  her  queenly  guise; 
Our  wedlock  years  the  brightest  jewels  there. 

And  yet  the  past  holds  grief  as  well  as  joy ; 

'T  is  not  more  blest  in  quiet  than  in  toil ; 
And  we  have  learned  that  life  is  not  a  toy,  — 

Its  strength  and  hope  are  gathered  from  turmoil. 

But,  like  a  sunbeam  on  a  dreary  morn, 

A  diamond  sparkling  in  the  dust  of  life, 
A  smile,  a  blessing,  in  a  world  forlorn, 

Have  you  been  ever  unto  me,  my  wife  ! 


POEMS.  393 


TO   HAEEIET   R   NESMITH. 

DUCHESS  and  Queen  are  names  not  worthy  you,  — 

The  light  world  flings  them  where  they  least  are  due ; 
And  Truth,  not  shrinking  from  her  painful  task, 

Shows  vice  and  folly  hid  behind  the  mask. 
Seen  in  the  radiance  of  your  daily  life, 

That  starlike  shines  o'er  gladness,  woe,  or  strife, 
What  are  these  diadems,  these  coronets, 

But  baubles  dark  with  crimes  or  wild  regrets  ? 
Your  noble  deeds,  true  woman,  are  your  throne ; 

Your  crown  —  the  love  God  gives  his  own. 


A  BIRTHDAY. 

FAIR  as  the  Day  art  thou !  though  ancient  earth 

Not  oft  has  seen  a  day  as  fair  as  this 

Lift  its  sweet  forehead  to  the  sun's  warm  kiss,  — 

Fair  as  the  Day,  that  whispers  of  thy  birth ! 

Behold  !  by  some  love-philter  joy  and  mirth 

Have  charmed  old  Time !  he  lies  in  drowsy  bliss, 

Nor  dreams  that  Love  —  and  you  —  Love's  love,  I  wis 

This  day,  at  least,  will  rule  the  happy  earth ! 

What  royal  music  fills  the  spacious  sky , 

With  what  fond  hope  all  nature  seems  to  thrill ! 

Like  circling  gems,  the  hours  all  glittering  lie 

Around  your  neck,  so  restless  yet  so  still ! 

Must  such  a  day  blend  with  the  common  past  ? 

In  my  true  heart  its  reign  shall  ever  last. 

YOUR   BIRTHDAY. 

YOUR  birthday  ?    What  imports  the  term  ? 
Time's  stealthy  flight  does  it  confirm, 
Or  does  it  seize  the  year's  wide  power, 
To  rest  it  in  an  upstart  hour  ? 
Or  have  those  gentle,  sweet-eyed  days, 
That  shed  such  light  o'er  all  your  ways, 


394  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Been  changed,  at  some  dark  wizard's  word, 

Into  a  Shade,  with  tears  all  blurred  ? 

No,  no,  this  day  means  naught  of  this  — 

It  shall  be  sweeter  than  Love's  kiss ; 

Yes,  every  joy  from  out  the  Past, 

Its  grace  o'er  you  again  shall  cast ; 

And  all  the  Future's  promise  sweet 

Your  opening  eyes,  like  morn,  shall  greet ; 

And  Love,  in  kingly  guise  sublime, 

Shall  haughtily  wave  back  grim  Time : 

And  while  this  noblest  of  all  wooers 

Shall  press  his  fervid  lips  to  yours, 

And  ever  seek  with  close  caress 

Your  cheek  and  eyes  and  loosened  tress, 

That  fair  soft  cheek  shall  keep  its  bloom, 

Those  eyes  love-light  shall  still  illume ; 

And  though  the  world  grow  gray  and  old, 

That  tress  of  gold  shall  still  be  gold ! 

Still  like  the  rose,  that  cheek  shall  glow, 

To  hear  Devotion  praise  it  so ; 

Still  in  those  deep,  shy,  thoughtful  eyes, 

Be  traced  sad  lovers'  destinies ; 

And  floating  free  that  shining  hair 

To  eager  hearts  still  prove  a  snare. 

For  here 's  the  charm  of  noble  mind  — 

Wit  keen,  audacious,  yet  refined, 

That  flashes  through  the  daily  life, 

Mercutio-like  in  sport  or  strife ; 

High  purposes  that  scorn  the  earth, 

And  reach  to  heav'n,  where  they  had  birth; 

And  tender  thoughts  that  softly  go, 

Like  angels,  to  the  realms  of  woe ; 

Courage,  that  eyes  the  mid-day  sun, 

And  points  to  deeds  yet  to  be  done ; 

And  Purity,  —  a  sword  of  flame, 

That  guards  each  path  from  spot  or  blame. 

So,  shining  with  this  inner  light, 

Beauty  reigns  still  in  Time's  despite ; 

And,  glorious  with  eternal  youth, 

Love  lives,  like  Truth,  for  Love  is  Truth. 


POEMS.  395 

A  MEMOEY. 

AUTUMN,  that  painter,  dark  and  bold, 

Had  flecked  with  crimson  hues  and  gold 

The  wide  picture  of  the  sea, 

The  shore,  the  sky's  immensity ; 

The  wind  breathed  like  a  harper  mild, 

That  seeks  to  soothe  a  fretful  child ; 

And  soft  reply  Atlantic's  wave 

To  the  pine  forest's  murmur  gave ; 

Arundel's  woods  were  fresh  and  cool, 

The  moss  how  green,  how  bright  the  pool ! 

'T  was  early  morn,  the  village  bell 

In  silvery  whisper  warned  the  dell, 

When  through  those  glades,  beneath  that  sky, 

In  sweet  converse  walked  you  and  I. 

IN  MEMOEIAM. 

MRS.  EEBECCA  CAVERLT,  LOST  AT  SEA,  MAY  7,  1875. 

O  HOUSE  of  God,  where  late  she  knelt, 
The  voice  of  mourning  fills  thy  walls ; 
The  dirge  is  sung,  the  teardrop  falls ; 

A  vague,  strange  sense  of  loss  is  felt. 

All  burdenless  here  stands  the  bier, 
Save  for  the  pressing  weight  of  gloom  ; 
In  vain  the  flowerets  smile  and  bloom, 

To  deck  a  form  that  is  not  here. 

"  Give  up  thy  dead,  0  stern,  cold  sea ! " 

The  billows  break  with  sullen  roar 

Upon  a  bleak  and  rugged  shore,  — 
The  only  answer  to  our  plea. 

In  native  earth  she  may  not  rest 
Among  her  household's  quiet  graves, 
Where,  by  the  soft  stream's  gleaming  waves, 

In  peaceful  sleep  repose  the  blest. 


396  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGK 

Yet  did  her  pure  and  graceful  life 
Breathe  sweetness  on  this  air  of  ours, 
Give  lasting  joy  to  fleeting  hours, 

And  bring  calm  peace  to  scenes  of  strife. 

And  when  in  sorrowing  groups  we  meet, 
This  thought  our  tearful  grief  beguiles : 
She  lives  in  happy  children's  smiles, 

And  in  the  lives  by  hers  made  sweet. 

Oh,  doubt  not,  though  your  grief  be  wild, 
That  He  who  walked  on  Galilee 
Shone  forth  on  Scilly's  raging  sea, 

And  clasped  the  mother  and  her  child. 


J.  F.   Mel 

REQUIESCAT  IN  PACK. 

WAS  it  a  gleam  of  the  fickle  sun, 

Flashing  a  moment  through  mist  and  cloud, 
As  the  organ's  thunder  rolled  on  high, 

And  a  thousand  heads  in  prayer  were  bowed  ? 

Or  was  it  a  smile  of  the  pictured  saints, 
As  the  high-roofed  church  with  music  filled  ? 

Or  was  it  that  we  and  the  dead  we  bore, 

By  God's  own  blessing  were  strongly  thrilled  ? 

Then  we  thought  of  the  glorious  years  gone  by,  — 
The  glorious  years  of  our  youth  and  joy ; 

When  all  the  sands  of  the  hour-glass  ran 
To  sparkling  gold  without  alloy ; 

And  the  days  like  sportive  nymphs  danced  by, 
Strewing  on  us  their  roses  and  smiles,  — 

And  our  boyish  hearts,  aglow  with  love, 
Fell  an  easy  prey  to  their  sweet  wiles. 


POEMS.  397 

How  grandly  above  the  base  world's  din 
Our  joyous  roundel  and  chorus  rang  ! 

The  star-crowned  night  would  smile  and  wait, 
And  murmur  back  the  songs  we  sang. 

Then  highest  and  clearest  and  sweetest  of  all 
Eang  the  voice  now  silent  to  mortal  ears  — 

'T  is  heard  at  the  gate  of  heaven  to-day 
By  Him  who  wipes  away  all  tears. 

IN  MEMOEY   OF  JUDGE   GARDNER 

GREAT  Architect !    we  are  but  dust 
Unless  thy  love  smile  on  us  here ; 

A  brother's  soul  we  now  intrust 
To  thee,  O  Lord,  without  a  fear. 

Whom  bring  we  to  the  shining  door  ? 

A  loyal  knight  and  Mason  he  — 
His  virtues  he  like  jewels  wore, 

And  starred  with  glory  each  degree. 

For,  working  in  thy  temple,  Lord, 

With  awe  he  marked  its  spacious  lines  ; 

His  heart  was  but  thy  trestle-board, 

Whereon  were  traced  thy  grand  designs. 

As  in  the  courts  of  earth  we  saw 

His  work  from  youth  to  life's  decline, 

We  knew  he  judged  so  well  man's  law, 
Because  he  lived,  O  Master,  thine. 

HYMN 

WRITTEN  FOR  THE  UNITARIAN   CELEBRATION  OF  THE  LAST  SUNDAY 
OF  THE  FIRST  CENTURY  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

HAIL  to  the  Sabbath  sweet,  —  the  last 

Of  all  a  century's  Sabbath  days ; 
Float,  blessed  day,  into  the  past, 

Eich  with  a  nation's  prayer  and  praise. 


398  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Thy  power,  0  God,  shines  through  these  years 
That  bound  our  nation's  splendid  morn  ; 

Thy  hand  each  needed  bulwark  rears, 
Thy  voice  'gainst  secret  foe  doth  warn. 

Still  keep,  dear  Lord,  yon  flag  unfurled 
O'er  Freedom's  chosen  citadel,  — 

Cheering  anew  the  slavish  world, 
And  lighting  up  each  captive's  cell. 

That  faith  in  man  teach  to  mankind 
That's  born  of  p.urest  faith  in  thee ; 

Then  tyrants  can  no  longer  bind, 
And  Bight  will  rule  from  sea  to  sea. 


KENNEBUNKPOKT   HYMN. 

I  LIFT  mine  eyes  unto  the  hills, 

My  strength  is  throned  there ; 
The  rocks,  the  forests,  and  the  hills 

To  Thee  all  raise  their  prayer. 

Far  up  the  river's  silvery  thread, 

Behold  the  streaming  tide ; 
As  those  bright  waves  their  gladness  spread, 

Thy  love  is  all  their  guide. 

The  storm  lowers  o'er  yon  restless  deep, 

The  seaman  holds  his  breath ; 
In  safety,  Lord,  thy  children  keep, 

Or  be  their  life  in  death ! 

Lo,  at  thy  word  Peace  rises  crowned, 

And  smiles  o'er  land  and  sea ; 
Thus  peace  and  joy  are  ever  found 

At  last,  0  Lord,  in  thee. 


POEMS.  399 

HYMN 

WRITTEN  FOR  THE  GRANT  MEMORIAL  SERVICE,  LOWELL. 

GOD  of  the  free !  let  thy  radiance  shine 

O'er  the  dark  tomb  where  our  hero  we  lay ; 
Freedom  he  loved  with  the  furor  divine, 

Bless  thou  his  soul  whilst  a  Freeman  can  pray ! 
Take  to  thyself,  mighty  Lord  God  of  hosts, 

Him  who  on  earth  bore  thy  own  flaming  sword, 
Smiting  to  death  all  the  traitor's  wild  boasts, 

Making  thy  name  through  all  nations  adored. 

Let  him  have  peace  —  like  the  peace  that  he  won 

On  the  red  field  where  the  blood  fell  like  rain ; 
Grant  him  thy  peace  in  the  name  of  thy  Son,  — 

Peace  that  is  earned  but  by  anguish  and  pain. 
Far  down  the  sky  hear  yon  loud  trumpet  ring, 

"  Open  God's  gates ! "  peals  the  archangel's  voice, 
Cherubs  and  nations  exultingly  sing, 

"  He  is  with  God !  then  rejoice,  oh,  rejoice ! " 


FALLEN  LEAVES. 

I  KNOW  a  streamlet,  deep  and  still, 

That  through  wild  woods  seeks  out  a  way,  • 

I  saw  it  when  the  blasts  were  chill, 
And  o'er  it  autumn  brooding  lay. 

But  soon  the  wind  flung  on  its  wave 
A  gorgeous  mantle  of  bright  leaves,  — 

Scarlet  and  gold  and  green,  they  gave 
A  glory  man's  art  never  weaves. 

And  as  those  fallen  leaves  lent  grace 
Unto  the  streamlet's  darkening  flow, 

And,  falling,  found  as  high  a  place 

As  when  they  bloomed  in  summer's  glow ; 


400  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

So,  though  our  labors  seem  to  fail, 

And  low  our  blooming  hopes  are  hurled, 

Like  fallen  leaves  they  still  avail 
To  beautify  a  dreary  world. 


A  MEMORY. 

REST,  weary  heart,  in  memory's  secret  glade, 
Far  from  the  vulgar  turmoil  of  to-day. 

'T  was  June ;  we  sat,  —  so  happy,  yet  afraid,  — 
And  saw  or  heard  the  brooklet  glide  away. 

The  brooklet  played  with  every  leaf  o'erhead ; 

It  laughed  and  sang  to  every  stone  and  fern ; 
Catching  a  sunbeam,  faster  on  it  sped, 

And  brighter,  gayer,  seemed  at  every  turn. 

Do  you  remember,  too,  that  tender  hour  ? 

Our  souls  embracing  in  our  meeting  eyes,  — 
Sweet  madness !  for  an  instant  Love's  wild  power 

Held  sway  o'er  laws  and  rules  and  formal  ties. 

For  hatred,  snarling  envy,  what  cared  we  ? 

The  columned  forest  was  Love's  citadel ; 
Your  eyes  were  heaven  —  yes,  all  of  heaven  to  me  ! 

Ah,  had  I  dared  to  yield  to  their  sweet  spell ! 

The  moment  passed,  swift  as  the  currents  flow. 

Your  way  you  went,  I  mine ;  yet  now  and  then 
Rich  music  floats  from  out  the  long  ago, 

And  brings  back  all  that  moment's  charm  again. 


TRUE  KINGLINESS. 

WHAT  is  a  king  without  a  kingly  heart  ? 
The  gilded  trappings  never  are  a  part 
Of  real  majesty ;  't  is  from  the  soul 
Come  light  and  power  to  dignify  the  whole. 


POEMS.  401 

At  noonday,  all  unseen  by  mortal  eye, 
Great  Sirius  flames  in  yonder  clear  blue  sky ; 
The  clown  has  eyes  but  for  the  daylight's  glare, 
Yet  that  bright  presence  still  is  flaming  there. 

Heroic  hearts,  faint  not  if  your  brave  deeds 
A  sullen  world  applauds  not,  —  no,  nor  heeds. 
Your  work  is  good ;  't  will  not  be  more  or  less 
When  crowned  with  that  false  gewgaw  called  success. 


TONS  AKETHUS.E. 

POUR  forth,  merry  hearts,  from  the  music  within, 

A  glee  that  shall  ring  to  the  sky ! 
That  from  forest  and  hill  a  rich  answer  shall  win, 

And  at  last  in  pure  melody  die. 

A  louder  strain  yet !  till  the  troubles  of  life 
Are  all  lost  in  the  depths  of  your  song ; 

Our  souls  keener  grow  for  the  world's  bitter  strife, 
And  for  battle  with  panoplied  Wrong. 

The  song  has  been  sung  —  Farewell  to  the  hill, 

To  the  wood,  and  the  waters  dear ; 
The  song  has  been  sung,  yet  its  music  will  thrill 

Through  many  a  care-checkered  year. 

We  stand  by  the  motionless  water  that  gleams 

Like  a  gem  in  its  circlet  of  hills ; 
The  moon  in  her  cold,  proud  loveliness  beams 

Enchanting,  although  she  chills. 

The  last  wheel  spurning  the  frosty  road, 

As  a  far-away  echo  we  hear ; 
The  window  is  dark  in  yon  lonely  abode, 

And  silence  is  queen  far  and  near. 

What  spirit  is  hid  in  the  wood  or  the  lake, 

In  moonbeam  or  cloudlet  or  tree, 
That  can  for  worn  hearts  such  a  paradise  make 

Where  they  rest  all  careless  and  free  ? 

26 


402  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

No  longer  the  weight  of  our  years  we  feel, 
The  past  is  illumined  with  joy, 

Whence  only  melodious  memories  steal, 
And  the  gray-beard  sings  like  a  boy. 


SONG. 

HAS  the  Past  faded  like  a  flower 

Never  to  bloom  again  ? 
Nor  yields  it  back  one  tranced  hour 

To  art  of  lips  or  pen  ? 

Sweet  Love  that  laughed  from  those  sweet  eyes 

Has  sought  less  chilly  deeps ; 
And  Passion,  Love's  most  beauteous  prize, 

Once  more,  all  spellbound,  sleeps. 

Shall  all  that  shining  loveliness 

Be  but  Love's  vacant  throne  ? 
Call  back  the  exile,  and  confess 

The  king  shall  have  his  own. 


VEESES 

WRITTEN  IN  ALFRED  DE  MUSSET'S  POEMS. 

A  BEAKER  of  joy,  by  the  gods ! 

A  dance  of  light,  color,  and  bubble  — 
Drink !  hopeless  and  spiritless  clods  ! 
Slaves  fearful  of  prisons  and  rods  — 

Here 's  a  draught  that  will  drown  all  your  trouble ! 

Your  life  is  but  breath,  nerve,  and  blood,  — 
It  creeps  through  the  days  like  the  snail ; 
T  is  a  current  with  never  a  flood,  — 
Withered  stalk,  without  leafage  or  bud,  — 
A  voice  that  is  only  a  wail ! 


POEMS.  403 

Here 's  a  life  that  has  bloomed  into  flowers, 

That  has  sung  itself  into  a  song ; 
That  made  love  to  the  coy,  blushing  Hours, 
While  its  heart's  blood  poured  out  in  rich  showers 

Of  nectar  delicious  and  strong ! 

Who  sits  at  the  head  of  this  feast, 

With  the  sweet  tender  eyes  of  the  dove  — 

With  a  smile  like  the  morn-jewelled  east, 

And  a  forehead  that  Time  never  creased  ? 
'T  is  Love  1  't  is  all  beautiful  Love ! 

Ah,  Time !  sly  impostor,  avaunt ! 

Not  a  scrap  from  this  banquet  is  thine ; 
For  tribute  thou  hast  but  a  taunt, 
Nor  can  thy  dull  scythe  ever  daunt 

A  soul  that 's  already  divine  ! 

Then  drink  —  sad  or  merry  heart  —  drink 
The  soul-vintage  sweet  Love  has  distilled. 

How  the  wild  bubbles  beckon  and  wink ! 

Ah,  Love  is  life's  life,  I  think  — 

And  with  Love  your  life  may  be  filled. 


SERENADE. 

SHINE,  gentle  Queen  of  Night,  oh,  shine 

Upon  the  sparkling  wave, 
And  shed  as  soft  and  clear  a  light 

As  thy  mild  orb  e'er  gave. 
Hushed  be  all  sounds  profane,  as  when 

In  love-lit  hours  gone  by, 
The  night  heard  but  young  Romeo's  prayer 

And  Juliet's  answering  sigh. 

The  tranced  lake,  the  dreaming  wood, 
Wait  for  love's  whispers  now ; 

Ah,  music  hath  no  charm  so  deep 
As  breathes  in  lover's  vow. 


404  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

Wake,  sleeping  flowers,  and  fragrance  lend 

Unto  the  blissful  hour, 
Faint  odors  shed  o'er  lake  and  stream, 

O'er  forest,  hall,  and  bower. 

Now  plead,  fond  youth,  thy  hopeful  cause 

With  earnest  lips  and  true, 
While  kind  night  hides  the  sweet  girl's  blush, 

She  '11  give  the  love  that 's  due ; 
Her  heart's  dear  secret  whispered  now 

Thy  patient  faith  will  bless  — 
And  all  the  world  seems  filled  with  joy 

When  sweet  lips  murmur,  "  Yes ! " 


A  HOPELESS  LOVER 

(AFTER  SWINBURNE.) 

WHAT  is  your  charm,  that  thrills  like  subtle  wine 

Each  glowing  drop  in  this  wild  heart  of  mine  ? 

Is  it  the  symmetry  of  moulded  limb, 

The  grace  of  form,  the  waist  and  ankle  slim  ? 

Is  it  those  eyes,  whose  shy,  seductive  play 

Leaves  me  uncertain  if  they  're  green  or  gray  ? 

Is  it  that  modest  yet  audacious  mind, 

That  would  be  pure,  but  will  not  be  kept  blind, 

That  craves  experience  of  good  and  ill, 

Yet  keeps  its  loyalty  to  virtue  still  ? 

God  knows !  /  only  know,  whate'er  it  be, 

It  holds  my  heart-strings,  yet  is  not  for  me ! 

Whate'er  it  be, 

'Tis  not  for  me  I 

Strange  impulses  I  dare  not  even  name  — 

That  turn  the  tortured  heart  and  brain  to  flame  — 

Draw  me  to  you  !  Powers  hellish  or  divine, 

I  '11  worship  if  they  will  but  make  you  mine  ! 

Sweet  eyes !  lurk  bliss  or  death  in  their  clear  deeps, 

Downward  all  reckless  my  mad  spirit  leaps ; 


POEMS.  405 

Yet  I  must  never  clasp  that  supple  waist  — 
I  swear  't  was  only  made  to  be  embraced !  — 
Nor  drink  in  heaven  from  those  dewy  lips, 
Not  even  touch  with  mine  those  finger-tips ! 
Ah,  no !  I  feel  my  fate  is  but  to  be 
Slave  to  a  charm  whose  joy  is  not  for  me ! 

Whate'er  it  be, 

'Tis  not  for  me! 


A  LAST  FAKEWELL. 

I  SEE  the  Morning,  robed  in  sunlight,  rise ; 

Night's  pain  and  sorrow  can  no  longer  stay. 
The  world,  half  waked,  smiles  to  the  smiling  skies, 

And  bends  to  catch  the  blessing  of  the  Day. 
Hope,  Joy,  and  Youth  are  rulers  of  the  hour, 
And  grand  the  music  which  proclaims  their  power ; 
But  over  all  forever  seems  to  swell 
The  endless  anguish  of  a  last  farewell ! 
Farewell!  Farewell! 

I  hear  the  dashing  of  the  joyful  sea 

That  sunward  gayly  flings  its  laughing  waves  ; 

The  harbor  and  the  ships  resound  with  glee, 
And  all  is  here  that  human  comfort  craves. 

Sing,  morning  stars,  and  clap  your  hands,  ye  floods ! 

Breathe  melody,  ye  happy  flowers  and  buds ! 

But,  hark !  what  means  that  sound,  —  a  slow,  deep  knell ! 

The  endless  anguish  of  a  last  farewell. 
Farewell!  Farewell! 

Farewell !     Great  God !  does  tyrant  Sadness  rule 
The  throne  where  Grace  sits  smiling  to  the  world  ? 

Is  Death  lord  of  sweet  Spring  and  merry  Yule, 
And  has  Christ's  banner  been  in  vain  unfurled  ? 

I  cannot  tell.     Let  others  hope  and  gain ; 

Their  song  can  never  cheer  this  dull  refrain. 

Still  in  my  ears  there  rings  a  funeral  bell,  — 

The  endless  echo  of  a  last  farewell 
Farewell!  Farewell! 


406  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 


COMPEENEZ-VOUS  ? 

WITHIN  a  quiet,  star-lit  bay, 
A  noble  ship  at  anchor  lay. 

She  seemed  upon  the  wave  to  rest 
Like  a  lover  on  his  loved  one's  breast. 

No  sound  save  when  her  timely  bell 
In  silvery  tones  said,  "  All  is  well ! " 

Beauty  is  there,  on  every  hand, 
Shining  on  sea  and  sky  and  land ; 

And  Peace,  with  finger  on  her  lip, 
Guards  tenderly  the  dreaming  ship. 

But,  see  !  the  Moon  ascends  her  throne  — 
Among  a  myriad  lights  —  alone  ! 

And  from  the  great  ship's  shadowing  side 
Mark  you  that  shallop  swiftly  glide  ? 

See  you  yon  wooded  shore  where  gleams 
The  moonlight  over  murmuring  streams  ? 

Hear  you  that  voice,  so  sweet  and  low, 
In  witching  music  come  and  go  ? 

And  now  the  conscious  woods  confess 
They  hide  a  shape  of  loveliness 

So  radiant  that  the  sober  eye 
Might  deem  it  born  of  ecstasy ! 

If  flesh  and  blood,  give  God  the  praise ; 
If  stone,  't  would  Phidias'  soul  amaze ! 

But  onward  still  the  shallop  glides  ; 
The  voice,  the  gleaming  figure,  guides. 


POEMS.  407 

And  as  in  dread  of  starry  skies, 
Into  the  forest's  shade  it  flies. 

Safe  from  the  moon,  from  watchful  star, 
The  shallop  goes,  —  who  knows  how  far  ? 

Yet  from  the  lofty  ship  the  bell, 
In  silvery  tones,  says,  "  All  is  well ! " 

And  all  is  well !  for  Love  is  king 
O'er  shallop,  ship,  and  everything  ! 


SONG. 

As  yon  soft  star  of  the  west 

Is  glassed  in  the  wide-rushing  stream, 
So  your  sweet  image  doth  rest, 

Like  light  in  the  depth  of  my  dream ! 

And  it  shines,  though  the  wintry  blast 
Comes  shrieking  from  Arctic  wilds  — 

And  still,  though  the  sky  is  o'ercast, 
My  heart  is  a  sleeping  child's. 

Then,  beloved,  withdraw  not  your  light; 

Come  near  to  me,  nearer  still, 
Till,  safe  in  your  beauty's  might, 

I  may  nestle  and  fear  no  ill ! 


THE   MUSHKOOM. 

DEAE  child  of  tearful  Night,  pale  as  the  star 
Chased  from  yon  sky  by  all-triumphant  Morn, 
Who,  fired  by  loftier  hates,  looks  but  in  scorn 

At  thee,  as  on  he  speeds  his  glowing  car  — 

Thy  hour  now  comes !  When  votaries  from  afar 
Come  chanting  loud,  "  The  feast  is  but  forlorn 
Which,  sprite  of  savor  !  thou  wilt  not  adorn ; " 

While  Luxury  hails  her  last-found  Avatar  ! 


408  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Woe  to  the  churl  who  thoughtlessly  shall  tread 
Thy  tender  laminae,  beneath  his  heel ; 

For  him  no  bounteous  table  shall  be  spread, 
No  pungent  relish  glorify  his  meal ; 

But  Taste's  rare  joys  make  that  man  half  divine 

Who  bows,  imperial  Fungus,  at  thy  shrine. 


ODE. 

CLASS  SUPPER,  H.  U.,  JUNE  25,  1878. 

THOUGH  youth  may  be  waning  and  joys  taking  flight, 
The  warmth  of  old  friendships  will  cheer  us  to-night. 
True  hearts  that  we  leaned  on  in  life's  beaming  morn, 

We  trust  in  you  still ! 

For  nothing  can  chill 
The  love  of  youth's  fervor  and  purity  born. 

With  Hope's  banners  streaming  we  marched  to  the  fray ; 
Those  banners  droop,  tattered  and  war-worn,  to-day. 
But  courage,  companions !  our  swords  must  not  rust  — 

Though  human  endeavor, 

Unaided,  fails  ever, 
Our  triumph  is  sure,  for  in  God  is  our  trust. 

Crown  Mem'ry  with  garlands !  for,  won  by  her  wile, 
The  Past,  robbed  of  darkness,  shines  out  like  a  smile ; 
Eoll  back,  frowning  years,  all  your  grief  and  your  care  ! 

Each  soul,  now  set  free, 

Fills  night  with  its  glee, 
And  burns  with  new  courage  to  do  and  to  dare. 

What  proofs  must  we  bring  this  rich  welcome  to  win  ? 

A  sword  bright  with  triumph  o'er  baseness  and  sin, 

A  name  from  whose  lustre  Shame  turns  its  dark  face  — 

And  thy  service,  Duty, 

Clothe  each  life  with  beauty, 
And  shed  o'er  our  meeting  the  light  of  true  grace ! 


POEMS.  409 

^ 

MAJOK   HENEY    LIVERMORE    ABBOTT. 

KILLED  IN  THE  BATTLE  OP  THE  WILDERNESS,  1864. 

So  "  Little  "  Abbott 's  gone !  —  he  fell 

With  three  great  wounds  upon  his  breast ; 
His  pure,  brave  life  deserveth  well 

The  hero's  fame,  the  Christian's  rest ! 
He  died  as  he  had  wished  to  die, 

Amid  the  battle's  fiercest  glare,  — 
His  faint  ear  caught  the  victor's  cry, 

His  pale  lips  murmured  words  of  prayer. 

He  whispered,  very  near  the  end : 

"  My  poor,  brave  fellows  who  are  slam 
Left  dear  ones,  —  whom  the  Lord  defend !  — 

All  that  I  leave  shall  be  their  gain." 
Yes,  kind  and  tender  through  the  past, 

So  kind  and  tender  was  he  still, 
When  Death's  grim  shade  loomed  o'er  him  vast, 

And  strove  his  generous  heart  to  chill. 

In  college  Henry  was  our  pet, 

The  love  of  all  seemed  but  his  due ; 
The  lines  'twixt  this  or  t'  other  set 

His  loving,  catholic  heart  ne'er  knew, 
The  light  of  his  sweet,  happy  eyes 

Our  silent,  dark  old  rooms  made  bright ; 
His  song,  his  laugh,  his  quick  replies, 

Gladdened  us  many  a  frolic  night 

Again  I  see  him  on  the  shore 

When  Harvard's  red-caps  lead  the  race ; 
His  shout  rings  high  above  the  roar, 

A  smile  breaks  o'er  his  stern  white  face ; 
Through  every  rigid  feature  gleams 

Heroic  purpose,  hid  till  then 
By  boyish  graces,  and  he  seems 

A  man  to  govern  warlike  men. 


410  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Let  others  tell  in  lofty  strain 

The  matchless  valor  of  the  dead,  — 
Pluck  honors  from  the  fatal  plain, 

And  bind  them  round  his  sleeping  head ; 
For  not  so  grand  he  seems  to  me 

In  bloody  field  or  foray  wild, 
As  when  he  stoops  upon  his  knee, 

And  seeks  to  soothe  a  crying  child. 

Bury  him  by  his  brother  Ned, 

Who  fell  at  luckless  Cedar  Hill ; 
Together  were  the  heroes  bred, 

Together  let  them  slumber  still. 
High  on  the  list  of  Harvard's  slain 

Their  spotless  names  shall  proudly  stand. 
Thank  God,  their  blood 's  not  shed  in  vain ; 

That  precious  blood  redeems  our  land. 

POEM 

WRITTEN  FOR  THE  SEMI-CENTENNIAL  OF  THE  UNITARIAN  SOCIETY 
OF  LOWELL,  1879. 

TELL  me,  pray,  why  commemorate  this  day  ? 
Is  it  because  the  swift  years  speed  away  ? 
Why,  Man  has  babbled  since  he  first  had  speech 
Of  that  dark  Angel,  whom  no  prayers  can  reach, 
No  tears  can  stay.      Time,  in  his  dreadful  wrath 
O'er  man  and  all  his  works,  hath  made  his  path  : 
Did  lie  not  drag  him  from  his  heavenly  place, 
The  curse,  Mortality,  stamped  on  his  face  ? 

Yet  somehow,  after  lapse  of  humdrum  years, 
Marked  but  by  petty  joys  or  petty  fears, 
The  commonplaces  make  a  total  grand, 
As  some  event  that  saves,  or  wrecks,  a  land. 
We  hear  a  challenge  —  like  a  trumpet's  blare  — 
Ring  out  a  sharp,  imperious,  "  Who  goes  there  ? " 
And  to  an  unseen  sentry  we  relate 
Our  humble  story  up,  or  down,  to  date. 


POEMS.  411 

Thus  we  have  met  to  talk  about  a  church 

That  did  not  for  too  high  a  mission  search ; 

But,  planted  mid  the  sons  of  daily  toil, 

Labored  to  soothe  and  soften  life's  turmoil. 

And,  Truth !  she  shrank  not  from  thy  form, 

Though  armed  with  Death  and  throned  upon  the  storm. 

To  purify,  to  strengthen,  and  to  cheer,  — 

These  were  the  objects  that  this  church  held  dear. 

No  specious  arts  were  used  to  fill  the  pews, 

No  tricks  or  wiles  to  cozen  or  amuse  ; 

The  creed  was  brief,  and  all  its  meanings  plain, 

Nor  did  it  after  ponderous  mysteries  strain  : 

With  countless  tenets  Faith  it  did  not  flood, 

Nor  make  the  Christian  thirst  for  Christian  blood. 

Good-will  to  men,  and  with  the  will,  the  deed,  — 

Trust  in  a  Father's  love,  —  there 's  all  the  creed ; 

Not  with  your  lips,  but  in  your  lives,  you  prove 

That  you  are  servants  of  a  God  of  love. 

Lessons  were  failures,  if  the  lessons  taught 

No  gracious  influence  on  the  conduct  wrought. 

Faith  leaned,  at  first,  on  Season's  mighty  strength  ; 

But  that  strength  failed,  and  so  sweet  Faith  at  length, 

When  ways  grew  dark,  led  her  companion  on, 

And  ever  through  the  gloom  her  bright  face  shone. 

But  I  must  pause,  and  straight  invoke  a  Muse,  — 

To  seem  a  poet,  I  dare  not  refuse 

To  use  the  poet's  fashion,  and  ask  aid 

Of  some  kind  genius  or  celestial  maid. 

Ah,  here  's  the  river !  —  none  a  Muse  shall  lack 

Who  dwells  along  thy  shore,  sweet  Merrimack ! 

Hunt's  Falls  —  I  wish  I  knew  thy  Indian  name, 

For  such  wild  waters  ours  is  very  tame  — 

I  mark  thy  stream,  where  Dracut's  wooded  height 

Kises,  with  proud  October's  glories  bright ; 

Yon  wooded  isles,  —  I  see  the  waving  trees, 

And  hear  their  murmurs  borne  on  every  breeze. 

Oh,  bring,  bright  river,  from  yon  snowy  hills 

The  gentle  music  of  thy  thousand  rills  ; 


412  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

There's  poetry  in  every  ripple, — yes, 
The  stream  that  turns  the  factory- wheel  may  bless 
The  saddened  heart  of  many  a  lonely  girl, 
Her  cheerless  toil  pursuing  in  the  whirl. 
Then  softly  flow,  and,  rising  from  thy  flood, 
Let  deep-toned  harmonies  fill  vale  and  wood, 
And,  mingling  with  this  graceless  song  of  mine, 
Give  just  a  hint  of  melody  divine. 

'T  is  well,  perhaps,  that  I  should  something  say 

About  the  temple  where  you  meet  to  pray. 

A  gray  old  pile,  with  ivy  overgrown, 

An  air  of  by-gone  days  on  every  stone ; 

Eich,  pictured  windows,  where  some  grim  old  saint 

Scowls  at  the  sunbeam  peeping  through  his  paint ; 

A  bran-new  Eeredos,  made  to  look  as  though 

Some  monk  had  wrought  it  centuries  ago  ; 

Memorial  tablets,  showing  how  the  rich 

May  put  a  scoundrel  in  a  saintly  niche,  — 

Those  upright  slabs  that  downright  stories  tell, 

How  this  man  went  to  heaven,  who  went  —  oh,  well  - 

No  matter  —  Requiescat,  anyway, 

But,  blest  or  not,  we  're  blest  if  we  can  say. 

A  bell,  that  gossip-like  will  wag  its  tongue, 

When  one  is  married,  or  another  hung ; 

Groined  arches,  sounding  back  the  solemn  strain 

Of  Dies  Irce  wrung  from  hearts  in  pain ; 

Candles,  gay  altars,  altar-cloths  of  gold, 

And  all  such  potent  aids  to  faith  grown  cold. 

For  such  a  church  as  this,  go  look  elsewhere  ; 

Ours  is  a  very  modest  house  of  prayer. 

Our  church  is  like  Mohammed's  coffin  fixed 
Somehow,  somewhere,  the  heavens  and  earth  betwixt, 
Or  hung  like  Brunelleschi's  dome,  in  air, 
Eoofless  and  baseless  —  and  the  walls  are  bare ; 
Below,  the  eager  tradesman  bows  and  grins : 
Who  knows  just  where  the  House  of  God  begins  ? 


POEMS.  413 

Ah !  though  our  mansion 's  in,  or  near,  the  skies, 
Our  title  's  not  so  clear  to  careful  eyes  ; 
But  rights  we  have  in  that  brick  building  there, 
And  Hosford  's  bound  to  keep  it  in  repair. 

Shall  I  tell  off  the  bead-roll  of  our  saints, 

Men  whose  pure  lives  seemed  free  from  mortal  taints  ? 

No  !  should  I  call  these  good  men  from  the  tomb, 

The  world  would  cry,  "  Some  politician's  boom  ! " 

Let  their  bright  names  illuminate  our  hearts, 

But  spare  them  from  the  vulgar's  envious  darts  ; 

Rascals  may  buy  false  praises  without  stint, 

But  good  men  seek  not  to  appear  in  print. 

Let  fools  and  knaves  exult  in  purchased  fame, 

But  why  should  we  such  doubtful  honors  claim  ? 

There  are  too  many  churches,  —  where  's  the  sense, 

Or  piety,  in  all  this  vain  pretence  ? 

What  empty  pews,  what  pastors  poorly  paid  ? 

Why  should  the  pew-rent  be  so  long  delayed  ? 

These  tabernacles  are  but  homes  of  debt, 

And  bankrupts  in  their  bankrupt  churches  fret : 

God  asks  no  borrowed  temples,  —  how  can  you 

Discourse,  good  parson,  on  the  maxim  true, 

"  Owe  no  man  anything,"  when  each  one  knows 

The  church's  creditor  will  soon  foreclose  ? 

My  friends,  why  are  these  sanctuaries  built  ? 

To  lead  to  virtue  and  to  cleanse  from  guilt  ? 

Oh,  no  !  for  see,  in  this  degraded  age, 

The  pulpit 's  turned  into  a  vaudeville  stage ! 

Weak  natures  madly  love,  or  madly  hate  ; 

They  know  no  midway,  reasonable  state ; 

Excitement  they  must  have,  but  when  and  where 

Their  pastor,  cracked  or  selfish,  must  declare. 

Of  all  the  knaves  that  do  the  world  befog, 

The  vilest  is  the  pulpit  demagogue. 

Well,  let  us  pause,  it  takes  too  long  to  tell 

The  story  through,  and  we  must  say  farewell 


414  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Young  church  !  with  all  thy  fifty  years,  still  young,  — 
Long  as  pure  prayers  are  said,  or  sweet  hymns  sung, 
Thy  work  continue,  and  the  world  still  bless 
With  the  clear  radiance  of  thy  righteousness ; 
Uplift  men's  hearts  and  purify  their  lives,  — 
For 't  is  the  only  way  religion  thrives. 
And  this  great  truth  let  all  thy  history  tell : 
Who  serves  Mankind  doth  serve  his  Master  well. 


A  POEM 

DELIVERED  BEFORE  THE  HIGH  SCHOOL  ASSOCIATION,  1863. 

OFT  has  the  old  earth  beaten  round  the  sun, 
And  into  new  years  borne  its  human  freight, 

Since  we  the  world's  rough  pilgrimage  begun, 
And  left  behind  our  boyhood's  happy  state. 

How  often  since,  when  full  of  doubt  and  fear, 
Vexed  by  the  stinging  cares  that  harass  men, 

We  Ve  paused  awhile  from  our  dull  labor  here, 
And  lived  in  fancy  boyhood's  life  again ! 

When,  to  the  sounds  of  Virgil's  graceful  lyre, 
Our  gamesome  spirits  danced  a  giddy  round, 

Or,  in  the  rapture  loftier  strains  inspire, 

We  trod  in  triumph  Homer's  sacred  ground ! 

How  oft  have  we,  stretched  dreaming  on  the  grass, 
Sailed  with  the  Ithacan  o'er  whitening  seas, 

Struck  with  the  Spartan  at  the  bloody  pass, 
And  clutched  the  trophies  of  Miltiades  ! 

So  blessed  those  days  the  world  to  us  appeared, 
The  bright  Atlantis  of  the  sage's  dream ; 

Nor  war,  nor  woe,  nor  care,  we  ever  feared, 
But  Love  and  Poesy  were  all  supreme. 

Strong  hands  that  then  our  faltering  steps  did  guide 
Have  long  since  mouldered  into  primal  dust ; 

Brave  hearts  lie  pulseless,  —  hearts  so  true  and  tried  • 
On  which  we  leant  with  perfect  childlike  trust. 


POEMS.  415 

The  sweet  young  hopes  that  nestled  in  our  hearts, 

Scared  by  the  rude  world's  din,  have  ta'en  their  flight ; 
Cold  Wisdom  now  her  dear-bought  lore  imparts, 
.  And  sweeps  wild  Fancy's  vision  from  the  sight. 

Those  burning  inspirations  of  our  youth, 

That  flashed  their  splendor  on  our  ardent  souls, 

The  high,  chivalric  love  of  Fame  and  Truth, 
Now  with  sharp  bit  stern  Selfishness  controls. 

Fled  are  the  dreams  of  peace  enjoyed  of  yore, 
The  sullen  war-drums  sound  on  every  hand, 

And,  spreading  on  from  farthest  shore  to  shore, 
The  smoke  of  battle  deepens  o'er  the  land. 

Yet,  mid  the  strife  that  shakes  the  frighted  world, 
Where  naught  we  hear  but  cannon's  deafening  play, 

And  clang  of  squadron  against  squadron  hurled, 
O'er  one  spot  still  doth  sweet  Peace  hold  her  sway. 

And  as  the  praying  Hebrew's  face  doth  look 

Still  to  the  city  of  his  fathers'  God, 
So  have  our  eyes  that  temple  ne'er  forsook 

Beneath  whose  porch  our  early  footsteps  trod. 

To-night,  then,  comrades,  shall  our  hearts  rejoice, 
Our  weary  feet  no  farther  now  shall  roam ; 

For,  with  a  sweet  persuasion  in  her  voice, 
The  yearning  mother  calls  her  children  home. 

And  now  that  here,  beneath  one  roof, 

First  for  long  years  we  've  met  together, 
Let 's  see  how  each  young  fledgeling  looks, 

Now  that  he 's  blooming  in  full  feather. 

And  which  one  shall  we  first  select, 

And  in  our  chair  of  state  enthrone  him  ? 

Why,  him  who's  called  the  Ladies'  Man, 
Though  ne'er  a  lady  cares  to  own  him ! 

This  is  our  Lowell  Turveydrop, 
Our  model  of  genteel  deportment, 


416  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

And  when  he  walks  our  city  streets, 

Be  sure  there 's  something  more  than  sport  meant ! 
Yet  though  his  life  may  seem  serene, 

And  though  he's  blest  with  health  and  riches, 
He  suffers  great  vicissitudes, 

At  least  in  hats  and  coats  and  breeches. 
O  wind  that  from  old  Concord  blows, 

Sweet  are  the  tidings  thou  hast  wafted ! 
Belief  thou  'st  brought  to  every  heart,  — 

The  city  swell  at  length  is  drafted ! 

Then  here 's  our  youthful  pedagogue, 

The  darling  of  our  fond  old  mother ; 
She  proudly  holds  him  up  to  sight, 

And,  crowing  asks  you,  "  Where 's  the  other  ? " 
Yes,  here 's  our  Classic  Lexicon, 

In  size  so  small  —  though  let  none  mock  it !  — 
'T  'is  just  the  sort  of  handy  book 

A  man  can  carry  in  his  pocket ! 

Here  comes  our  military  swell  — 

The  fair  ones  say  we  must  bring  him  in !  — 
Who 's  done  less  harm  to  Southern  foes 

Than  to  the  hearts  of  Northern  women ! 
With  gay-plumed  hat  and  jingling  spurs, 

Of  admiration  what  a  glutton  ! 
Then  o'er  his  lengthy  person  mark 

The  omnipresent  lace  and  button. 
But,  maiden  !  fix  your  heart  elsewhere, 

Or  sad  will  be  your  young  life's  story !  — 
For,  as  he  says,  like  Swedish  Charles, 

His  wife  is  War,  his  mistress  Glory  ! 
And  yet,  where'er  our  hero  goes, 

The  am'rous  furor  still  increases ; 
A  crash  of  breaking  hearts  is  heard, 

And  prudent  cries  of  "  Save  the  pieces ! " 

Many  there  are  of  our  old  friends 
We  cannot  pause  to  even  mention, 


POEMS.  417 

Yet  our  prospective  parson  might 

Claim  some  small  share  of  our  attention. 
How  sad  his  life,  his  mind  alway 

Perplexed  by  Buckle  or  Colenso; 
And  still,  as  each  foe  flies,  he  swears 

He  '11  ne'er  be  taken  in  again  so ! 
Then,  too,  he 's  filled  with  strange  desires  — 

For  which  he  '11  scarce  get  absolution  — 
To  write  his  sermons  with  a  sword, 

Or  teach  a  cannon  elocution. 

Nor  can  we  pass  without  a  word 

Our  school's  most  puissant  debater ; 
Compared  with  Fox  or  Cicero, 

Why,  he 's  Hyperion  to  a  Satyr ! 
Possessed  of  great  command  of  words, 

His  power  he  sternly  exercises,  — 
Poor  thoughts  decks  out  in  tinselled  words, 

Like  fools  in  masquerade  disguises ; 
And  when  he 's  in  his  element  — 

That 's  when  the  Y.  M.  I.  's  in  session  — 
You  'd  think  he  'd  been  to  Babel,  sure, 

To  learn  the  art  of  clear  expression ! 

Some  that  I  Ve  named  are  dullards,  p'r'aps  ;  but  know 
The  brave  old  school  far  nobler  sons  can  show. 
Go  back  with  me  a  few  short  months  or  more, 
Ere  victory's  blaze  had  spread  from  shore  to  shore, 
Ere  broken  was  the  haughty  Southron's  might, 
Nor  Meade's  proud  name  had  leapt  into  the  light. 
Look  on  the  land  —  what  doth  your  dim  eyes  greet, 
But  wild  confusion,  shame,  and  black  defeat  ? 
See  where  dark  Eappahannock's  turbid  flood 
Runs  darker  with  the  flow  of  Northern  blood  — 
And  on  the  sad  wind  near  and  nearer  comes 
The  stern  defiance  of  the  rebel  drums ! 
Look  farther  still,  and  strain  the  aching  eye. 
What !  naught  of  comfort  do  you  yet  descry  ? 
Oh,  yes ;  for  there  upon  the  Southern  shore, 

27 


418  FREDERIC  THOMAS   GREENHALGE. 

Through  the  dun  cloud  of  struggling  flame  and  smoke 
That  o'er  the  horrid  prospect  throws  his  cloak, 
Flashing  like  meteor  through  the  murky  night, 
We  catch  the  flutter  of  a  pennon  bright, 
And  borne  upon  the  south  wind  now  we  hear, 
There  comes  a  faint,  far  distant  shout  of  cheer. 
That  thrilling  shout  bids  good  men  hope  anew ; 
That  pennon  bears,  thank  God !  the  colors  true. 
Though  Treason  fell  without  her  walls  may  prey, 
Imperial  Orleans  owns  our  Butler's  sway ! 
When  sad  Mischance  on  all  our  steps  did  wait, 
His  strong  arm  still  upheld  the  falling  state ; 
With  Hastings'  vigor,  free  from  Hastings'  crime, 
He  shone  our  only  hope  in  that  dark  time  ! 
And  let  Detraction  howl  its  vile  throat  hoarse, 
Lean  Envy  on  him  waste  its  puny  force, 
Indignant  Honor  shields  the  hero's  form, 
And  Fame's  clear  trump  rings  o'er  the  petty  storm. 

Once  more  look  to  the  pleasant  South, 

And  mark  that  mustering  host, 
The  flower  of  all  the  Northern  land,  — 

Your  own  New  England's  boast ! 
Oh,  blithe  their  hearts  when  sweet  and  clear 

The  morning  bugles  blew, 
When  glancing  bright  in  the  gladsome  light 

Their  victor  eagles  flew  ! 
Hope  lit  their  eyes  as  then  they  turned 

Their  faces  to  the  foe, 
And  while  their  firm  tread  shook  the  earth, 

Their  song  was  Southward  ho ! 
The  day  is  spent,  their  march  is  done, 

The  camp  is  sunk  in  sleep, 
Save  where  the  wearied  sentinels 

Their  lonely  vigils  keep ; 
And  midnight  now  has  thrown  o'er  earth 

Its  blackest  funeral  pall, 
When  on  the  drowsy  picket's  ear 

Doth  a  faint,  far  murmur  fall. 


POEMS.  419 

'T  was  not,  he  knew,  the  distant  sweep 

Of  Shenandoah's  rill, 
Nor  the  wind's  low  sigh,  through  the  cedars  high, 

That  crown  the  frowning  hill : 
No !  't  was  the  tread  of  a  mighty  host, 

That  winds  adown  the  hill ; 
And  a  score  of  quick  shots  follow  fast 

His  challenge  sharp  and  shrill. 
Then  through  the  sleeping  camp  ring  out 

The  alarming  bugle-notes, 
And  hear  the  answering  yell  that  bursts 

From  a  myriad  rebel  throats ! 
How  dauntless  is  the  Northern  heart, 

How  strong  the  Northern  hand, 
Say  ye  who  have  seen  the  Northmen  wield 

The  deadly  battle-brand ; 
Who  Ve  heard  their  stern,  exultant  shout 

When  front  to  foe  they  stood ; 
Who  Ve  seen  their  thirsty  bayonets  drink 

The  traitor's  Southern  blood ; 
Who  Ve  seen,  too,  when,  by  hot-brained  men 

To  shameful  slaughter  led, 
How  lustre  e'en  o'er  black  defeat 

Their  desperate  valor  shed,  — 
Seen  them  hurl  back  the  invading  foe 

Again  and  yet  again ! 
Say  ye,  I  pray,  what  lion  hearts 

Are  borne  by  Northern  men ! 
Yet  though  the  Northern  arm  's  so  strong, 

The  Northern  heart 's  so  high, 
Those  arms  were  weak,  those  hearts  were  chilled. 

When  pealed  that  hellish  cry, 
And  down  upon  them  bore  the  foe, 

Shouting  their  slogan  wild, 
Led  by  that  chief  whose  whispered  name 

Will  still  the  Northern  child ! 
Yet  one  young  heart  stood  firmly  then, 

Nor  harbored  doubts  or  fears, 
And  still  as  higher,  higher  rose 

Wild  shrieks  and  maddening  cheers, 


420  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

And  dreadful  clash  of  meeting  steel, 

And  cannon's  deepening  roll 
Felt  but  the  rapture  music  stirs 

Ever  in  heroic  soul ! 
And  where  the  Southron  hardest  pressed, 

Upon  the  bloodiest  ground 
Caught  in  the  battle's  wildest  whirl, 

There  was  our  chieftain  found. 
And  when  the  noise  of  battle  ceased 

Throughout  that  fatal  vale, 
And  on  the  wind  the  Southern  drums 

In  deepening  distance  fail ; 
And  when,  as,  shocked  at  that  sad  sight, 

Slow  came  the  shuddering  day, 
There,  foremost  in  the  files  of  dead, 

The  youthful  leader  lay ! 
And  long  as  minstrel  note  shall  swell 

With  godlike  deeds  of  arms, 
Long  as  the  love  of  native  land 

One  patriot  bosom  warms, 
So  long  his  story  shall  be  told, 

To  thrill  the  youthful  breast, 
So  long  by  fervent  lips  shall  be 

The  name  of  Abbott  blest ! 

If  we  look  round  on  those  who  throng  this  place, 

We  miss,  alas  !  full  many  a  well-known  face. 

Yes !  hands  that  once  sweet  friendship's  grasp  but  knew, 

Now  clutch  the  bayonet  moist  with  bloody  dew ; 

Voices  so  gentle  and  benign  of  yore, 

Shout  battle-cries  above  the  cannon's  roar ; 

These  friends  we  may  not  meet  to-night,  but  still 

We  've  sent  to  them  our  message  of  good-will ; 

And  while,  dear  friends,  all  gathered  here  we  stand, 

Their  cheery  answer  rings  across  the  land,  — 

"  Comrades !  we  send  you  cheer 
From  the  war-ground  black  and  drear, 
Where  we  lie  and  watch  the  camp-fire's  dying  embers ; 


POEMS.  421 

And  oh,  would  that  we  might  stand 
With  our  old  friends,  hand  in  hand, 
For  the  soldier  still  his  golden  youth  remembers ! 

Swift  the  months  have  sped  along, 

Since  we  marched,  a  thousand  strong, 
From  the  homes  where  peace  and  quiet  ever  slumber. 

But  how  warm  would  be  our  thanks, 

If  from  out  our  death-thinned  ranks 
We  could  count  a  paltry  third  of  that  brave  number ! 

"  Yet  whisper  not  of  rest ! 

For  till  Treason  stands  confessed, 
Let  the  battle-bugle  trumpet  forth  its  clearest. 

Though  the  fair-faced  earth  be  stained 

With  the  ruddy  life-drops  drained 
From  the  manly  hearts  you  cherish  as  your  dearest ! 

Still  let  your  hearts  not  faint, 

Nor  your  voices  make  complaint, 
Nor  with  Treason,  though  triumphant,  ever  palter ! 

But  let  the  guilty  fear, 

For  the  righteous  blood  is  dear 
To  the  God  whose  arm  will  help  us  if  we  falter! 

"And  although  sweet  thoughts  of  home 

Ever  haunt  us  as  we  roam, 
Still  our  hearts  are  blithe  when  '  Forward ! '  is  the  order ; 

And  to  crush  the  rebel  foe, 

Still  our  feet  must  Southward  go, 
Till  our  flag  flies  o'er  the  dear  land's  farthest  borders ! " 

Think   not  my   feeble  song   has   dwelt  too   long  on  warlike 

themes ; 
Nor  chide  if  its  rude,  loose-strung  notes  disturb  your  peaceful 

dreams. 

For  cold  or  false  that  heart  must  be  that  feels  no  joyous  glow, 
When  Pennsylvania's   daughters   chant  deliverance  from  the 

foe; 


422  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

When  'neath  its  glorious  burden  faints  the  glad  wind  from  the 

West, 
That  tells  us  loyal  arms  at  length  have  lowered  proud  Vicks- 

burg's  crest ! 
Yet  think  not  ye  who  wield  the  pen,  or  ye  who  hold  the 

plough, 
That  Honor's  blushing  wreath   falls  but   upon   the  warrior's 

brow. 
Your  strength 's  been  felt  in  every  blow  struck  on  the  bloody 

field; 
Your  spirit 's  fired  each  gallant  charge  'neath  which  the  foe 

hath  reeled ! 
Tis  you  who  have  those  trusty  blades  beat  out  from  metal 

true. 

Yes  !  if  our  warriors  battle  well,  their  armorers  are  you  ! 
While  they  have  fought,  your  toil  has  reaped  rich  harvest  from 

the  land, 
Your  glaring  workshops'  ceaseless  hum  been  heard  on  every 

hand! 

Your  argosies  make  all  our  ports  gay  as  a  poet's  dream, 
And  every  sea  upon  the  globe  reflects  your  pennon's  gleam ! 
You  've  kept  the  nation  in  the  van  of  that  grand  race  that 's 

run, 
And  will  be,  by  mankind  through  time,  till  God's  whole  will 

be  done ! 
And  still  there 's  work  true  arms  to  nerve,  and  loyal  hearts  to 

rouse, 
To  see  no  bastard  Peace  shall  e'er  write  shame  upon   your 

brows  — 
We  meet,  my  friends,  in  stormy  times,  yet   for  at  least   one 

night 

Shut  out  whate'er  we  see  of  dark,  let  in  but  what  is  bright ; 
And   ere   from   out   our  Mother's   sight  again   we   take   our 

way, 
Our  prayers   the   Father   shall  besiege  to   haste  that  happier 

day, 
When   war's   wild   scenes,  that  fright  us  now,  shall  be   but 

memories  dear, 
To  stir  the  patriot's  soul  to  fire,  or  claim  the  patriot's  tear, 


POEMS.  423 

When  muskets  rest  upon  the  wall,  stout  warriors  guide  the 

plough, 

And  baby  hands  belabor  drums  that  beat  to  battle  now ; 
When  shot-torn  banners  that  of  old  streamed  in  the  battle's 

breath 
Shall  mouldering  hang  from  chapel-roofs  in  stillness  deep  as 

death ; 
When  Peace  and  Honor  may  at  length  go  smiling  hand  in 

hand, 
And  Nature  hide  with  sweet  spring  flowers  the  blood-stains  on 

the  land ! 


ODE 

FOE  THE  CLASS  OP  1860,  L.  H.  S. 

WHEN  yon  sun  shall  have  sunk  in  the  gold-veined  west, 

Our  band  will  be  scattered  and  fled ! 
And  with  sad,  solemn  thoughts  swells  the  heart  in  each  breast, 

As  we  think  o'er  the  days  that  are  dead : 
Brightest  days  of  our  youth !  greenest  isle  in  life's  stream, 

Where  like  fairies  sweet  memories  dwell, 
And  their  soft  voices,  calling,  float  near  when  we  dream, 

Like  the  charm  of  a  far-distant  bell ! 

As  the  days  and  the  months  and  the  years  swiftly  sped, 

And  the  hour  of  our  parting  drew  nigh, 
Brighter  beams  in  our  hearts  friendship's  sun  richly  shed, 

As  it  shone  in  the  cloud-covered  sky ; 
And  still,  as  old  time  shall  unceasingly  run, 

And  our  future  be  wed  with  the  past, 
May  the  glories  that  stream  from  that  ne'er-dying  sun 

Burn  brighter  and  clearer  at  last ! 

In  the  bloom  of  our  youth  we  are  gathered  to-day, 

And  the  hopes  in  our  souls  are  yet  green ! 
While  the  light  of  our  joy  round  the  future  doth  play, 

And  no  shadow  throws  gloom  o'er  the  scene : 


424  FREDERIC  THOMAS  GREENHALGE. 

Yet  in  moments  of  joy,  in  our  frolicsome  glee, 
When  unshaken  and  fresh  in  our  trust, 

We  shall  cherish  in  memory  those  we  but  see 
In  the  flowers  that  spring  from  their  dust ! 

From  the  reverend  walls  that  have  sheltered  us  long, 

We  slowly  and  mournfully  go ! 
And  we  hear  the  old  echoes  wake  forth  into  song, 

With  a  melody  plaintive  and  low : 
While  the  magical  music  floats  soft  to  our  ears, 

And  a  tear-drop  bedims  every  eye, 
We  will  part  who  've  been  banded  together  for  years, 

And  repeat  a  last  solemn  "  Good-by ! " 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 


A  CONFERENCE    OF    NEW   ENGLAND    GOVERNORS. 

WRITTEN  FOE  THE  "  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW." 

SOME  time  ago  it  was  intimated  by  me  that  an  informal, 
business-like  conference  of  New  England  governors  should  be 
held  to  consider  what  steps  were  expedient  or  necessary  for  the 
preservation  and  advancement  of  the  interests  of  all  New  Eng- 
land. The  suggestion  thus  put  forward  had  not  been  reduced 
to  shape  or  proportion,  nor  were  the  limits,  scope,  and  purpose 
of  the  scheme  at  all  distinctly  defined.  As  neither  time  nor 
opportunity  has  been  given  for  the  present  realization  of  this 
project,  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  answer  the  inquiry  as  to 
what  purpose  and  advantage  would  be  subserved  by  such  a 
proceeding  as  that  suggested. 

I  shall  therefore,  as  plainly  and  concisely  as  possible,  state 
what  there  was  in  the  proposition  as  it  presented  itself  in  its 
somewhat  crude  and  undefined  form.  At  the  outset  I  may  say 
that  it  seems  difficult  to  imagine  what  possible  objection  within 
any  sort  of  reasonable  limit  could  be  offered  to  this  suggestion, 
allowing  always  for  the  usual  mild  alarm  which  is  excited  by 
any  novel  idea  in  the  minds  of  the  "  Forcible  Peebles  "  of  news- 
paper or  political  circles.  To  such  minds  the  mere  suggestion 
of  such  a  conference  brings  up  fantastic  visions  of  evil  portent. 
They  imagine  they  see  the  mysterious  John  Henry,  of  Montreal, 
who  during  the  long  embargo  attempted  to  create  a  feeling  of 
disloyalty  in  New  England  towards  the  Union  ;  the  gloomy  and 
sinister  figure  of  Aaron  Burr,  with  his  schemes  of  personal 
empire,  his  dark  conspiracies,  his  implacable  revenges,  rises  in 
all  the  vast  and  terrible  proportions  of  Milton's  Satan ;  and 


428  APPENDIX. 

inevitably  and  as  a  matter  of  course,  the  Hartford  Convention, 
the  stock  bete  noir  of  Democratic  imagination,  again  assembles 
the  members  of  its  "  infernal  court "  which,  according  to  ancient 
Eepublican  nursery  tales,  was  plotting  to  erect  the  "  Kingdom 
of  New  England  "  with  a  monarch  chosen  after  the  most  ap- 
proved opera-bou/e  principles. 

It  may  be  that  comments  like  those  referred  to  are  in  the 
nature  of  persiflage  and  are  not  meant  to  be  taken  seriously, 
and  it  is  true  that  the  jests  emanating  from  the  class  of  minds 
alluded  to  are  so  often  clothed  with  solemnity  and  their  serious 
thoughts  so  often  attired  in  farcical  garb  that  it  becomes  diffi- 
cult to  decide  what  the  true  intent  of  the  authors  is,  or  whether 
they  have  any  intent  at  all  But  in  answer  to  all  questions 
and  comments  which  may  appear  to  be  worthy  of  serious  con- 
sideration, I  present  the  following  suggestions  relative  to  the 
propriety  and  expediency  of  a  business-like,  informal  conference 
of  New  England  governors. 

This  is  the  day  of  organization,  of  united,  collective  action, 
in  every  line  and  branch  of  human  industry,  effort,  action,  and 
thought.  The  world  is  learning  every  day  the  value  and  effi- 
ciency of  union,  of  consolidation,  of  the  marshalling  and  massing 
of  forces,  for  the  attainment  of  any  given  object,  for  the  preser- 
vation of  any  right  or  advantage.  We  have  organization,  united 
action,  in  every  direction.  Everywhere  we  find  organization  in 
business ;  of  capital,  manifested  in  trusts,  syndicates,  corpora- 
tions, pools,  combinations,  many  of  them  beneficial,  and  many 
oppressive  and  illegal ;  organizations  of  labor,  forming  all  kinds 
of  combinations  under  all  sorts  of  names,  —  trades-unions, 
knights,  brotherhoods,  orders,  federations,  leagues,  lodges,  guilds, 
fraternities.  "  The  butcher,  the  baker,  the  candlestick-maker," 
the  doctor,  the  lawyer,  the  plumber,  the  railroad  man,  the  gro- 
cer, the  soldier,  the  sailor,  —  all  of  them,  rich  and  poor,  great  and 
small,  appear  to  have  decided  to  "  get  together,"  and  to  move, 
not  independently  and  individually,  but  in  masses,  by  hundreds 
and  thousands,  and  in  very  much  larger  numbers.  We  have 
also  an  infinite  variety  and  number  of  social  and  political,  as 
well  as  business,  organizations.  City  solicitors,  bar  associations, 
county  commissioners,  mayors  and  ex-mayors,  alumni  and 
alumnse  of  school,  college,  and  academy,  boards  of  trade  of  city 


APPENDIX.  429 

county,  and  State,  agricultural  societies  of  county,  State,  New 
England,  and  the  United  States. 

The  conference  and  convention  are  then  the  ordinary  and 
natural  implements  employed  by  the  civilization  of  to-day.  It 
is  far  more  ordinary  and  natural  to  employ  them  than  not  to 
employ  them.  If  the  mayors  of  Massachusetts'  cities  were 
to  hold  a  conference,  in  such  a  time  as  the  present,  to  dis- 
cuss methods  of  relief,  of  furnishing  employment,  of  dealing 
with  pauperism  and  crime,  of  the  best  system  of  lighting  the 
streets  or  of  conveying  away  the  sewerage,  of  meeting  pesti- 
lence or  diminishing  taxes,  it  would  probably  be  admitted 
that  little  harm  and  much  good  might  result.  As  a  conference 
of  mayors  might  be  productive  of  beneficial  results,  it  would 
seem  as  if  a  conference  of  governors  need  not  be  fraught  with 
peril  or  evil  consequences.  As  the  next  larger  circle  beyond 
the  town  or  city  is  the  county,  and  the  next  beyond  that  the 
commonwealth,  so  by  natural  and  regular  gradation  or  expan- 
sion the  town  or  city  organization  widens  into  the  --county 
organization,  and  this  last  becomes  in  its  turn  a  constituent 
part  of  the  State  organization ;  and  the  widest  and  fullest 
development  of  any  organization  in  any  of  the  six  New  Eng- 
land States  is  found  in  New  England  itself,  which  has  all  the 
elements  of  oneness  contributed  by  climate,  history,  and  situa- 
tion, by  affinities,  habits,  pursuits,  and  interests.  And  so  potent 
have  these  factors  of  unity  been  that  from  the  beginning  the 
States  of  New  England,  both  as  originally  constituted  and  as 
existing  now,  have,  in  a  great  majority  of  cases,  acted  as  a  unit, 
political,  industrial,  or  otherwise. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  republic,  when  interest  and  senti- 
ment were  in  an  inchoate,  if  not  chaotic,  state,  the  instinct  of 
self-preservation  prompted  the  most  jealous  watchfulness  on 
the  part  of  one  section,  or  one  locality,  toward  another  and 
every  other.  The  early  struggle  to  maintain  and  preserve  the 
Union  from  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  to  the 
year  1812  was  as  heroic  as  the  struggle  for  Independence  or 
the  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  The  War  of  1812, 
even  though  it  brought  out  at  times  warm  sectional  feeling, 
finally  cemented  and  secured  the  Union.  But  the  men  of  New 
England,  and  particularly  of  Massachusetts,  were  constantly  on 


430  APPENDIX. 

the  alert  to  detect  and  resist  any  hostile  combination  or  any 
effort  to  diminish  their  influence  or  prestige  in  the  Union. 
Their  territory  was  small,  and  geographically  or  politically 
more  segregated  from  the  bulk  of  the  national  territory  than 
any  other  portion.  For  a  long  period  the  people  had  lived,  as 
Palfrey  says,  "  in  remarkable  seclusion  from  other  communities." 
They  were  wonderfully  homogeneous,  and  of  high  and,  what  is 
more,  of  equal,  social  grade,  and  the  whole  community  was 
marked  by  uniformity  of  character  and  purpose,  which  made 
New  England  the  great  force  in  the  establishment  of  the  United 
States  and  in  its  subsequent  career.  The  people  were  ac- 
customed to  act  together  from  the  first.  In  1643  the  four 
colonies  of  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  New 
Haven  formed  a  league  called  "  The  United  Colonies  of  New 
England."  These  little  States  contained  thirty-nine  towns  and 
24,000  people  ;  and  the  union,  rude  as  it  was,  proved  of  great 
value  in  the  Indian  wars  which  were  soon  to  follow. 

In  1773  Massachusetts,  representing  New  England,  came 
into  close  political  sympathy  with  Virginia ;  and  New  Eng- 
land and  Virginia  led  the  way  to  the  triumph  of  liberty  and 
independence  in  1783.  After  the  formation  of  the  Union  the 
"  balance  of  power "  was  to  be  preserved.  Everything  in  the 
situation  had  been  carefully  weighed  and  measured,  before 
the  Union  was  consummated :  population,  territorial  area,  geo- 
graphical situation,  wealth,  and  opportunities  for  future  de- 
velopment. The  purchase  of  Louisiana  in  1804  occasioned 
much  distrust  and  complaint  on  the  part  of  New  England. 
Already  the  united  South  had  attained  an  influence  in  the 
national  councils  fraught  with  danger  to  New  England.  There 
were  840,000  slaves  in  the  South,  and  fifteen  votes  were  given 
to  that  section  on  account  of  this  part  of  the  population.  Even 
then  the  so-called  "  negro  vote  "  (which  was  not  a  negro  vote) 
had  been  sufficient  to  secure  legislation  injurious  to  New  Eng- 
land, and  had  practically  determined  the  presidential  election 
of  1801.  Massachusetts  went  so  far  as  to  propose  an  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  to  correct  this  system  of  representa- 
tion, but  it  was  not  adopted.  In  1808,  while  the  "  long  embargo  " 
was  still  in  force,  and  the  "  Force  Act "  was  exciting  indignation 
and  resistance  throughout  New  England,  a  call  for  a  convention 


APPENDIX.  431 

of  the  New  England  States  was  formally  issued.  It  was  the 
firm  stand  of  New  England  at  this  time  which  contributed 
largely  to  the  passage  of  the  act  lifting  the  embargo,  which 
act  was  signed  by  Jefferson  March  1,  1809. 

The  Hartford  Convention  was  held  in  December,  1814 ;  but 
as  the  war  soon  terminated,  and  the  rights  of  New  England  did 
not  suffer  in  the  settlement,  the  proceedings  of  that  convention 
proved  to  be  of  no  lasting  importance,  except  in  the  minds  of 
strong  political  partisans,  who  invest  the  doings  and  purposes 
of  that  body  with  a  significance  and  complexion  not  borne  out 
by  evidence  or  history. 

And  so  from  time  to  time  the  action  and  influence  of  New 
England  have  been  exerted  for  the  preservation  of  her  rights 
and  interests,  and  without  injury  or  menace  to  any  other  por- 
tion of  the  country.  The  conference  at  Altoona  in  1862  was  a 
notable  instance.  To-day  New  England  is  practically  a  unit 
—  political,  social,  and  industrial — but  her  interests  are  those 
of  the  country  at  large ;  she  is  at  the  head  of  the  procession, 
not  in  the  way  of  it.  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  New 
Jersey,  and  all  the  industrial  States  of  the  Union  are  in  full 
sympathy  with  New  England  to-day  upon  all  the  great  political 
and  economic  questions  at  issue,  and  they  will  welcome  her 
leadership  in  these  matters  instead  of  disputing  it. 

It  is  apparent,  then,  that  throughout  her  history  New  Eng- 
land has  been  a  powerful  factor  in  national  affairs,  and  in  the 
protection  of  her  rights  and  interests  by  acting  as  a  unit ;  that 
New  England  is  the  natural,  convenient,  and  effective  consoli- 
dation of  the  interests  and  purposes  of  the  several  States  within 
her  limits  ;  that  by  reason  of  her  enlightenment,  her  experience, 
her  devotion  to  the  best  interests  of  the  whole  country,  her 
success  in  business,  in  industry,  and  in  commerce,  her  educa- 
tional and  charitable  institutions,  in  short  by  reason  of  every- 
thing which  tends  to  develop,  to  strengthen,  to  adorn  a  State 
and  to  promote  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  citizen,  New 
England  is  entitled  to  the  respect  and  consideration  of  other 
States  and  sections  of  the  country. 

But  there  are  dangerous  influences  and  tendencies  at  work 
to-day  which  bode  no  good  to  the  country.  The  conservative 
influences  and  tendencies  of  New  England  should  be  expressed 


432  APPENDIX. 

in  every  reasonable  and  intelligent  manner.  When  Caliban 
rises  to  threaten  the  country  with  crude  and  reckless  theories 
of  business  and  finance,  it  is  time  that  the  beneficent  powers  of 
Prospero  should  be  brought  into  play.  New  England  has  two 
claims  entitling  her  to  be  heard :  she  is  most  deeply  interested 
in  good  money  and  good  business ;  and  she  has  had  more  ex- 
perience and  presumably  has  more  knowledge  in  these  things 
than  the  people  of  any  other  equal  area  in  the  United  States. 
As  regards  all  the  prejudice  which  may  seem  to  exist  against 
her  in  some  quarters  of  the  country,  the  depth  or  sincerity  of 
this  prejudice  may  fairly  be  suspected  because  it  is  contradicted 
by  many  honest  and  genuine  tributes  of  respect  which  are  un- 
mistakably offered  to  her  by  imitation  of  her  institutions,  her 
customs,  and  her  methods.  As  for  Massachusetts,  she  enjoys 
the  loyal  respect  and  love  of  her  sister-States  of  New  England 
to  a  most  remarkable  and  gratifying  degree.  There  is  a  warm 
sisterly  feeling  among  the  States  of  New  England,  and  not  the 
slightest  symptom  of  envy,  jealousy,  or  uncharitableness,  from 
one  to  another,  so  far  as  my  personal  observation  or  information 
goes. 

The  questions  of  raising  a  revenue  or  of  preserving  a  correct 
money  standard  are  not  the  only  questions  before  the  people, 
though  they  may  be  of  the  first  magnitude.  There  are  other 
important  problems  which  are  to  be  considered  and  solved. 
Uniformity  in  many  lines  of  legislation  is  important,  —  unifor- 
mity in  industrial  conditions  as  affected  by  legislation,  in  rail- 
road management,  in  sanitary  regulations,  in  marriage  and 
divorce,  in  the  laws  relating  to  wills,  deeds,  etc.,  in  the  laws 
relating  to  elections,  to  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction  or  admin- 
istration, and  in  many  other  matters. 

There  happen  to  be  six  Republican  governors  in  New  Eng- 
land at  present.  This  has  not  always  been  the  case  ;  and  as 
Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and 
Connecticut  have  sometimes  chosen  governors  of  other  political 
parties,  the  unanimity  of  sentiment  manifested  by  the  present 
state  of  things  might  serve  to  promote  an  important  object  of 
the  proposed  conference,  which  was  to  impress  the  members 
of  the  national  legislature  with  the  wide-spread  opposition  to 
radical  legislation  in  financial  or  industrial  affairs. 


APPENDIX.  433 

In  1890  the  population  of  New  England  was  4,700,745.  The 
value  of  its  manufactures  in  1880  was  $1,106,158,303,  and 
the  total  value  of  manufactures  in  the  United  States  was 
$5,369,579,191,  from  which  it  will  be  seen  that  New  England 
produced  more  than  one-fifth  of  the  entire  value  of  the  product 
of  the  whole  country.  The  great  State  of  New  York,  with  a 
population  of  5,981,934  (an  excess  of  1,281,389  over  that  of 
New  England)  has  manufactures  to  the  value  of  $1,080,696,596, 
or  about  $26,000  less  than  the  total  value  of  manufactures  in 
New  England.  It  will  be  seen,  therefore,  that  New  England 
is  as  deeply  interested  in  industrial  matters  or  in  legislation 
bearing  upon  industrial  interests  as  any  equal  area  of  territory 
in  the  country. 

A  conference  of  the  chief  magistrates  of  these  New  England 
States,  a  comparison  of  rules  and  methods,  a  discussion  of 
popular  and  legislative  tendencies,  of  popular  and  legislative 
needs  or  desires,  of  executive  and  legislative  business  and  the 
methods  of  performing  it,  might  and  ought  to  be  as  productive 
of  beneficial  results  as  similar  conferences  of  business,  political, 
or  social  organizations,  and  it  is  possible  that  in  critical  times 
the  united  efforts  or  influence  of  the  governors  of  New  England 
might  suffice  to  turn  the  scale  of  political  or  industrial  action. 

FREDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE. 


28 


434  APPENDIX. 


PEACTICAL  POLITICS. 

WRITTEN  FOR  THE  "  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW." 

THE  practical  politician  is  the  necessary  outcome  of  practi- 
cal politics  as  we  find  them  to-day.  A  general  understanding 
of  the  character  of  the  practical  politician  is  therefore  indis- 
pensable in  the  consideration  of  what  practical  politics  are, 
and  what  they  ought  to  be.  And  we  must  recognize  the  fact 
that  the  practical  politician  even  now  has  his  uses  and  his 
merits  as  well  as  his  vices  and  his  defects. 

He  is  loyal,  diligent,  indefatigable  in  the  support  of  his 
party  and  its  candidates.  The  genuine  practical  politician 
never  bolts  the  ticket,  and  he  never  forgets  or  forgives  the 
man  who  does.  He  is  versed  in  all  the  learning  of  political 
mechanism ;  he  knows  just  when  a  caucus  is  to  be  held,  what 
States  hold  elections  in  any  particular  year,  what  majorities 
were  given  at  this  or  that  election,  what  "  out  "  there  is  in 
any  candidate. 

If  any  question  of  principle  arises,  he  refers  glibly  to  the 
last  party  platform;  that  is  his  Bible,  gospel,  and  law.  In 
fact,  he  looks  upon  principle  as  a  kind  of  imposture  which  it 
may  be  necessary  to  employ,  —  not,  however,  for  the  wise  and 
intelligent,  but  for  the  ignorant  mass  which  is  to  be  cajoled 
and  taken  in. 

As  I  have  said,  he  is  loyal  in  a  certain  sense  and  to  a  cer- 
tain degree.  He  is  a  Dugald  Dalgetty  enlisted  for  the  cam- 
paign ;  he  is,  as  the  lawyers  might  say,  true  ad  litem.  He  has 
an  inexorable  rule  by  which  he  can  determine  whether  a  pub- 
lic man  is  politically  dead  or  politically  very  much  alive  and 
at  the  front,  or,  as  he  would  say,  "  on  top. "  He  is  present  at 
all  political  gatherings  of  his  own  party,  and  sometimes  at 
those  of  the  other  parties.  Neither  rain,  nor  heat,  nor  busi- 
ness, nor  family  cares,  ever  prevent  him  from  being  on  hand 


APPENDIX.  435 

where  any  political  business  is  to  be  transacted.  In  his 
moral  character  he  ranks  well  with  the  average  of  mankind. 
He  is,  as  a  rule,  neither  licentious  nor  intemperate.  His 
views  of  principle  in  ordinary  affairs  of  life  do  not  apply  to 
the  business  of  politics.  His  justification  of  questionable 
transactions  brought  up  to  him  for  discussion  by  his  wife  and 
daughters  is  that  such  matters  do  not  fall  within  the  realm  of 
ordinary  moral  rules ;  they  belong  to  the  mysterious  domain 
of  politics. 

He  comes  to  think  that  he  makes  and  unmakes  political 
careers  and  political  reputations;  that,  after  all,  he  is  the 
main-spring,  the  force  and  the  regulator  of  the  body  politic  — 
to  which  term  he  gives  a  much  narrower  meaning  than  the  true 
one.  He  reverences  the  machine,  because  he  regards  himself 
as  the  machine,  or  as  a  large  part  of  it ;  he  loves  details  —  he 
is  a  detail  himself.  Principles  —  great  movements  of  the 
people  —  a  candidate  who  has  shot  into  the  firmament  like  a 
new  star,  without  having  been  put  there,  and  lighted  like  a 
lamp,  these  things  disconcert  and  irritate  him.  The  "  slate  " 
is  more  important  to  him  than  Magna  Charta  or  any  conceiv- 
able constitution.  The  "  slate  "  must  not  be  imperilled  by 
revolutionary  forces.  And  he  says,  in  the  spirit  of  Louis 
XIV.  :  "  The  Slate,  it  is  I. "  He  relies  greatly  upon  what  he 
calls  the  "  farmer  vote, "  the  "  soldier  vote, "  the  "  labor  vote, " 
etc. ,  and  can  tell  you  exactly  and  precisely  why  a  candidate 
will  or  will  not  get  one  or  the  other  of  these  class  votes,  which 
he  firmly  believes  are  always  cast  en  bloc.  He  cannot  realize 
the  inherent  independence  and  power  of  reasoning  of  thousands 
of  soldiers,  farmers,  or  workingmen. 

He  is  a  profound  believer  in  thaumaturgy,  in  coups  d'etat, 
in  surprises.  He  says  :  "  Wait,  wait ;  this  campaign  is  young 
yet ;  something  will  drop  —  about  —  let  me  see  —  well,  about 
six  —  no,  five  days  from  now."  He  always  has  the  air  of 
accurate  calculation,  of  guarded  and  judicial  statement ;  he 
is  a  Delphic  oracle,  able  to  prove  himself  an  infallible  prophet, 
whatever  happens. 

He  regards  the  giving  of  his  vote  as  a  personal  favor  to  be 
returned  by  personal  favors.  A  public  official  who  distributes 
offices  among  his  personal  friends  and  relations,  he  considers 


436  APPENDIX. 

worthy  of  all  commendation.  "  Why  should  n't  a  man  stick 
by  his  friends  —  why  should  n't  he  help  his  family  ?  This 
method  of  dealing  with  the  public  service  is  an  evidence  of  a 
noble  and  generous  heart. "  Family  and  friends  are  realities. 
The  state,  the  country,  the  public  ?  These  are  mere  "  platform  " 
words  and  are  not  real  entities. 

The  type  of  practical  politician  now  under  consideration  is 
a  "  professional, "  living  for  politics  and  living  out  of  politics. 
He  does  much  political  work,  but  only  on  the  quid  pro  quo 
principle.  "  The  laborer  is  worthy  of  his  hire, "  he  says  with 
great  gusto,  for  he  loves  to  defend  his  position  by  scriptural 
quotations.  He  must  be  "recognized,"  and  he  is  eager  to 
point  out  to  the  raw  recruit  also  that  for  everything  he  does, 
he  must  be  "  recognized. "  He  loves  to  go  to  some  young 
patriot  burning  with  devotion  to  his  state  or  his  city,  who  has 
swept  the  corrupt  element  of  a  convention  like  chaff  before  the 
Sirocco-like  wind  of  his  scorching  invective,  and  whisper  to 
him  that  the  reform  nominee  is  bound  to  give  him  such  and 
such  a  place,  "  because  you  made  his  nomination  possible.  " 

But  with  all  his  faults,  his  follies,  his  amusing  characteris- 
tics, it  must  be  remembered  that  he  is  a  constant  force.  He 
never  lets  anything  go  by  default.  He  is,  indeed,  a  machine, 
tireless,  fearless,  conscienceless,  and  remorseless  —  at  least  in 
his  own  sphere  of  action. 

He  insists  upon  the  unreality  of  things.  A  is  popular  and 
always  commands  applause.  To  make  B  "  popular, "  all  that 
is  necessary  is  to  furnish  the  applause.  C  never  seeks  an  office ; 
the  office  seeks  him.  D  can  be  put  in  the  same  class  as  C ; 
a  petition  of  a  hundred,  a  thousand,  names  can  be  got  at  a 
very  small  figure  and  with  very  little  labor.  But  the  "  prac- 
tical politician  "  seldom  or  never  deceives  the  public  by  these 
ingenious  but  shallow  devices.  It  is  easy  to  distinguish  the 
true  from  the  false,  the  diamond  from  the  paste. 

Again,  our  politician  places  much  dependence  upon  money. 
He  assumes  a  cold,  practical  air.  A  great  idea  is  mentioned 
to  him,  a  plan  which  will  really  call  a  sluggish  people  to  arms ; 
but  he  says  coldly  and  cynically,  "  Yes,  but  where  's  the 
money  ?  "  And  many  men  who  have  started  in  politics  with 
an  idea,  with  a  sentiment,  with  an  inspiration,  being  beaten 


APPENDIX.  437 

down,  have  become  doubly  and  more  the  advocates  of  Mammon. 
The  new  doctrine  is  so  practical,  they  become  really  ashamed 
of  their  ideals ;  they  go  to  the  farthest  extreme  of  the  meanest 
and  basest  practical  politics,  and  actually  seek  to  hide  the 
early  and  noble  ideals  which  their  young  manhood  cherished. 

The  practical  politician  firmly  believes  that  the  sole  measure 
of  a  man's  fitness  for  an  office  is  the  ability  to  get  it  Compe- 
tency, education,  experience,  honesty,  are  merely  "  platform  " 
words,  —  strong,  but  of  no  real  significance.  In  fact,  the  less 
ability  the  candidate  has  for  a  place  the  more  ability  he  dis- 
plays in  securing  it  "  He  has  a  right  to  aspire,  —  it  is  an 
honorable  ambition,  —  and  he  is  n't  ashamed  to  say  what  he 
wants  and  to  set  his  friends  to  work. "  This  is  the  language 
of  the  so-called  practical  politician.  He  admires  nothing  so 
much  as  the  brutal  frankness  of  a  selfish,  sordid  creature, 
whose  stupidity  makes  him  proud  of  his  infamy. 

Of  course  there  is  a  very  different  stripe  of  "  practical  poli- 
ticians. "  There  are  men  of  conscience,  intelligence,  and  patri- 
otic purpose.  They  have  made  their  influence  felt  in  many 
ways,  —  chiefly  in  local  or  municipal  politics,  where,  in  fact, 
the  widest  field  is  open  to  their  efforts.  These  are  men  who 
believe  that  the  grandest  "  recognition  "  their  devoted  labors 
can  receive  is  in  the  strengthening  and  purifying  of  the  body 
politic,  in  honest  and  economic  modes  of  administration;  in 
extending  public  benefits  to  the  whole  public,  and  diffusing 
the  blessings  of  good  government,  as  the  Almighty  diffuses  the 
sunshine,  over  each  and  all  alike. 

Politics  so  often  deal  with  ignoble  things,  —  things  of  the 
earth,  "  earthy ;  "  things  of  the  pocket,  of  the  sewer,  of  the 
gutter ;  with  disagreeable  people,  disagreeable  places.  Patient 
labor,  self-denial,  sacrifice  are  needed.  Comfort,  pleasure, 
luxuries,  necessities  must  be  given  up  to  insure  success. 
Rebuffs,  insults,  calumny,  ridicule,  defeat,  and  disaster  must 
be  met  and  overcome.  This  is  the  environment,  these  the 
factors,  which  confront  the  earnest  patriotic  man. 

The  prospect  herein  outlined  is  not  encouraging.  No 
wonder  that  young  men  of  refinement,  of  ambition,  of  honesty, 
of  aspiration,  glowing  with  patriotic  purpose,  eager  to  serve 
their  fellowmen,  shrink  from  the  herculean  task  confronting 


438  APPENDIX. 

them  here.  But  this  is  the  place,  and  here  are  the  materials, 
where  and  with  which  great  souls  have  labored  and  have  been 
victorious.  Liberty,  justice,  equality,  education,  and  progress 
in  every  direction  have  been  set  free  from  just  such  elements  as 
these,  or  worse  than  these,  and  have  emerged  shapes  of  glory  and 
strength  to  gladden  and  comfort  mankind.  And  even  now  the 
strong  soul  can  find  his  loveliest  Ideal  imprisoned  somewhere 
in  this  sordid  Actual.  Thomas  Carlyle,  in  his  grim  eloquent 
way,  says,  in  "  Sartor  Eesartus, "  Book  II. ,  Chapter  IX.  :  — 

"  Yes,  here  in  this  poor,  miserable,  hampered,  despicable 
Actual,  wherein  thou  even  now  standest,  here  or  nowhere  is 
thy  Ideal.  Work  it  out  therefrom,  and,  working,  believe, 
live,  be  free.  Fool !  the  Ideal  is  in  thyself,  the  impediment, 
too,  is  in  thyself ;  thy  Condition  is  but  the  stuff  thou  art  to 
shape  that  same  Ideal  out  of.  What  matters  whether  such 
stuff  be  of  this  sort  or  that,  so  the  Form  thou  give  it  be  heroic, 
be  poetic?  O  thou  that  pinest  in  the  imprisonment  of  the 
Actual,  and  criest  bitterly  to  the  Gods  for  a  Kingdom  wherein 
to  rule  and  create,  know  this  of  a  truth :  the  thing  thou  seek- 
est  is  already  with  thee,  here  or  nowhere,  couldst  thou  only 
see ! " 

Truer  or  more  inspiring  words  than  these  were  never  written. 
Out  of  the  mud,  the  uncleanness,  the  dishonors,  of  the  Actual 
and  the  practical,  it  is  permitted  to  the  true  man,  to  the 
patriot  and  hero  of  this  practical  age,  to  mould  the  grandest 
Ideals  into  realities,  living,  breathing,  working  for  good. 
But  the  heroic,  patriotic  spirit  is  indispensable.  No  dilettante 
devotion,  no  narrow  selfish  ambition,  will  have  the  power  to 
effect  these  magic  results. 

Now,  while  it  is  necessary  to  be  right  —  in  order  to  com- 
mand success  —  it  is  not  enough  to  be  right.  Having  deter- 
mined on  what  is  right,  in  a  given  case,  you  cannot  send  out 
your  purpose  like  a  stray  child  to  be  abused,  deceived,  and 
beaten ;  a  strong,  well-equipped  escort  must  accompany  and 
guard  that  purpose,  able  to  deal  with  friends  and  foes,  to  pro- 
tect in  every  way  the  interests  of  their  charge.  How  to  launch 
a  noble  purpose  at  the  right  time,  to  provision  it,  to  equip  it, 
so  that  it  may  meet  the  storms  which  are  sure  to  come,  is  the 
true  study  of  the  true  and  honest  practical  politician.  He 


APPENDIX.  439 

must  be  wise  as  the  serpent,  and  harmless  as  the  dove  to  the 
State. 

Tact  in  an  honest  cause  is  almost  as  valuable  as  virtue. 
Knowledge  of  men  is  as  necessary  to  a  good  man  as  to  a  bad 
one.  Too  often  the  reformer  imitates  the  example  of  Mr. 
Tupman,  who,  when  Mr.  Pickwick  broke  through  the  ice, 
rushed  across  the  fields  shouting  "  Fire, "  leaving  Mr.  Pickwick 
to  his  fate. 

Can  a  politician  be  pure  and  practical  ?  Yes.  Must  he  be 
visionary  in  order  to  be  virtuous  ?  Emphatically,  no.  Truth 
and  justice  need  less  management  than  falsehood  and  injus- 
tice. But  intelligent,  well-disciplined  forces  are  necessary 
even  to  the  cause  of  truth  and  justice.  Prospero  must  ever  be 
on  the  alert  even  if  Caliban  is  his  only  enemy. 

Why  does  an  honest,  patriotic  man  take  office  ?  Office 
seldom  enriches  the  honest  patriotic  man.  A  list  of  the  lead- 
ing American  public  men  to-day  will  establish  this  fact. 
Most  of  them  are  lucky  if  they  have  a  competency,  or  indeed 
escape  bankruptcy.  One  of  the  moving  causes,  then,  must 
be  "  that  last  infirmity  of  noble  minds,"  ambition,  the  love  of 
fame,  of  popular  applause,  —  in  short,  of  glory.  But  is  there 
not  blended  with  this  motive,  in  many  cases,  a  passionate 
love  of  country,  an  intense  longing  innate  in  great  souls 

"  To  scatter  blessings  o'er  a  smiling  land, 
And  read  their  history  in  a  nation's  eyes"  ? 

The  sense  of  power  exercised  by  a  great  man  for  the  welfare  of 
his  country,  of  his  fellow-men,  must  make  him  feel  as  nearly 
divine  as  anything  can. 

The  ordinary  practical  office-holder  is  not  borne  up  by  any 
of  these  visions  of  glory.  The  reward  of  faithful  and  patient 
service  is  the  respect  and  affection  of  those  who  come  in 
contact  with  him,  and  he  consoles  himself  by  reflecting  that 
even  if  he  has  only  been  charged  to  drive  a  nail  into  the  tim- 
bers or  to  calk  the  seams  of  the  ship  of  state,  these  simple 
services  are  telling  their  honest  story  every  day  that  the 
majestic  fabric  floats. 

Men  must  make  a  living,  too,  and  men  of  wonderful  ability 
can  be  found  in  just  such  subordinate  stations  who  can  accom- 


440  APPENDIX. 

plish  great  results  when  directed  by  others,  but  who  are  weak 
and  inefficient  when  acting  for  themselves. 

The  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter,  then,  is  that  high  and 
noble  aims  must  be  supplemented  by  careful,  patient,  intelli- 
gent labor,  —  by  unselfish  courage  and  fidelity.  And  the  people 
themselves  must  regard  public  service  more  justly,  if  not  more 
charitably,  than  they  seem  to  do  at  present.  The  outlook  is 
encouraging ;  a  better,  nobler,  more  patriotic  spirit  is  abroad 
in  the  country ;  men  are  finding  that  they  must  not  censure, 
but  act,  —  that  they  themselves  are  largely  responsible  for 
what  they  condemn,  —  and  upon  the  whole,  I  believe,  we  are 
approaching  a  new  and  better  era  of  "  practical  politics.  " 

FKEDERIC  T.  GREENHALGE. 


INDEX. 


ABBOTT,  Capt.  Henry  Livermore,  87. 

Abbott,  Judge  J.  G.,  letter  to  Green- 
halgefrom,  87,  115. 

Abingtou  Street  Railway  Company, 
the,  327. 

Acton,  122. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  326. 

Adams,  John,  97,  102,  282. 

Admetus,  149. 

Administrative  Custom  Bill,  the,  239. 

JEschylus,  102,  343. 

Afro-American,  the,  223. 

Agamenticus,  Mount,  47,  57,  58,  137. 

Aiken,  John,  10. 

Alabama,  224. 

Aldrich,  Dr.,  315. 

Aldrich,  Judge,  compliment  to  Green- 
halge,  83. 

Alger,  E.  A.,  51. 

Alger,  General,  244. 

Allen,  Hon.  Charles  H.,  173,  174,  175; 
nominated  for  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 235. 

All  Souls'  Church,  Washington,  234. 

Altoona,  the  conference  at,  431. 

America,  her  favorites  spring  from  the 
people,  8 ;  advantages  over  England, 
1 1 ;  seats  of  the  mighty  filled  by  law- 
yers in,  83 ;  liberty  in,  93 ;  factory 
system  in,  108. 

American  Bell  Telephone  Bill,  the,  ve- 
toed by  Governor  Greenhalge,  303. 

American  Protective  Association,  the, 
344 ;  opposes  Greenhalge,  356. 

Amherst  College,  128. 

Andre,  Major,  307. 

Andrew,  Mr.,  231. 

Andrew,  Governor  John  A.,  47,  273, 
342. 


Andromeda,  93. 

Angelo,  Michael,  107. 

Ann,  Cape,  57. 

Antietam,  99. 

Anti-Lottery  Bill,  the,  239. 

Antiuomian  dissension,  the,  308. 

Anti-Trust  Bill,  the,  239. 

Antony,  12,  68. 

Apollo,  149. 

Appleton,  Capt.  Nathan,  27. 

Appomattox,  113,  155,  277. 

Aristides,  102. 

Aristotle,  60,  165. 

Arkansas,  209,  210. 

Armada  of  Spain,  the,  309. 

Armenians,  the,  Governor  Greenhalge 
speaks  in  behalf  of,  374. 

Arnett,  Mr.,  205. 

Arthur,  Chester  A.,  167. 

Ashworth,  John,  early  teacher  of  Green- 
halge, 10. 

Athens,  348. 

Atkinson  vs.  Pendleton,  200. 

Atlanta,  254,  323,  364. 

Atlanta  Exposition,  the,  368. 

Attica,  139,281. 

Augustine,  120. 

Austin,  Farmer,  58. 

Austin,  Mr.,  10. 


BACHELOR,  Mr.,  189. 

Bacon,  Francis,  323. 

Bacon,  Judge,  1 74. 

Bailey,  Governor  Greenhalge  refuses  to 

pardon,  326-333. 
Baker,  George  F.,  127. 
Baker,  Mary  J.,  127. 
Ball,  Mr.,  116. 


442 


INDEX. 


Baltimore,  94,  113,  276. 

"Baltimore  Sun,"  the,  195. 

Balzac,  Honore,  67. 

Banks,  General,  115,  184. 

Barker,  Mr.,  138. 

"  Barn  Oration,"  Greenhalge's  famous, 
28. 

Barrett,  Mr.,  124. 

Bartlett,  Mr.,  Homer,  23,  116. 

Beaconstield,  Lord,  50,  165. 

Beard,  Rev.  Ithamar  W.,  viii,  27  ;  let- 
ters from  Greenhalge  to,  35,  36,  58, 
60 ;  Greenhalge  at  college,  49-64. 

Beaumont,  53. 

Belgium,  180. 

Bellingham,  Richard,  308. 

Bell  Telephone  Bill,  the,  vetoed  by  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge,  300. 

Bell  Telephone  Cases,  the,  129. 

Belvidere,  the  suburb  of,  14,  54. 

Bering  Sea,  230. 

Biennial  Election,  Greenhalge  supports 
the  bill  in  favor  of,  169. 

Bismarck,  58,  137. 

"Blackwood  Review,"  the,  17. 

Blaine,  James  G.,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 166,  167 ;  265. 

Blair,  Robert,  56. 

Blanchard,  Rev.  Mr.,  115. 

Bland,  Mr.,  of  Missouri,  194. 

"Blessed  are  They  that  Mourn,"  poem 
written  by  Greenhalge,  72. 

Bolingbroke,  180. 

Bolton,  England,  7. 

Bonney,  115. 

Booth,  Gen.  William,  352. 

Boott,  Kirk,  the  incarnation  of  execu- 
tive ability,  109,  116. 

Borden,  Colonel,  315. 

Boston,  city  of,  William  Greenhalgh 
lands  in,  13  ;  his  fondness  for,  17,  18 ; 
memorial  service  given  in  honor  of 
General  Butler  by,  126 ;  Governor 
Greenhalge  signs  new  charter  for, 
336. 

"Boston  Advertiser,"  the,  170,  172. 

Boston  Bay,  95. 

Boston  Druggists'  Association,  the,  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge's  last  public  utter- 
ance before,  380. 

Boston  Elevated  Railroad  Company, 
the,  306. 

"  Boston  Globe,"  the,  246,  247. 


"Boston  Herald," the,  170,241,245,  248, 
250,  302. 

"  Boston  Journal,"  the,  295. 

Boston  Public  Garden,  the,  333. 

Boston  Subway,  the  work  inaugurated 
by  Governor  Greenhalge,  333. 

"Boston  Transcript,"  the,  328,  341. 

Bowers,  Jonathan,  41,  42,  45. 

"  Boys  in  Blue,"  the,  in  Lowell,  Green- 
halge addresses,  177. 

Brackett,  J.  Q.  A.,  179  ;  nominated  for 
Governor  of  Massachusetts,  179. 

Bradford,  Governor,  of  Plymouth,  308, 
309,  313,  322. 

Bradley,  Governor,  of  Kentucky,  372. 

Bragg,  Gen.  Braxton,  363,  366. 

Brandlesome  Hall,  7. 

Braxton  Court  House,  206. 

Brazil,  123. 

Breckinridge,  Mr.,  of  Arkansas,  209. 

Breckinridge,  Hon.  N.  C.  P.,  of  Ken- 
tucky, 234. 

Breckinridge-Clayton  contest,  the,  259. 

Brewster,  William,  322. 

Brice,  229,  243. 

Bridgewater,  354. 

Bristow,  Benjamin,  166. 

Bristow  Club  of  Lowell,  the,  166. 

British  Isles,  the,  111. 

British  Provinces,  the,  111. 

Britton,  William,  199. 

Bronte,  Charlotte,  18. 

Brooklyn,  321. 

Brooks,  assaults  Charles  Sumner,  154. 

Brooks,  Phillips,  60. 

Brown,  Governor,  of  Rhode  Island,  295. 

Brown,  A.  R.,  51. 

Brown,  John,  27. 

Brown,  John  F.,  315. 

Brown  &  Alger,  37. 

Browne,  Sir  Thomas,  67,  345,  356. 

Brownell,  "Governor,"  116. 

Browning,  Robert,  50. 

Bryant,  Seth,  355. 

Buckalew,  Mr.,  of  Pennsylvania,  219, 
220. 

Buckle,  the  philosopher,  53,  107. 

Bull  Run,  battle  of,  94. 

Bunker  Hill,  123,  179,  253;  Masonic 
celebration  in  commemoration  of  Gen. 
Joseph  Warren  at,  343 ;  363,  370. 

Burbank,  Mr.,  appointed  postmaster  at 
Lowell,  235. 


INDEX. 


443 


Burke,  78,  140,  141. 

Burnley,  Lancashire,  9. 

Burnside,  General,  363,  365. 

Burr,  Aaron,  427. 

Bury,  England,  7. 

Butler,  Gen.  B.  F.,  46,  113, 115;  memo- 
rial service  given  by  the  city  of  Boston 
in  honor  of,  126;  Greenhalge's  ora- 
tion, 126,  127 ;  139. 

Buttrick,  Dr.  Abner  Wheeler,  124,  139. 

Buttrick,  Frederick,  41. 

Buxton,  Mr.,  45. 


CESAR,  12,  65,  68,  75,  128,  228,  229, 

313,  342. 
California,  365. 
Cambridge,  231, 368,  369. 
Campbell,  56. 
Campo  Santo,  the,  299. 
Canadian  France,  111. 
" Canal  Walk,"  the,  111. 
Card  well,  15. 
Carey,  J.  F.,  314. 
Carlyle,  Thomas,  83,  438. 
Carnatic,  the,  plains  of,  140. 
Carney  Medal,  the,  won  by  Greenhalge, 

27. 

Carolinas,  the,  365. 

Casson,  Herbert  N.,  284 ;  presents  a  peti- 
tion from  the  unemployed  to  Governor 

Greenhalge,  284-290. 
Gate,  Featherstone  vs.,  209. 
Cathedrals,  the  great,  of  the  Old  World, 

119. 
Catholic  Union,  the,  Greenhalge  speaks 

on    "  Government  by    the    People " 

before,  173. 
Central  Club,  the,  46. 
Chadwick,  139. 
Chalgrove  Field,  297,  363. 
Chancellorsville,  battle  of,  94  ;  164. 
Channing   Fraternity   Dramatic  Club, 

the,  46. 

Chapman,  Mr.,  53. 
Charles  I.,  307. 
Charles  River,  the,  369. 
Chase,   Mr.,  principal    of   the  Lowell 

High  School,  14. 
Chatham,  Lord,  14,  37. 
Chattanooga,  362,  363,  366,  367. 
Chelmsford,  Greenhalge  teaches  school 

at,  34,  52. 


Chickamauga,  362,  365,  366. 

Choate,  Rufus,  84,  86,  115. 

Chocorua,  119. 

"  Christianity,  Practical,"  Governor 
Greenhalge's  speech  upon,  125. 

Cicero,  68. 

"  Citizen  and  Thanksgiving,"  the,  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge's  address  on,  347. 

"City  and  my  Country  Home,"  the, 
sonnet  written  by  Governor  Green- 
halge, 71. 

City  Institution  for  Savings,  the,  46. 

Civil  Service  Bill,  the,  232. 

Civil  Service  Reform,  Greenhalge  de- 
voted to  the  ideas  of,  154,  225. 

Clarke,  Mr.,  of  Alabama,  224. 

Clarke,  Threet  vs.,  224. 

Clay,  Henry,  267,  373. 

Clayton,  167. 

Clayton-Breckinridge  contest,  the,  259. 

Cleaves,  Governor,  of  Maine,  295. 

Cleveland,  Grover,  elected  President, 
165;  207,  232,  240,  242,  246. 

Clinton,  307. 

Clitheroe  (Lancashire),  England,  birth- 
place of  Greenhalge,  5  ;  loveliness  of, 
6 ;  birthplace  of  William  Greenhalgh, 
9;  15,  16. 

Clodius,  146. 

Coburn,  Harriet  Nesmith,  69. 

Coffin,  Charles  Carleton,  138. 

Cogswell,  Gen.  William,  231,  245,  315, 
317,  365. 

Cologne,  ]19. 

Colorado,  323. 

"  Columbus,"  poem  by  James  Russell 
Lowell,  74. 

Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  the, 
309. 

Compton,  215. 

Conant,  Roger,  309. 

Concord,  Mass.,  24,  87  ;  Greenhalge  de- 
livers the  Memorial  Day  address  at, 
98,  105;  113,  122,  125,  235;  first 
celebration  of  Patriots'  Day  at,  295  ; 
370. 

Concord  Bridge,  97. 

Concord  River,  14,  163. 

Congress,  Governor  Greenhalge's  speech 
in,  79-82. 

Connecticut,  309. 

Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the, 
133, 137. 


444 


INDEX. 


Cooper,  Mr.,  of  Ohio,   195. 

Corporations,  Governor  Greenhalge's 
opinions  regarding,  279,  377. 

Correggio,  180. 

Cortez,  5. 

Cothran,  Mr.,  of  South  Carolina,  226. 

Courtney,  Mayor,  of  Lowell,  presents 
the  bust  of  Governor  Greeuhalge  to 
the  State,  380. 

Coxey's  Army,  283. 

Craigie  House,  the,  in  Cambridge,  368. 

Crisp,  Mr.,  of  Georgia,  192,  195,  197, 
203,  214,  241,  243. 

Crittenden,  County  of,  210. 

Crocker,  Mr.,  Chairman  of  the  Transit 
Commission  of  Boston,  333. 

Croker,  Richard,  229. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  5,  146,  308,  309. 

Culleu,  Israel,  199. 

Curtiii,  Jeremiah,  27,  231. 

Curtis,  Mr.,  167,  241;  the  only  sur- 
vivor of  the  true  Mugwump,  242. 

Curtis,  Charles  P.,  326. 

Curtis,  Charles  P.,  Jr.,  315. 


DALTON,  Adjutant-General,  288. 

Dalzell,  Mr.,  of  Pennsylvania,  196. 

Damascus,  120. 

Damien,  Father,  139. 

"  Dangerous  Tendencies  of  the  Times," 
the,  Greenhalge's  speech  on,  129. 

Dante,  53. 

Daughters  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, the,  372. 

Davis,  124. 

Davis,  John,  52,  59. 

Dawes,  Senator,  245. 

Debating-clubs,  26. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  the,  132, 
219. 

Delos,  the  treasure  of,  139. 

Deming,  Judge,  122. 

"Democratic  Situation,"  the,  Green- 
halge's editorial  on,  239. 

Demosthenes,  140,  180. 

Dennett,  Jack,  51. 

"Dependant's  Story,"  the,  short  story 
by  Greenhalge,  26. 

De  Quincey,  Thomas,  17,  210. 

Derby,  Earl  of,  6;  in  the  battles  of 
Wigan  and  Worcester,  7  ;  perishes 
on  the  scaffold,  7. 


Detroit,  244. 

Dewey,  M.  D.  K.,  314. 

Dickens,  Charles,  17. 

Diggs,  John,  193. 

Direct  Tax  Bill,  the,  239. 

Disraeli,  48,  158,  165. 

Dodson,   Anne,   marriage  to    Thomas 

Greenhalgh,  9. 
Douglas,  W.  L.,  137. 
Dover,  N.  H.,  viii. 
Dover  Neck,  58. 
Dracut  Bridge,  16. 
Dracut  Heights,  115. 
Draper,  William  F.,   a  candidate  for 

Governor  of  Massachusetts,  177. 
Dudley,  229,  241. 
Dudley,  Deputy-Governor,  308. 
Dunstable,  231. 


EARNSHAW,  Judge,  201,  202,  203,  204, 
207. 

Earnshaw,  Mrs.,  202. 

Eastman,  Mary,  116. 

Edenfield,  William  Greenhalgh  moves 
to,  10 ;  an  ideal  English  village, 
10. 

Edge,  Major,  7. 

"Edinburgh  Review,"  the,  17. 

Edmunds,  166,  167. 

Edson,  Theodore,  115,  116. 

Education,  Governor  Greenhalge's  opin- 
ions concerning,  276. 

Eliot,  Charles  W.,  228. 

Eliot,  Sir  John,  309. 

Elizabeth,  Cape,  57. 

Elkins,  241. 

Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  192,  298. 

Emmet,  Robert,  112. 

Endicott,  John,  308,  309. 

England,  a  charming  home,  10;  advan- 
tages of  America  over,  1 1 ;  the  centre 
of  Europe,  1 9  ;  ruled  by  lawyers,  83 ; 
factory  system  in,  108. 

Enloe,  Mr.,  81. 

Eshton,  William  Greenhalgh  moves  to, 
10. 

Eton,  27,  277. 

Evans,  Wilmot,  326. 

Everett,  Edward,  84,  86,  128,  141. 

Everett,  William,  228. 

Evesham,  363. 

Ewart,  Mr.,  of  North  Carolina,  223. 


INDEX. 


445 


FAIKCHILD,  Ex-Secretary,  27. 

"  Fallen  Leaves,"  poem  written  by  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge,  73. 

Fall  River,  180,  335. 

"Fall  River  News,"  the,  171. 

Faneuil  Hall,  374. 

Farmers'  Alliance,  the,  240. 

Fassett,  244. 

Fast  Day,  abolished  by  Governor  Green- 
halge, 295. 

Featherstone  vs.  Gate,  209. 

Federal  Election  Bill,  the,  185,  200; 
Greenhalge's  speech  on,  216-224. 

"  Federalist,"  the,  221. 

Felton,  President,  28. 

Fifth  Street  Church,  in  Lowell,  128. 

Fifty -first  Congress,  the,  181  ;  outline 
of  the  task  that  lay  before,  184. 

First  Congregational  Church,  the,  in 
Lowell,  347. 

First  Presbyterian  Church  at  Newbury- 
port,  130. 

Fiske,  Mr.,  principal  of  the  North 
Grammar  School,  in  Lowell,  14,  20. 

Fiske,  Prof.  John,  27,  51,  306. 

Fletcher,  53. 

Florence,  107. 

Foot-ball,  the,  burial  of,  at  Harvard,  29. 

Forbes,  Archibald,  138. 

"  Force  Act,"  the,  430. 

Fortinbras,  157. 

Fowler,  Mr.,  195,  243. 

Fox,  65,  78. 

France,  governed  by  briefless  barristers, 
83;  equality  during  the  Revolution 
in,  92,  180. 

Francis,  James  B.,  139. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  102. 

Frederick  the  Great,  65. 

Fredericksburg,  battle  of,  94. 

Freedom,  the  genius  of,  92  ;  fair  bat 
inexorable,  95. 

Freeman,  J.  J.,  326. 

Fremont,  John  C.,  23. 

French,  the,  volatile  nature  of,  165. 

French  Academy,  the,  66. 

French  Spoliation  Claims,  the,  239. 

Froude,  165. 

Fuller,  Governor,  of  Vermont,  295. 

Fuller,  Perez,  116. 

GALILEE,  the  shores  of,  120. 
Galveston,  365. 


Garfield,  President  James  A.,  Green- 
halge's tribute  to,  162. 

Garfield  Club  of  Pawtucket,  the,  Green- 
halge addresses,  179. 

Garibaldi,  112. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  unveiling  at 
Newburyport  of  the  statue  of,  129; 
Greenhalge's  eulogy,  129-135;  first 
in  the  great  line  of  protagonists  in 
the  cause  of  human  freedom,  134. 

Gaskill,  F.  A.,  326. 

Gaston,  Ex-Governor,  381. 

George,  Lake,  Greenhalge's  sonnet  on, 
71. 

Georgia,  192,  195. 

Germany,  102,  111,  180. 

Gettysburg,  94,  104,  215,  277. 

Gibbons,  Cardinal,  346. 

Gillette,  Hon.  Frederic  H.,  316,  357. 

Gladstone,  William  E.,  137. 

Godkin,  Mr.,  241. 

Good  citizenship,  Governor  Green- 
halge's opinions  on,  378. 

Goodwin,  116. 

Gordon,  John  B.,  370. 

Gorman,  229,  241,  243. 

Gould,  Lincoln  &  Co.,  17. 

"  Government  by  the  People,"  Green- 
halge's address  on,  173. 

"  Governors,  A  Conference  of  New 
England,"  article  written  by  Green- 
halge on,  427-433. 

Governor's  Garden,  the,  313. 

Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  the,  99, 
125;  Mayor  Greenhalge  delivers  the 
Decoration  Day  address  before,  163; 
Greenhalge's  address  in  Music  Hall 
in  Boston  before,  281. 

Grant,  Mayor,  229. 

Grant,  U.  S.,  76,  94,  152  ;  quarrels  with 
Charles  Snmner,  153;  his  second 
nomination  for  the  Presidency,  1 54 ; 
his  financial  ruin,  154 ;  233,  365, 
366. 

Grattan,  112. 

Great  Bay,  58. 

Great  Britain,  180. 

Greeley,  Horace,  152,  153;  bolts  the 
second  nomination  of  Grant,  1 54. 

Greenhalge,  Frederick  Brandlesome, 
48. 

Greenhalge,  Governor  Frederic  Thomas, 
his  character  and  career  equal  to 


446 


INDEX. 


each  other,  vii ;  his  life  a  suggestive 
one,  viii :  broadness  of  his  life,  viii ; 
his  a  broken  life  judged  by  promise 
of  the  future,  4 ;  his  was  the  sun  of 
Austerlitz,  4  ;  grew  up  a  true  Ameri- 
can, 4 ;  birth  of,  5 ;  transplanted  to 
America,  5 ;  fortunate  in  both  his 
parents,  6 ;  changes  the  spelling  of 
his  name,  6 ;  prominence  of  his  family 
name,  7 ;  "  prudent  and  valiant,  and 
fitted  to  be  trusted,"  7 ;  raised  him- 
self to  his  high  position,  8;  sin- 
gularly free  from  prejudices,  8 ; 
natural  reserve  in  his  character,  8 ; 
born  to  be  a  great  tribune  of  the 
people,  8  ;  his  lack  of  interest  in  his 
ancestry,  9 ;  respect  and  admiration 
for  his  father,  9 ;  taste  for  literature, 
9 ;  ancestors  of,  9  ;  becomes  the  sole 
male  representative  of  his  family, 
9  ;  early  life  at  Eshton  and  Edenfield, 
10;  early  school-days,  10;  sails  for 
America,  11  ;  an  American  among 
Americans,  11;  lands  in  Boston, 
13  ;  settles  in  Lowell,  13  ;  school-life 
at  Lowell,  14 ;  precocious  as  a  youth, 
14 ;  striking  talents  of,  14  ;  his  vein 
of  poetic  sensibility  and  slight  melan- 
choly, 15 ;  an  artist  in  disposition,  15  ; 
a  master  in  the  art  of  speaking, 
15  ;  his  father's  plans  for,  18 ;  in  the 
Lowell  High  School,  18;  admitted 
to  Harvard,  18;  in  the  North  Gram- 
mar School,  19  ;  early  diary  of,  20- 
25 ;  phrenological  examination  of, 
25 ;  literary  exercises  of,  26 ;  enters 
Harvard  College,  27  ;  wins  the  first 
Carney  Medal,  27 ;  not  especially  de- 
voted to  athletic  sports,  27 ;  rises  to 
distinction  in  the  Institute  of  1770, 
27 ;  his  classmates  at  Harvard,  27 ; 
obliged  to  leave  college,  27  ;  receives 
his  degree,  27 ;  his  famous  "  barn 
oration,"  28 ;  the  burial  of  the  foot- 
ball at  Harvard,  28 ;  his  college  life, 
32;  death  of  his  father,  33;  his  life 
as  a  schoolmaster,  34;  in  the  War 
of  the  Rebellion,  34  ;  seized  by  mala- 
ria, 35 ;  letters  to  I.  W.  Beard,  35, 
36,  58-64 ;  resumes  his  law  studies  in 
Lowell,  37 ;  cynicism  foreign  to  his 
nature,  37;  his  wit  and  humor,  40; 
possessed  all  the  elements  of  a  suc- 


cessful actor,  41  ;  his  striking  coun- 
tenance, 41 ;  his  love  of  nature,  41 ; 
his  later  diary,  42-45,  62-64 ;  inter- 
ested in  private  theatricals,  46 ;  had 
few  business  affiliations,  46 ;  his  social 
organizations,  46  ;  his  home,  46,  48 ; 
his  simple  tastes,  47 ;  his  marriage, 
47;  children  of,  48;  felicity  of  his 
married  life,  48 ;  a  good  hater,  49 ; 
animated  conversation  of,  49 ;  Rev. 
Mr.  Beard's  account  of  him  at  college, 
49,  62  ;  a  man  of  a  manifest  destiny, 
50 ;  engaged  in  a  bolt-shop,  52 ;  his 
literary  acumen  and  acquirements,  56 ; 
his  "  Dover  days,"  58  ;  his  church  re- 
lations, 60 ;  versatile  mind  of,  65 ;  dra- 
matic element  in  his  character,  65 ; 
a  born  orator,  65  ;  a  close  student  of 
the  best  in  literature,  65,  66;  more 
than  a  lover  of  literature,  67 ;  as  a 
poet,  68-75 ;  selections  from  his 
poems,  69-75 ;  admitted  to  the  Bar, 
77;  love  of  his  profession,  77;  suc- 
cess of  his  oratory,  78;  distinguish- 
ing qualities  of  his  oratory,  78 ;  an  im- 
practical speaker,  78 ;  his  alertness  and 
readiness  of  speech,  79 ;  possessed  the 
courage  of  his  convictions,  79  ;  speech 
in  Congress  in  defence  of  Massachu- 
setts, 79-82  ;  his  legal  career  a  worthy 
object  of  emulation,  83 ;  tribute  from 
Judge  Aldrich  to,  83 ;  letters  from 
Senator  Hoar  to,  84-86 ;  letter 
from  Judge  Abbott,  87 ;  his  manner 
of  preparing  his  speeches,  87  ;  belongs 
to  the  glorious  galaxy  of  Massachu- 
setts orators,  88;  Judge  Sheldon 
writes  a  character  sketch  of  him  as 
a  lawyer,  88,  89  ;  his  speech  in  the 
Old  South  Church  in  1877,  91  ;  de- 
livers Fourth  of  July  oration  at 
Lowell,  91-98 ;  his  address  on  Me- 
morial Day  at  Concord,  Mass.,  98- 
105 ;  the  orator  at  the  Semi-Centen- 
nial of  Lowell,  105-117;  his  address 
at  the  dedication  of  the  Unitarian 
Headquarters  at  The  Weirs,  118-121; 
his  speech  delivered  at  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  one  hundred  and  fifteenth 
anniversary  of  the  Battle  of  Lexing- 
ton, 121-125;  speaks  before  the  Uni- 
tarian Club  of  Lowell,  125;  his 
oration  on  General  Butler,  126,  127 ; 


INDEX. 


447 


his  argument  in  the  Groton  Murder 
Case,  127,  128;  his  voice  always 
lifted  in  the  cause  of  humanity,  128  ; 
list  of  occasional  speeches,  128,  129; 
engaged  as  counsel  in  the  Bell  Tele- 
phone cases,  129;  his  eulogy  on 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  129-135; 
his  speech  before  the  Press  Club  of 
Lowell,  1,35-140  ;  tribute  to  Lincoln, 
140 ;  critical  estimate  of  his  oratory, 
140 ;  his  political  career,  145 ;  a 
worthy  leader,  147 ;  his  ambitions, 
149-152;  his  first  public  office,  151  ; 
political  hostility  to,  152;  votes  for 
Greeley  instead  of  Grant,  152,  153; 
always  a  civil-service  reformer,  154, 
225 ;  nominated  for  State  Senate  by 
the  Democrats,  155  ;  his  return  to  the 
Republican  party,  155;  his  confidence 
in  the  common  people,  155 ;  beginning 
of  his  brilliant  work  upon  the  political 
stump,  156 ;  a  man  marked  for  politi- 
cal preferment,  157;  elected  to  the 
Common  Council  of  Lowell,  157;  a 
member  of  the  Lowell  School  Board, 
157;  elected  Mayor  of  Lowell,  157; 
his  influence  early  felt  in  local  politics, 
158;  his  popularity  as  Mayor  of 
Lowell,  159;  his  career  as  Mayor  of 
Lowell,  160,  161  ;  his  tribute  to  Presi- 
dent Garfield,  162 ;  his  speech  on 
Decoration  Day  before  the  Grand 
Army  of  the  Bepublic,  163 ;  his  speech 
at  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Trade  Reception, 
164  ;  the  necessity  of  character  a  basic 
principle  with,  165;  always  joined 
himself  with  the  best  element  in  his 
party,  166  ;  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago 
Convention  in  1884,  166,  167  ;  show 
and  pretence  always  odious  to,  168; 
elected  to  the  Massachusetts  House  of 
Representatives,  169 ;  fails  to  be  re- 
elected,  1 70 ;  newspaper  tributes  to, 
170;  speaks  before  the  Middlesex 
Club  in  Boston,  172;  speaks  before 
the  Catholic  Union,  173  ;  his  name 
mentioned  for  many  prominent  posi- 
tions, 172-174;  delivers  address  be- 
fore the  Melrose  Republican  Club, 
174  ;  urged  to  run  for  Congress,  175 ; 
his  reply,  176;  nominated  by  accla- 
mation for  Congress,  177;  addresses 
the  Boys  in  Blue  in  Lowell,  177; 


elected  to  Congress,  178;  several 
speeches  of  note,  1 79  ;  the  power  of 
his  oratory,  180;  in  Congress,  181; 
his  committees,  184;  his  prominence 
in  debate,  1 86 ;  moves  his  family  to 
Washington,  187  ;  his  letters  home, 
188-190;  his  speeches  in  Congress, 
190-226;  on  Smith  vs.  Jackson,  191- 
200 ;  on  Atkinson  vs.  Pendleton,  200- 
208;  on  Featherstone  vs.  Cate,  209, 
210;  on  Waddill  vs.  Wise,  210-216; 
on  the  Federal  Election  Bill,  216-224; 
on  the  Tariff  Bill,  224 ;  his  return  to 
Lowell,  226;  enters  the  campaign 
against  the  Mugwumps,  227 ;  renom- 
inated  for  Congress,  230 ;  his  defeat, 
230  ;  returns  to  Washington,  232 ;  his 
later  speeches  in  Congress,  232 ;  trib- 
utes to  his  work  in  Congress,  233 ; 
leaves  Washington  without  personal 
regret,  234 ;  his  address  before  the 
Humane  Society,  234;  regarded  by 
Democrats  as  an  extreme  partisan, 
234 ;  "  the  most  dangerous  man  on 
the  Republican  side,"  235 ;  not  an 
extreme  partisan,  235 ;  his  name  con- 
sidered as  a  candidate  for  Governor 
of  Massachusetts,  235;  his  editorial 
on  "  The  Democratic  Situation,"  239- 
243;  on  the  attempt  to  abolish  the 
Governor's  Council,  244;  his  speech 
before  the  Michigan  Republican  Club, 
244 ;  declines  a  renomination  to  Con- 
gress, 245 ;  prominently  mentioned 
for  the  United  States  Senate,  245; 
consents  to  the  use  of  his  name  as  a 
candidate  for  Governor  of  Massachu- 
setts, 246;  nominated  for  Governor 
by  A.  E.  Pillsbury,  251  ;  his  speech  of 
acceptance,  252-254 ;  his  reception  at 
Lowell,  255 ;  T.  B.  Reed's  tribute  to, 
255 ;  his  campaign  speeches,  255 ; 
elected  Governor,  258 ;  his  speech  at 
Taunton,  258-268  ;  demonstration  at 
Lowell  in  honor  of,  268 ;  his  speech, 
269 ;  at  the  summit  of  his  career,  270 ; 
Judge  Lawton's  estimate  of  the  char- 
acter of,  271  ;  his  inauguration  as  Gov- 
ernor, 275 ;  his  inaugural  address,  276  ; 
his  address  before  the  Grand  Army  of 
the  Republic  in  Music  Hall,  Boston, 
281 ;  receives  a  delegation  from  the 
unemployed,  284-290 ;  their  petition, 


448 


INDEX. 


284,  285;  his  address  before  the 
Underwriters'  Association,  292;  pre- 
sents the  petition  of  the  unemployed 
to  the  Legislature,  294 ;  his  desire  to 
call  a  conference  of  the  Republican 
Governors  of  the  New  England  States, 
295;  abolishes  Fast  Day  and  estab- 
lishes Patriots'  Day,  295 ;  his  speech 
at  the  first  celebration  of  Patriots' 
Day  at  Concord,  296-299 ;  reception 
given  by  the  working-people  to,  299  ; 
his  vetoes  to  the  Legislature,  299-305  ; 
his  idea  of  an  ideal  vacation,  305 ;  his 
lecture  on  John  Winthrop,  306-314; 
his  appointments  to  office,  314,  315  ; 
renominated  for  Governor,  316;  his 
address  of  acceptance,  317  ;  re-elected 
Governor,  319  ;  his  tribute  to  Wolcott, 
319  ;  his  Thanksgiving  Proclamation, 
1 894,  320 ;  his  speech  on  Forefathers' 
Day  in  Brooklyn,  321 ;  list  of  his  en- 
gagements during  his  first  term  of 
office,  324 ;  his  second  inauguration 
as  Governor,  325 ;  his  second  inaugu- 
ral address,  325 ;  his  appointments  for 
his  second  term,  326 ;  refuses  to  par- 
don Sanborn  and  Bailey,  326-333  ; 
his  second-term  vetoes,  333-342  ;  in- 
augurates the  work  of  the  Boston 
Subway,  333 ;  signs  bill  giving  new 
charter  to  the  city  of  Boston,  336 ; 
his  speech  at  the  Masonic  celebration 
at  Bunker  Hill  in  commemoration  of 
Gen.  Joseph  Warren,  343 ;  his  reli- 
gious breadth,  344 ;  his  speech  at 
Archbishop  Williams'  Jubilee,  345  ; 
his  address  on  "  The  Citizen  and 
Thanksgiving,"  347 ;  his  address  be- 
fore the  Salvation  Army,  352 ;  his 
speeches  at  agricultural  fairs,  353 ; 
his  lack  of  sympathy  with  the  A.  P. 
A.,  356  ;  nominated  for  his  third  term 
as  Governor,  357  ;  his  speech  of  ac- 
ceptance, 358-360 ;  re-elected  Gover- 
nor for  a  third  term,  362;  his  dedi- 
catory speech  at  Chattanooga,  363  ; 
his  oration  on  Massachusetts  Day  at 
the  Atlanta  Exposition,  368-372 ;  his 
address  on  Kentucky  Day  at  the  At- 
lanta Exposition,  372,  373 ;  speaks  in 
behalf  of  the  Armenians  at  Faneuil 
Hall,  374  ;  his  second  Thanskgiving 
Proclamation,  374 ;  his  third  inaugu- 


ration as  Governor,  376 ;  his  last  in- 
augural address,  376 ;  his  last  pub- 
lic utterance,  380 ;  bust  executed  of, 
380 ;  attends  the  "  Governor's  Ball " 
at  Springfield,  381 ;  his  last  days,  381  ; 
his  death,  382 ;  the  significance  of  his 
career,  383 ;  last  tribute  of  the  State 
to,  383  ;  conclusion,  384 ;  his  poems, 
386-424  ;  his  articles  in  the  "  North 
American  Eeview,"  427-440. 

Greenhalge,  Mrs.  Frederic  Thomas, 
viii ;  characteristics  of,  48  ;  children 
of,  48 ;  felicity  of  her  married  life, 
48 ;  299. 

Greenhalge,  Harriet,  48. 

Greenhalge,  Nesmith,  48,  72. 

Greenhalge,  Richard,  48. 

Greenhalgh,  family  of,  name  changed 
to  Greenhalge  from,  6  ;  the  name  un- 
common in  America,  but  well-known 
in  Lancashire,  6 ;  tombs  in  Parish 
Church,  Bury,  7. 

Greenhalgh,  Captain,  6. 

Greenhalgh,  James,  uncle  of  Governor 
Greenhalge,  letters  from  William 
Greenhalgh  to,  16-19. 

Greenhalgh,  Capt.  John,  7 ;  governor 
of  the  Isle  of  Man,  7  ;  in  the  battles 
of  Wigan  and  Worcester,  7;  death 
of,  7 ;  a  cavalier  and  royalist,  7 ; 
characteristics  of,  7. 

Greenhalgh,  Joseph,  brother  of  Gover- 
nor Greenhalge,  15. 

Greenhalgh,  Richard  Assheton,  9. 

Greenhalgh,  Thomas,  grandfather  of 
Governor  Greenhalge,  9;  his  mar- 
riage to  Anne  Dodson,  9. 

Greenhalgh,  Thomas,  uncle  of  Governor 
Greenhalge,  10;  becomes  proprietor 
of  an  engraving  establishment  at 
Edenfield,  10 ;  moves  to  Manchester, 
10. 

Greenhalgh,  Thomas,  of  Brandlesome 
Hall,  7. 

Greenhalgh,  Thomas,  son  of  Governor 
John  Greenhalgh,  7. 

Greeuhalgh,  William,  father  of  Gover- 
nor Greenhalge,  5 ;  settles  in  Lowell, 
5,  13;  Greenhalge's  respect  and  ad- 
miration for,  9 ;  his  aptitude  for 
painting,  9 ;  his  taste  for  literature, 
9 ;  birth  of,  9 ;  his  marriage  to 
Jane  Slater,  9 ;  in  charge  of  the 


449 


Primrose  Print  Works,  9;  moves  to 
Eshton,  10 ;  moves  to  Edenfield,  10 ; 
becomes  proprietor  of  an  engraving 
establishment,  10;  forms  a  literary 
society,  10;  moves  to  Manchester, 
10;  accepts  a  call  to  Lowell,  11; 
sails  for  America,  1 1 ;  lands  in 
Boston,  13 ;  begins  work  with  the 
Merrimack  Manufacturing  Company, 
13;  oratorical  talent  of,  15;  his  let- 
ters to  friends  in  England,  16-19  ;  his 
fondness  for  Boston,  17, 18  ;  his  plans 
for  his  son,  18 ;  loss  of  work  and 
death  of,  33. 

Greenhalgh,  Mrs.  William,  character- 
istics of,  13. 

Greenhalgh  Castle,  ruins  of,  6. 

Green  School,  the,  at  Lowell,  158. 

Grinnell,  C.  E.,  52,  59. 

Grote,  60. 

Groton  Murder  Case,  the,  Governor 
Greenhalge's  argument  in,  127,  128. 

Guild,  Curtis,  Jr.,  315,  357. 

Gulf  of  Mexico,  the,  220. 

Gustavus,  112. 


HALL,  Department  Commander,  282. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  267. 

Hamilton,  "  Single-Speech,"  180. 

Hampden,  John,  5,  112,  297,  363. 

Hannibal,  79. 

"  Harper's  Weekly,"  241. 

Harris,  Robert  O.,  327. 

Harrison,  President  Benjamin,  176, 
243,  282,  339. 

Hart,  Thomas  N.,  248. 

Hartford  Convention,  the,  80,  428,  431. 

Hartz  Mountains,  the,  63,  104. 

Harvard  College,  Governor  Greenhalge 
admitted  to,  18;  his  life  at,  27 ;  haz- 
ing war  at,  28  ;  burial  of  the  foot-ball 
at,  29;  174. 

Hastings,  Warren,  Governor  Green- 
halge's memorable  debate  on,  27. 

Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  307. 

Healey,  Joseph,  315. 

Hemmenway,  Augustus,  326. 

Henry  V.,  157. 

Henry,  John,  of  Montreal,  427. 

Hercules,  110. 

Hermes,  135. 

Hewitts,  Mr.,  of  Horncliff,  10. 


Higgins,  229. 

Higginson,  Frank,  27. 

Higginson,  Col.  T.   W.,  joint   debate 

with  Greenhalge,  179. 
Highland  Club,  the,  46. 
Hill,  Governor  David  B.,  228,  229,  241, 

243,  320. 

Hinckley,  Wallace,  20,  21,  22,  23. 
Hingham,  308,  311. 
History  Club  of  Lowell,  the,  128. 
Hoar,  Senator  George  F.,  letters    to 

Greenhalge  from,   84-86;   167,  243, 

265,  341. 

Hobart,  Peter,  of  Hingham,  308. 
Holland,  Sir  Henry,  17. 
Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell,  Jr.,  51. 
Holy  Cross  College,  357. 
Holyoke,  334,361. 
Holyoke    Police  Bill,  the,   vetoed  by 

Governor  Greenhalge,  333. 
Homer,  78,  132. 

Hooker,  Gen.  Joseph,  364,  365,  366. 
Hopedale,  177. 
Horace,  78. 
Horncliff,  10. 
Howard,  General,  366. 
Howe,  307. 
Howes,  Osboru,  315. 
Huckleberry  Hill,  58. 
Humane  Society,  the,  46 ;  Greenhalge's 

address  before,  234. 
Huntington  Hall,  230,  254,  268. 
"  Huntington  Hall,"  poem  by  Governor 

Greenhalge,  26. 
Hyder  Ali,  140. 

"Hymn,"  written  by  Governor  Green- 
halge, 73. 


IDAHO,  State  of,  185. 

Illinois,  196. 

Illinois  troops,  the,  34. 

Indiana,  282. 

Indian  Bill,  the,  188. 

Institute  of  1770,  the,  at  Harvard,  27; 
Governor  Greenhalge  rises  to  distinc- 
tion in,  27. 

International  Copyright  Bill,  the,  185. 

Iowa,  215. 

Ireland,  Archbishop,  346. 
Ireland's    Cause."    Governor    Green- 
halge's speech  on,  129. 

Isle  of  Man,  the,  7. 


29 


450 


INDEX. 


Iswell  Vale,  10. 
Italy,  112. 

JACKSON  HALL,  177. 

Jackson,  J.  M.,  Smith  vs.,  191,  202,  233. 

Jackson,  Patrick  Tracy,  109. 

James,  King,  313. 

Jason,  110. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  93,  96,  97,  102,  431. 

Jeffreys,  17. 

Jones,  Paul,  94. 

Jones,  Sir  William,  14. 

Jonson,  Ben,  53. 

"Journalism    and    its  Opportunities," 

Governor   Green  halge's  address    on, 

135-140. 

KANSAS  Aid  Debating  Club,  the,  24. 

Kennebnnkport,  46,  47,  57,  187. 

Kenny,  Colonel,  333. 

Kentucky,  234 ;  at  the  Atlanta  Exposi- 
tion, 372. 

Khedive,  60. 

Kidd,  Benjamin,  321. 

Kitsoii,  Samuel,  executes  a  bust  of  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge,  380. 

Knaseboro,  Yorkshire,  9. 

Knoxville,  363. 

"  LABOR  and  Capital,"  Governor  Green- 
halge's  speech  on,  129. 

Lacedaemon,  132. 

Laced jemonians,  the,  163. 

Lacey,  Mr.,  of  Iowa,  212,  215. 

Lamson,  Alfred,  53. 

Lancashire,  5 ;  the  great  industrial 
'  county  of  England,  5 ;  the  Green- 
halgh  name  well  known  in,  6. 

Langston,  Mr.,  of  Virginia,  81. 

Larcom,  Lucy,  116. 

LaSalle,  112". 

Lawrence,  95,  114. 

Lawton,  George  Field,  315. 

Lawton,  Judge,  41 ;  on  the  ambitions  of 
Greenhalge,  149-152;  on  Green- 
halge's  bolt  of  the  Republican  party, 
153-156;  on  the  accusation  of  parti- 
sanship brought  against  Greenhalge, 
235 ;  on  the  characteristics  of  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge,  271. 

Lawyers,  hold  prominent  positions  in 
every  country,  83. 


Ledge  Hill,  45. 

Lee,  Mr.,  314. 

Lee,  Gen.  Robert  E.',  94, 102. 

Lee,  William,  195,  196,  199. 

Legislation,  Governor  Greenhalge's 
opinion  on,  379. 

"Lessons  of  the  Campaign,"  joint 
debate  between  Col.  T.  W.  Higgiuson 
and  Greenhalge  on,  179. 

"Lessons  of  the  Hour,"  the,  Governor 
Greenhalge's  speech  on,  128. 

Leuctra,  122. 

Lewiston,  254. 

Lexington,  Battle  of,  celebration  of  the 
one  hundred  and  fifteenth  anniver- 
sary of,  121-125. 

Lexington,  Mass.,  113,  122,  296,  299, 
370. 

Lilley,  Judge,  83. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  50,  65,  76,  94  ;  trib- 
utes of  Governor  Greenhalge  to,  140, 
215,  223 ;  373. 

"Literary  Quintette,  Song  of  the," 
written  by  Governor  Greenhalge,  55. 

Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  18. 

Liverpool,  railroad  between  Manchester 
and,  109. 

Livingston,  114. 

Lodge,  Senator  Henry  Cabot,  210,  217, 
232  ;  tribute  to  Greenhalge's  work  in 
Congress,  233 ;  254,  265 ;  renominates 
Greenhalge  for  Governor,  316. 

London,  139. 

Long,  John  D.,  167;  renominates* 
Greenhalge  for  Governor,  357. 

"  Long  Embargo,"  the,  430. 

Longfellow,  Henry  W.,  369. 

Longfellow  House,  the,  in  Cambridge, 
368. 

Longstreet,  General,  366. 

Lookout  Mountain,  364. 

Lord,  J.  B.,  315. 

Louisiana,  the  purchase  of,  430. 

Lowell,  Mass.,  William  Greenhalgh 
settles  in,  5,  11,  13;  largest  manufac- 
turing city  in  America  devoted  to 
production  of  cotton  cloth,  13 ;  its 
mills  and  operatives,  13 ;  beautiful 
situation  of,  14;  population  of,  14; 
Greenhalge  delivers  Fourth  of  July 
oration  in,  91-98;  the  Semi-Centen- 
nial  of,  105-117;  building  of  the  first 
factory  in,  106 ;  the  influences  radi- 


INDEX. 


451 


ating  from,  107  ;  Lowell,  Jackson, 

and  Boott,  108-1 10;  the  first  looms 

of,  110;  growth  of  the  city,  110,  111 ; 

libraries  of,  111;  population  of,  111; 

in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  113; 

lacks  in  local   pride  and   ambition, 

117  ;  a  "very  democratic  place,"  150; 

Greenhalge  elected  Mayor  of,  157. 
Lowell  Boat  Club,  the,  46. 
Lowell  Brass  Band,  the,  23. 
"Lowell  Citizen,"  the,  174. 
"Lowell  Courier,"  the,  171. 
Lowell,  Francis  Cabot,  tribute  to,  108, 

109,  117. 

Lowell  General  Hospital,  the,  46. 
Lowell    High    School,    14 ;    Governor 

Greenhalge  in,  18. 
Lowell,  James  Russell,  67,  74,  116. 
"Lowell  Mail,"  the,  170,  172,  177. 
Lowell  Music  Hall,  46. 
Lowell  Sixth  Regiment,  94. 
"  Lowell  Sun,"  the,  244. 
"  Lowell  Weekly  Sun,"  the,  172. 
Lucullus,  322. 
Luther,  Martin,  360. 
Lysias,  orations  of,  140. 


MACAULAY,  Lord,  17, 49,  60,96,138,308. 

Maine,  295. 

Mammoth  Road,  45. 

Manchester,  England,  William  and 
Thomas  Greenhalgh  move  to,  10; 
railroad  between  Liverpool  and,  109. 

Mansur  Block,  Lowell,  168. 

Marathon,  104,  122,  343. 

Marquis,  112. 

Marryat,  Captain,  24. 

Marston  Moor,  the  field  of,  123,  363. 

Martin,  Gen.  A.  P.,  314. 

"  Martin  Luthers,"  the,  46. 

Maryland,  215. 

Mascuppick  Pond,  44,  45. 

Massachusetts,  Governor  Greenhalge 
defends  the  fame  of,  79 ;  the  Attica 
of  the  New  World,  281  ;  at  the  At- 
lanta Exposition,  369 ;  comes  into 
close  political  sympathy  with  Vir- 
ginia, 430. 

Massachusetts  Regiment,  Twenty-third, 
35. 

Massinger,  53. 

Matthews,  Mayor,  of  Boston,  284. 


McCarthy,  Edward  Dorr,  51. 

McDaniels,  Joseph  H.,  52,  59. 

McEvoy,  116. 

McKinley,  William,  183;  compared 
with  Reed,  183;  introduces  the  re- 
nowned Tariff  Bill,  184 ;  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  185 ;  244,  265. 

McKinley  Bill,  the,  184;  becomes  the 
war-cry  of  the  Democrats,  1 84 ;  causes 
the  defeat  of  the  Republican  party, 
185. 

McMillan,  Mr.,  243. 

Mechanics'  Hall,  383. 

Mechanicsville,  164. 

Medford,  122. 

Meigs  Bill,  the,  306. 

Melbourne,  Lord,  50. 

Mellen,  Representative,  of  Worcester, 
294. 

Melrose,  174. 

Melrose  Republican  Club,  the,  Green- 
halge delivers  an  address  before,  174. 

Memnon,  the  fabled  statue  of,  109. 

Mendelssohn  Quintette  Club,  the,  21. 

Mercury,  135. 

Merrill,  Major,  293. 

Merrimac  River,  the,  14,  16,  17,  46,  54, 
99,  163,  302,  333. 

Merrimack  Manufacturing  Company, 
William  Greenhalgh  takes  charge  of 
the  printing  department  of,  11,  13 ; 
suspends  operations,  33. 

Michigan,  244. 

Michigan  Republican  Club,  the,  244. 

Middlesex,  52,  122,  123. 

Middlesex  Club,  the,  in  Boston,  Green- 
halge speaks  before,  1 72. 

Milan,  119. 

Miles,  Rev.  Mr.,  115. 

Milford,  Mass.,  dedication  of  the  library 
in,  140. 

Mills,  Mr.,  241. 

Milo,  146. 

Miltiades,  123. 

Milton,  John,  108,  113,  140,  313,  427. 

Miner,  Rev.  Dr.,  115. 

Minneapolis,  presidential  convention  at, 
245. 

Mississippi  River,  the,  99. 

Missolonghi,  122. 

Missouri,  194. 

Missouri  Compromise,  the,  131. 

Monadnock,  Mount,  14,  42, 47,  137. 


452 


INDEX. 


Montcalm,  112. 

Montfort,  Simou  de,  363. 

Moore,  Albert,  52,  59. 

Moore,  Judge,  of  Texas,  214. 

More,  Sir  Thomas,  323. 

Moreland,  D.  F.,  314. 

Morse,  Elijah  A.,  202,  358. 

Morton,  "  King,"  310. 

Morton,  Levi  P.,  176. 

Mugwumps,  the,  153,  228,  240. 

Mullhouse,  262. 

Music  Hall,  in  Boston,  180,  281,  315. 


NAHANT,  254. 

Napoleon,  26, 66 ;  understood  the  volatile 
nature  of  the  French,  165;  215. 

Naseby,  the  field  of,  363. 

National  Monument,  the,  dedication  of, 
129. 

Neal,  David,  139. 

Nelson,  Rev.  Nathan,  10. 

Nesmith,  Harriet  Rebecca,  47;  char- 
acteristics of,  47. 

Nesmith,  Isabel,  her  marriage  to  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge,  47.  See  also, 
Greenhalge,  Mrs.  Frederic  Thomas. 

Nesmith,  John,  47 ;  his  friends,  47 ; 
elected  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 47. 

Nesmith,  Thomas,  114,  117. 

New  Berne,  N.  C.,  34,  35,  37. 

Newburyport,  Mass.,  129,  130,  131,  134, 
248. 

New  England,  the  brain  of  our  country, 
66;  with  Virginia  leads  the  way  to 
the  triumph  of  liberty,  430 ;  always  a 
powerful  factor  in  national  affairs, 
431  ;  population  of,  433. 

"  New  England  Supremacy,"  Governor 
Greenhalge's  speech  on,  129. 

New  Hampshire,  295,  302. 

New  Haven,  the  colony  of,  430. 

Newport,  130. 

New  York,  35  ;  population  of,  433. 

New  York,  city  of,  146. 

"  New  York  Evening  Post,"  the,  241. 

New  York,  New  Haven,  and  Hartford 
Railroad,  the,  327. 

"  New  York  Recorder,"  the,  238. 

"  New  York  Sun,"  the,  321. 

Ney,  Marshal,  121. 

Nickerson,  Dr.,  41,  42,  53,  59. 


Niedringhaus,  Mr.,  197. 

Nixon,  Dr.,  45. 

Norman,  John,  57. 

Norman,  Silas,  57. 

North  Abington,  327. 

"North  American  Review,"  the,  295; 

articles  written  by  Greenhalge  for, 

427-440. 

North  Bridge,  the  old,  298. 
North  Carolina,  223. 
North  Carolina  Heavy  Artillery,  First, 

35. 

North  Chelmsford,  59. 
North  Church,  the  old,  in  Boston,  298. 
North  Grammar    School,  the  old,  in 

Lowell,  14 ;  Greenhalge  in,  19. 
North,  Kit,  54. 


OCTAVIUS,  68. 

O'Ferrall,  Mr.,  of  Virginia,  196,  197, 
202,  206,  207,  210,  211,  234. 

Ohio,  184,  195. 

Ohio  County,  204. 

Old  Colony  Railroad,  the,  326,  327, 328. 

"  Old  Harvard  Magazine,"  the,  Gover- 
nor Greenhalge  an  editor  of,  27. 

"Old  Jos,"  16. 

Old  South  Church,  the,  91. 

Old  South  Meeting  House,  the,  3C6. 

O'Neil,  Hon.  J.  H.,  235. 

"Original  Package  Bill,"  the,  185. 

Otis,  James,  102. 

"  Our  Country,"  Governor  Greenhalge's 
speech  on,  129. 

Outhwaite,  Mr.,  of  Ohio,  197. 


PACIFIC  ISLES,  the,  139. 

Paint  and  Oil  Club,  the,  129. 

Palmer,  C.  D.,  59. 

Paris,  102,  139. 

Parish  Church,  Bury,  7. 

Parkman,  Francis,  67. 

Parthenon,  the,  120,  348. 

"Patriot,  the,"  verses  by  Governor 
Greenhalge,  23. 

Patriots'  Day,  established  by  Governor 
Greenhalge,  295  ;  the  first  celebration 
of,  at  Concord,  296 ;  Governor  Green- 
halge's speech  at,  296. 

Paul,  Saint,  120. 

Pawtucket,  R.  I.,  17,  113,  179. 


INDEX. 


453 


Pawtucket  Falls,  17. 

Pendleton,  Atkinson  vs.,  200. 

Pennsylvania,  196. 

Pennsylvania  Club,  the,  129. 

Pension  Bill,  the,  239. 

People's  Club,  the,  46. 

Perham,  Mr.,  315. 

Pericles,  123,  139,  140,  348. 

Perseus,  93. 

Peterboro  Hills,  the,  14. 

Phidias,  348. 

Philip,  140. 

Phillips,  Adelaide,  21. 

Phillips,  Samson  &  Co.,  17. 

Phillips,  Wendell,  47,  88,  115,  128,  141. 

Pickman,  Mayor,  of  Lowell,  268. 

Pilgrim  Fathers,  the,  5,  254. 

Pillsbury,  A.  E.,  246;  withdraws  as 
candidate  for  Governor  of  Massachu- 
setts, 250 ;  nominates  Greenhalge  for 
Governor  at  the  Convention,  251. 

Pisa,  the  Tower  of,  106. 

Pitt,  William,  14,  65,  186. 

Pizarro,  5. 

Plato,  323. 

Platt,  Thomas,  241. 

Plutarch,  67,  78. 

Plymouth,  Mass.,  129,  308. 

Plymouth  County  Fair,  the,  Governor 
Greenhalge's  speech  at,  354. 

Plymouth  Rock,  112,  322,  371. 

Poems,  written  by  Greenhalge,  386-424. 

Pompey,  68,  75,  228. 

Porter,  16. 

Porter,  General,  121. 

Port  Hudson,  99,  277. 

"  Position  of  the  Political  Parties,"  the, 
Greenhalge's  speech  on,  1 79. 

Post,  Albert  Kintzing,  funeral  oration 
at  the  burial  of  the  foot-ball  at  Har- 
vard, 29. 

Post  42,  G.  A.  R.,  46. 

"  Practical  Politics,"  article  written  by 
Greenhalge  on,  434-440. 

Prescott,  179. 

Press  Club  of  Lowell,  the,  135. 

Primrose  Print  Works,  the,  William 
Greenhalgh  in  charge  of,  9. 

Procrustes,  92. 

Prometheus,  102. 

Puget's  Sound,  365. 

Putnam,  179. 

Putnam  County,  193. 


QUAY,  Matthew,  229,  241. 


RAPHAEL,  78. 

Rapid  Transit  in  Boston,  Governor 
Greenhalge's  opinion  regarding,  376. 

Rapid  Transit  Bill,  the,  306. 

Rawle,  Mr.,  222. 

Rebellion,  the  War  of  the,  Lowell  in, 
112,  113. 

Reed,  Thomas  B.,  183  ;  compared  with 
McKinley,  183;  229,  239,  253;  his 
tribute  to  Greenhalge,  257  ;  265. 

Revere,  Paul,  124,  298. 

Revolution,  the  American,  97. 

Revolution,  the  French,  92. 

Rhode  Island,  295. 

Rice,  B.,  315. 

Richardson,  115. 

Richardson,  D.  S.,  51 . 

Richardson,  G.  F.,  51. 

Richmond,  94. 

Robinson,  Ex-Governor,  381. 

Robinson,  John  P.,  115. 

Robinson,  Pard,  194,  199. 

Rockwell,  Mr.  Justice,  110. 

Rogers  Hall  School  for  Girls,  the,  46. 

Rome,  conquests  of,  133,  157. 

Rosecrans,  General,  363,  366- 

Rossetti,  70. 

Rowell,  Mr.,  of  Dlinois,  196. 

Rugby,  27. 

Runnymede,  123. 

Rnskin,  John,  eloquent  philippics  of,  6, 
65;  78. 

Russell,  Hon.  JohnE.,  258,  319. 

Russell,  Governor  William  E.,  236  ;  his 
attempt  to  abolish  the  Governor's 
Council,  244;  chosen  Governor  of 
Massachusetts  for  the  third  time,  246 ; 
271,  368,  374,  385. 


SADOWA,  102. 

Salvation  Army,  the,  Governor  Green- 
halge's address  before,  352. 

Samoa,  229. 

Sanborn,  Captain,  Governor  Greenhalge 
refuses  to  pardon,  326-333. 

San  Domingo,  153. 

San  Lorenzo,  the  sacristy  of,  107. 

Satolli,  Monseigneur,  346. 

Savannah,  364. 


454 


INDEX. 


Scarborough,  Maine,  47. 

Schouler,  116. 

Scott,  A.  D.,  26. 

Scott,  Walter,  67. 

Scripture,  James  O.,  52. 

Sedan,  102. 

"  Self-Government,"  Governor  Green- 
halge's speech  on,  128. 

Semmes,  Mr.,  243. 

Shakespeare,  53,  66,  75,  140. 

Shaw,  Mr.,  170. 

Sheldon,  Judge,  27 ;  writes  of  Governor 
Greenhalge  at  Harvard,  32  ;  character 
sketch  of  Greenhalge  as  a  lawyer, 
89,  90. 

Sheldon,  Henry  D.,  314. 

Sheridan,  General,  366. 

Sherman  Act,  the,  253. 

Sherman,  General,  94,  366. 

Sherman,  Judge,  327. 

Siberia,  the  darkness  of,  93,  123. 

Silver  Bill,  the,  188. 

Silver  Question,  the,  185. 

"Skeleton's  Soliloquy,"  a,  short  story 
by  Governor  Greenhalge,  26. 

Slater,  Jane,  her  marriage  to  William 
Greenhalgh,  9. 

Smith,  Governor,  of  New  Hampshire, 
295. 

Smith,  Sydney,  17,  49. 

Smith  vs.  Jackson,  191,  202,  233. 

Snodgrass,  Lee,  201,  203,  204,  205. 

Society  of  Jesus,  the,  138. 

Sons  of  the  American  Revolution,  the, 
121,  372. 

South,  the  united,  430. 

South  Berwick,  57. 

South  Carolina,  226. 

Spalding  Light  Cavalry,  the,  129. 

Spartans,  the,  163. 

Spenser,  53. 

Sprague,  H.  H.,  326. 

Springer,  Mr.,  of  Illinois,  80,  243. 
Springfield,  381. 

"  Springfield  Republican,"  the,  241,360. 

Standish,  Miles,  112,  117. 

Stanley,  Dean,  60. 

Stanley,  H.  M.,  138. 

Stanton,  Mr.,  315. 

Starkie,  16. 

Stephenson,  George,  109. 

Stevens,  Gorham  Philip,  27. 

Stevens,  Solon  W.,  52. 


"  St.  Louis  Globe-Democrat,"  the,  195. 

Stone,  Mr.,  of  Missouri,  80,  232. 

"  Stonewall  Jackson,"  Governor  Green- 
halge's  speech  on,  128. 

Story,  Justice,  222. 

St.  Peter's,  119,  120. 

St.  Peter's  Total  Abstinence  Society  of 
Lowell,  128. 

Strasburg,  119,  120. 

St.  Thomas  Church,  at  Dover,  New 
Hampshire,  viii. 

Stuart,  House  of,  307. 

Stuart,  Mary,  execution  of,  308. 

Subway  Bill,  the,  306. 

Sullivan,  John  L.,  214. 

Sumner,  Charles,  47,  88,  128 ;  quarrels 
with  Grant,  153;  the  idol  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 154 ;  attacked  by  Brooks, 
154 ;  bolts  Grant's  second  nomination, 
154. 

Sumter,  Fort,  340. 

"  Sunday,"  poem  written  by  Governor 
Greenhalge,  74. 

Superior,  Lake,  220. 

Supreme  Court,  the,  act  for  the  relief  of, 
239. 

Swazey,  Mr.,  130. 

Sweden,  112. 

Sweetser,  115. 

Swift,  General,  122. 

Swift,  Morrison  I.,  284 ;  presents  a  pe- 
tition from  the  unemployed  to  Gover- 
nor Greenhalge,  284-290. 

Swinburne,  67. 


TALLAHOMA,  365. 

Tammany  Hall,  228,  240, 241,  242,  299. 

Tampa  Bay,  365. 

Tariff  Bill,  the,  181 ;  introduced  by 
McKinley,  184 ;  Greenhalge's  de- 
bate upon,  225. 

Taunton,  258. 

Temperance,  Governor  Greenhalge's 
opinions  regarding,  278. 

Tennessee,  45,  365,  366. 

Tennyson,  53,  66,  67. 

Texas,  214. 

Thackeray,  W.  M.,  17,  67. 

Themistocles,  5,  105. 

Thermopylae,  122,  123,  124,  163. 

Theseus,  110. 

Thomas,  General,  304,  366. 


INDEX. 


455 


Thomas,  Mr.,  288. 

Thompson,  Judge,  314. 

Thompson,  Albert  G.,  245. 

Threet  vs.  Clarke,  224. 

Ticknor  &  Fields,  17. 

Timoleon,  victories  of,  78. 

Tracy,  Secretary,  339. 

Trajan,  the  Column  of,  106. 

Tremont  House,  the,  174. 

Tremont  Temple,  177,  229. 

Trout  Bill,   the,  vetoed   by   Governor 

Greenhalge,  301. 
Tuttle,  Farmer,  58. 
Twichell,  Mr.,  306. 
Tyler,  117. 

Tyngsborough,  41,  59. 
Tyng's  Island,  46, 54. 
Tyng's  Pond,  42,  59. 

UNDERWRITERS'  Association,  the,  Gov- 
ernor Greenhalge's  address  before, 
292. 

Unitarian  Church,  the,  at  Lowell,  61. 

Unitarian  Club  of  Lowell,  46;  Gover- 
nor Greenhalge  speaks  before,  125. 

Unitarian  Club  of  Watertown,  the,  129. 

Unitarian  Headquarters  at  The  Weirs, 
dedication  of,  118-121. 

"United  Colonies  of  New  England," 
the,  430. 

VALLEY  FOHGE,  95. 

Van  Bokkelin,  J.  F.,  28. 

Vane,  Governor,  308. 

Vaux,  Mr.,  of  Pennsylvania,  218,  219. 

Vermont,  295. 

Veterans'  Preference  Bill,  the,  vetoed 
by  Governor  Greenhalge,  300,  333, 
337. 

Vicksburg,  94,  99. 

Vienna,  139. 

Virginia,  191 ;  Massachusetts  comes 
into  close  political  sympathy  with, 
430;  with  New  England  leads  the 
way  to  the  triumph  of  liberty,  430. 

Virginia  Bill  of  Rights,  the,  219. 

"Voice,"  the,  Governor  Greenhalge 
one  of  the  editors  of,  26. 

"  Vox  Populi,"  the,  26. 

WADE,  Rufus,  289. 
Waddill  vs.  Wise,  210. 


Wadhill,  Edmund,  Jr.,  216. 

Walker,  Mr.,  of  Indiana,  282. 

Waltham,  106. 

Warland,  116. 

War  of  1812,  the,  429. 

Warren,  Gen.  Joseph,  343. 

Warren,  J.  Collins,  28. 

Washington,  city  of,  71,  154;  Green- 
halge moves  his  family  to,  187. 

Washington,  Professor  Booker  T.,  371. 

Washington,  George,  102,  369. 

Waterloo,  215,  277. 

Watertown,  Mass.,  129. 

Watson,  William,  67. 

Webster,  Daniel,  84,  86,  214,  364. 

Wells,  Mr.,  205. 

Wellsburgh  district,  the,  206. 

Westf ord  Academy,  the,  47. 

West  Virginia,  193. 

Wetzel  County,  202,  204,  205,  207. 

Whalley,  15. 

Wheeling,  city  of,  206. 

Whipple,  114. 

Whipple,  Hon.  J.  J.,  326. 

Whistler,  James,  139. 

White  Mountains,  the,  43,  137. 

Whitney,  Albert  S.,  326. 

Whittemore,  Niles  &  Hall,  17. 

Wigan,  battle  of,  7. 

Wilderness,  battle  of,  86,  94. 

Williams,  Archbishop,  jubilee  of,  344 ; 
Governor  Greenhalge's  speech  at, 
345. 

Williams,  George  Fred,  362. 

Williams,  Roger,  308,  310. 

Willow  Dale,  41,54. 

"  Willow  Dale,"  a  song  by  Governor 
Greenhalge,  42. 

Wilson,  Mr.,  of  Missouri,  204,  207. 

Wilson,  E.  M.,  Governor  of  West  Vir- 
ginia, 199. 

Wilson,  William  Power,  326. 

Winnipiseogee,  114,  119. 

Winslow,  Hon.  Samuel  E.,  315. 

Winthrop,  John,  Governor  Greenhalge 
delivers  a  lecture  on,  306-314;  322. 

Wiuthrop,  John,  Jr.,  Governor  of  Con- 
necticut, 309. 

Winthrop,  Margaret,  312. 

Winthrop,  Robert  C.,  306,  313. 

Winthrop,  Theodore,  307. 

Wise,  George  D.,  of  Virginia,  211,  216. 

Wise,  Waddill  vs.,  210. 


456 


INDEX. 


Woburn   Police   Bill,  the,  vetoed  by 

Governor  Greenhalge,  336. 
Wolcott,    Eoger,  Lieutenant-Governor 

of  Massachusetts',  316  ;  Greenhalge 's 

tribute  to,  319  ;  361,  381. 
Women's   Suffrage,    Governor   Green- 

halge's  opinions  regarding,  280. 
Worcester,  Mass.,  84,  243,  355. 


Worcester,  battle  of,  7. 
Wyoming,  State  of,  185. 

Y.  M.    C.    A.  Trade  Reception,  the, 

Mayor  Greenhalge  speaks  at,  164. 
Yorick  Club,  the,  46. 
York,  Maine,  47. 
Yorkshire,  9. 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  UWAWf  FACILITY 


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